APRIL MEETING, 1919

A Stated Meeting of the Society was held, at the invitation of the President, at his house in Longfellow Park, Cambridge, on Thursday, 24 April, 1919, at eight o’clock in the evening, Fred Norris Robinson, Ph. D., in the chair.

The Records of the last Stated Meeting were read and approved.

The Corresponding Secretary reported that letters accepting Resident Membership had been received from Mr. Samuel Williston and Mr. Morris Gray.

The Rev. Dr. Howard Nicholson Brown of Boston, and Mr. John Lowell of Newton, were elected Resident Members.

The President appointed the following Committees in anticipation of the Annual Meeting:

To nominate candidates for the several offices, — Messrs. Chester Noyes Greenough, Henry Ernest Woods, and James Atkins Noyes.

To examine the Treasurer’s accounts, — Messrs. Robert Gould Shaw and Henry Goddard Pickering.

The President announced that he had been requested by the Council to appoint a Committee on Memorials, whose duty it shall be to identify interesting and important historical sites, especially in Boston, and to solicit the owners to mark them; and that accordingly he had appointed the following: Mr. Charles Sedgwick Rackemann, Chairman, and Messrs. Samuel Chester Clough, Robert Hallowell Gardiner, Henry Goddard Pickering, Richard Clipston Sturgis, John Eliot Thayer, George Wigglesworth, and John Woodbury.

Mr. Chester N. Greenough read the following paper:

JOHN DUNTON AGAIN

Seven years ago, in a paper read before this Society,794 I tried to vindicate John Dunton from the charge of attempting to write history. I now offer a short supplement to that earlier paper.

Dunton, it will be remembered, was a London bookseller, publisher, and miscellaneous writer, who at the age of twenty-seven came to Boston in January, 1686, and remained there or thereabouts until the following July. In 1705, as a part of his Life and Errors, he published a short account of his trip. In 1867 the Prince Society published a very much more extended account of Dunton’s visit drawn from manuscripts in the Bodleian Library, — the so-called Letters from New England. Of these letters, eight in all, six purport to be written from New England and were formerly regarded by some as “unique sketches of New England life, honestly drawn, and defective rather than erroneous.”795 Unique they not improbably are; but they come so far short of being honestly drawn or free from error that they cannot safely be used by anyone who fails to realize Dunton’s extraordinary propensity for borrowing material. His accounts of people and of places are particularly untrustworthy, since for the latter he relies upon Josselyn and for the former upon various seventeenth century writers of “characters,” from whom he copies almost verbatim, though he takes considerable pains to make his work seem original.

The second of Dunton’s eight letters, supposedly written to his brother from Boston,796 and dated February 17, 1685–6, is an account of the voyage. In the course of this voyage Dunton either saw or just missed seeing a most remarkable variety of sea animals, — a whale, flying-fish, shark, tortoise, dolphin, musculus, torpedo, sea-calf, sea-horse, swordfish, thresher, sunfish, porpoise, and alligator.

Each of these he describes, usually to the length of about half a page.

In these descriptions there are several suspicious features. When, for example, we find Dunton writing of the captured whales, “When the victory is got over ’em, and the mighty victim lies at their Conquering Feet, they fearless then survey his huge and massy Body, and tell all his goodly Fins, which like so many Oars in a great Gally do serve to row his Carcase through the Seas at his own pleasure,”797 we feel that the style is obviously unlike Dunton’s. Then there are expressions which suggest either an earlier date than 1686 or a different kind of book from his: “equalizeth,” for instance, in the sense of “is equal to,” “chaps,” for “jaws,” and such forms as “swimmeth,” “hath,” “writeth,” “saith,” “massy,” and such expressions as “in this his large dominion” and “except they be affrighted with the sound of Drums and Trumpets.” Nor is one’s confidence in Dunton increased by his references to Du Bartas and Munster, for with him such apparent ingenuousness usually means not that he has used the originals, but that he has been reading someone who cites them. Moreover, the descriptions of the musculus, dolphin, flying-fish, sunfish, and sea-horse conclude with moral applications which suggest not only an earlier date than Dunton’s, but also a more clerical point of view.798 On the musculus, for instance, which swims before the whale as a guide, Dunton moralizes thus: “Which office of that little Fish, may serve as a fit Emblem to teach Great Ones that they ought not to contemn their Inferiours: There may come a time when the meanest Person may do a Man some good.” Then too the descriptions follow one another rather in the formal order of a treatise than in the casual manner to be expected in an epistolary account of a voyage. Again, the inclusion of the alligator in the fauna of the North Atlantic in January gives considerable ground for skepticism about the whole account; while the conclusion of Dunton’s description of the Tortoise — “it is observable that if any of these Sea-Fowl be taken on the land, . . . they will never give over sighing, sobbing, and weeping, . . . ; yea, even Tears will trickle from their Eyes in great abundance” — certainly looks like one of those statements which caused Joseph Addison mildly to observe of Ferdinand Mendez Pinto that he was “a person of infinite adventure, and unbounded imagination.”

Altogether, there seemed justification enough for suggesting, as, without conclusive proof, I did seven years ago, that the various sailors who told Dunton so much about the fish that they had met had managed to commit to memory large portions of some not very reliable work on natural history.

At any rate, such now appears to be the fact, and my confidence in Dunton was not in the least misplaced. In fact, I underestimated his powers, for he has woven together passages almost literally copied from three books.

The first of these books is a volume of travels, not to New England, but to the East Indies, containing the “familiar letters” concerning his travels which Pietro della Valle wrote to his friend Mario Schipano. They were published in folio at London in 1665, translated by one G. Havers.799 To them is appended an account of Sir Thomas Roe’s voyage to the East Indies, and it is from this part of the book that Dunton borrows.800

The second of Dunton’s sources is a curious work called Speculum Mundi, by one John Swan.801

The third and principal source of Dunton’s borrowings is a most extraordinary work by Daniel Pell, which may be called for short An Improvement of the Sea.802

The extent of these borrowings and the curious way in which passages from different authors are often combined make it seem worth while to reproduce in full Dunton’s fourteen descriptions of sea animals and his sources, arranged in parallel columns. These follow.

The Flying Fish

Dunton’s Source

Dunton

It hath wings like Reere-mice, but of a silver hue; they are much persecuted of the other fishes, and for to escape they flie in flockes, like Stares, or Sparrowes. (A Treatise of Brasill, in Purchas his Pilgrims, Glasgow, 1906, xvi. 487.)

. . .the Flying-fish, whom God out of wisdom has given wings unto, (like a foul) for the preservation of its life in the great waters. This poor creature is often hunted, chased, and pursued, by the Boneto, Porpise, and other ravenous fish, which follow it with as much violence as the hungry hound does the poor silly and shelterless Hare. Insomuch that it is forced one while to fly, and another while to swim; . . . It is observed by the Mariners, that this fish rather than it will bee taken by its enemies in the waters, it will many times betake it self in its flight into ships, or boats. And alas this makes the Proverb good, Out of the frying-pan into the fire. (Pell, p. 199.)

Here we saw great quantities of Sea-fowl flying, which seem’d strange to me so far off of Land, tho’ not quite out of sight of it. But the Mariners told me, that was very ordinary, even when out of sight of Land; for that these Fowls live generally upon Fishes, and indeed they wou’d be often-times popping at ’em: While we were thus observing the Flying Fowles, one of the Seamen affirm’d that he had seen Flying Fishes, and that they had wings like a Rere-Mouse, but of a silver-colour; and that under the Tropick of Capricorn they fly in shoals like stares. Nature has given this fish Wings (as he affirm’d) for the preservation of its Life, for being often pursued by the Beneto, Porpoise, and other ravenous Fish, with the same Eagerness as the hungry Hound pursues the timorous Hare, it is oftentimes forced to save it self by flying. It is observed by the Mariners, That this fish will rather chuse to fly into a Ship or Boat, if any be near, than be taken by its Enemies; tho’ this only makes good the Proverb, Out of the Frying-Pan into the Fire. (Dunton, p. 24.)

The Sea-Hog

Dunton’s Source

Dunton

The Sea-hog, or Swine. This creature is headed like an Hog, toothed, and tusked like a Boar, . . . These beasts take such delight in one anothers company, that they are to be seen in greater troops and herds, than the greatest land-herds of Swine that ever were seen, for they are not comparable unto the multitudes that bee of them, and are in the Seas. (Pell, p. 222.)

The Porpisces or Hogfish. . .are (as if they came of the race of the Gadaren Swine, that ran violently into the Sea) very swift in their motion, and like a company marching in rank and file; They leap or mount very nimbly over the waves, and so down and up again, making a melancholy noise, when they are above the water. These are usually, when they thus appear, certain presagers of very foul weather. (Roe, p. 329.)

I have observed, that when this fish hath been wounded by shot or Harping-iron, that hee is no sooner peirced, and mortally wounded, but every one of the same kinde will follow him with the greatest violence that can bee, striving and contending who should beat him first, and have their teeth and mouthes the deepest, and fastest in his carkass. (Pell, p. 223.)

The weather being a little clear, several Fishes were seen playing abovewater, not far from our Ship, which made me do my utmost with the assistance of Palmer and another of the Passengers, to get above deck again; and indeed I did not lose my labour, for I saw a vast number of Fishes called Sea-hogs, or Porpoises. They were headed much like a Hog, and tooth’d and tusk’d much like a Boar; These Sea-hogs take such delight in one anothers Company, that they swim together in great Numbers, exceeding the largest herd of Swine I ever saw by Land, for those by Land are far inferior for multitude, to those that are in the Seas. These Porpoises, or Hogfish, are very swift in their motion (as if they came of the race of the Gadaren swine that ran violently into the sea) — and are like a company marching in rank and file; they leap or mount very nimbly over the waves and so down and up again, makeing a melancholy noyse when they are above the water: when they appear they are certain presagers of foul weather. There is one thing very remarkable about this Fish, and that is, That if one of them happen to be wounded, either by shott or Harping Iron; the whole Herd pursue him with the greatest fury and violence that may be, seeming to contend who shou’d fall upon him first, and have their Teeth deepest in his Carcase. (Dunton, p. 32.)

The Shark

Dunton’s Source

Dunton

They have in the Salt-water a frequent aspect of the ravenous, feral, and preying sort of fish called a Shark, of whom the Mariner is more afraid than of all the fish in the Sea besides. This Pickroon, if hee can but take any of them bathing themselves . . . hee will tear them limb from limb, so great a lover hee is of the flesh of man. Some have observed of this fish, that they have not stuck to clammer up upon their ship sides, out of a greediness to feed upon the Sailors. . . . To describe you this creature, I must tell you, that he is of very great bulk, and of a double or treble set . . . of teeth, which are as sharp as needles, but God out of his infinite wisdom considering the fierceness, and violence of the creature, has so ordered him, that hee is forced to turn himself upon his back, before hee can have any power over his prey, or otherwise nothing would escape him. (Pell, p. 206.)

My constant indisposition would not suffer me to stay long upon the Deck at a time, and therefore having view’d those Sea-Hogs, I was forc’d to retire again into my Cabin: but Palmer afterwards brought me word that they had seen a Fish called Shark, a very dangerous and ravenous Fish, as the Mariners told me, of whom they are more afraid than of all the Fishes in the Sea beside; for if he chance to meet with any of them in the Water, he seldom suffers them to Escape without the loss of a Limb at least and many times devours the Whole Body; so great a Lover is this Fish of Humane Flesh; insomuch that some have observ’d that they have endeavour’d to clamber up the sides of the Ship, out of a greedy desire of Preying on the Sailors: This Fish, it seems, is of a very great Bulk, with a double or treble set of Teeth, as sharp as Needles: But Nature has so order’d it, that as an allay to his Devouring Nature, he is forc’d to turn himself upon his Back, before he can take his prey, by which means many escape him which else would fall into his Clutches. It is, my Brother, from the Devouring Nature of this Fish, that we call those Men Sharks, who having nothing of their own, make it their business to five upon other Men, and devour their Substance. (Dunton, p. 33.)

The Sun-Fish

Dunton’s Source	Dunton
. . .whose usual property is to come out of the depths in the sweetest and calmest weathers, to lye sleeping and beaking [sic] of himself upon the Surface of the Seas, . . . Mariners sometimes will hoyse out their boats and take them up. It brought into my mind, that it is a very perilous thing for a Christian to bee found asleep (by that mortal and deadly enemy Satan) when and whilst hee is standing Sentinel upon his guard. The Devil is of an indefatigable spirit, ὁ πειράξων, in the present tense, which reports him not to bee lazy but busy, not a loyterer but a stickler, and a stirrer in his pernicious work; . . . (Pell, p. 202.)	Being a little better, I got upon the Deck again, and the weather being pretty clear, the mariners discovered a Fish called the Sun-fish, of a lovely bright and shining colour, whose property it is in Calm weather to come out of the Depths, and fie sleeping and basking itself upon the Surface of the Waters, by which means of ten-times the Mariners have an opportunity of taking them. This, my Brother, made me reflect how dangerous a thing it is for any one to sleep unguarded in the midst of Enemies, especially so industrious and indefatigable an Enemy as the Scripture represents the Great Enemy of our Souls to be, who goes about continually like a roaring Lion, seeking whom he may devour. (Dunton, p. 34.)

The Alligator

Dunton’s Source

Dunton

They have a frequent aspect of that wonderful and impenetrable sort of Beasts which the Mariners call an Alligator. . . . This Beast is of a vast longitude and magnitude (some say many yards in length) in colour, hee is of a dark brown, which makes him the more invisible, and indiscernable when hee lyes his Trapan in the waters. . . . Of such strength is this beast, that no creature is able to make his escape from him, if hee get but his chaps fastened in them. . . . This beast hath his three tyer of teeth in his chaps, and so firmly scaled and armed with coat of Male, that you may as well shoot, or strike upon or at a Rock and Iron, as offer to wound him. (Pell, pp. 228–229.)

Being laid down upon the Bed one Day to repose my self, Palmer comes down to me, and tells me, I had lost the sight of a very great and strange Creature, which our Captain call’d an Alligator; this Creature is of a vast length and breadth, (some say many yards in length:) in colour he is of a dark brown, which makes him the more imperceptable when he lies as a Trapan in the Waters. He is of so vast a strength that no Creature is able to make his Escape from him, if he gets but his Chaps fastened in them; for he has three Tere of Teeth in his Chaps and so firmly sealed [sic] and armed with Coat of Male, that you may as well shoot at a Rock, or strike against Bars of Iron, as offer to wound him. (Dunton, p. 35.)

The Dolphin

Dunton’s Source	Dunton
They oftentimes have a frequent sight of that sociable & companionable Sea-fish, called the Dolphin. Naturalists tell us that these creatures do take great delight to accompany the swiftsailing ships that come through the Seas. . . . I have seen them accompanying of us for a long time together, . . . some swimming on head, some on stem, some on the Starbord-side of us, and othersome on the Larbord, like so many Sea-pages, or Harbingers runing before our wooden horses, as if they were resolved by the best language that fish could give us, to welcome us into and through the waters, and telling us that they would go along with us. (Pell, p. 203.) . . .not so much I think for the love they bear unto man, (as some write,) as to feed themselves with what they find cast overboard: whence it comes to pass, that many times they feed us; for when they swim close to our ships, we often strike them with a broad instrument, full of barbs, called an Harping-iron, . . . This Dolphin may be a fit Emblem of an ill race of people, who under sweet countenances, carry sharp tongues. (Roe, pp. 328–329.) Plinie hath written much of this fish, . . . affirming that he is not onely sociable and desirous of mans company, but delighted also in sweet and sense-charming musick.	I must acquaint you, That whilst I thus lay musing in my Cabin, one of the Seamen came, and told me that they had had a Dolphin swiming a pretty while by the Ship side, as if it did intend to vye with them in sailing: I made what haste I cou’d upon the deck, but came too late to see it, for the sociable Fish had now withdrawn himself: But the account I had of it from them that saw it, was, This Fish takes great Delight in sailing along by those Ships that pass through the Seas; and one of the mariners affirm’d that in some voyages he had seen several of them accompanying their ship, for a long time together; some swimming a head, and some a stem, some on the Starboard, and others on the Larboard side, like so many Sea-Pages attending them, seeming to tell us we were welcome into their Territories; or as if they were resolved to be our safe-conduct thorow ’em. But this is not so much, I think, for the love they bear unto man, (as some write,) as to feed themselves with what they find cast overboard,803 whence it comes to pass, that many times they feed us, for when they swim close to our ships we often strike them with a broad instrument, full of barbs, called an Harping-iron. The Dolphin may be a fit emblem of an ill race of people who under sweet countenances carry sharp tongues. As to their being generally represented as a Crooked Fish, I enquir’d about it, and am inform’d it is only a vulgar errour of the Painters,804 for ’tis a straight a Fish as any swims the Ocean: If I am in an Errour, Brother, I hope you’ll rectifie me, for I am sure you must have seen of ’em in your Voyage to Suratt: Dubartas records of this Fish, that he’s a great Delighter in Musick: on which he has these Verses:
Amongst the fishes that did swiftly throng To dance the measures of his mournfull song,	Among the Fishes that did swiftly throng To dance the measures of his Mournful Song,
There was a Dolphin did the best afford His nimble motions to the trembling chord.	There was a Dolphin that did best afford His Nimble Motions to the Trembling Chord:
But whether that in the storie of Arion be true, I am not able to say. . . . Howbeit this scruple may not take away the love of the Dolphin towards man. For besides those things related in Plinie, of a boy feeding a Dolphin, and carried on his back over the waters to school, . . . others also have in a manner written to the same purpose. And amongst the rest, Ælian tells a storie of a Dolphin and a boy: this boy being very fair, used with his companions to play by the sea side, and to wash with them in the water, practising likewise to swimmer which being perceived by a Dolphin frequenting that coast, the Dolphin fell into a great liking with this boy above the rest, and used very familiarly to swimme by him side by side: . . . sometimes the boy would get upon the Dolphins back, and ride through the waterie territories of Neptunes kingdome, as upon some proud pransing horse, and the Dolphin at all times would bring him safely to the shore again. . . . At last it chanced that the boy, not carefull how he sat upon the fishes back, but unadvisedly laying his belly too close, was by the sharp pricks growing there, wounded to death. And now the Dolphin perceiving by the weight of his bodie, and by the bloud which stained the waters, that the boy was dead, speedily swimmeth with all his force to the land, and there laying him down, for very sorrow died by him. In memorie whereof, let these few lines be added, The fish would live, hut that the hoy must die: The dying boy the living fish torments. The fish tormented hath no time to crie; But with his grief his life he sadly vents. (Swan, 372–373.)	But whether that in the Story of Arion be true I cannot say: — However, very remarkable is the Story related by Pliny, of a Boy feeding a Dolphin, and carried on his back over the Waters to School: They did swim sometimes side by side, and at last, grew so familiar, that sometimes the Boy would get upon the Dolphin’s Back, and ride in Triumph through Neptunes Wat’ry Kingdom, as upon some proud Prancing Horse: At last, it so unhappily fell out, that the Boy careless how he sat upon the Fishes Back, was by his Sharp and brisly Fins wounded to Death: which the commiserating Dolphin straight perceiving swam to the Land, and there laid down his wounded Burden, and for very sorrow Died. In memory whereof, a Poet writes, The Fish would Live, but that the Boy must Dye, The Dying Boy, the Living Fish Torments: The Fish tormented hath no time to cry, But with his Grief, his Life he sadly vents. (Dunton, pp. 37–39.)

The Sword-Fish and the Thresher

Dunton’s Source

Dunton

They have many times a frequent sight of that pleasurable, and most delightful fish-combat that is betwixt the Sword-fish, the Whale, and the Thresher. . .the Sword-fish is so weaponed, and well armed to encounter his enemy, that hee has upon his head a fish-bone that is as long, and as like to a two-edged sword, as any two things in the world resemble one another, save onely that there bee amany of sharp spikes . . . upon either edge of it, and the property of this Fish is to get underneath the Whale, and there to riple him, and rake him all over the belly, which will cause him to roar, and exclaim upon the Theeves that beset him, as if there were a dart in the heart of him, and the Thresher playes his part above table, for when his partner forces him upwards, hee layes on to purpose upon the Whales back, insomuch that his blows are audible two, or three miles in distance, and their rage and fury is so great against the Whale, that one would think they would cut him, and thrash him to peeces. (Pell, pp. 221–222.)

The Mariners discover’d two Fishes of a different sort and size, which they inform’d us were the Sword-fish and the Thresher: and told us they believ’d the Whale was not far off; and when I ask’d what reason they had to suppose so, they told me, That those two Fishes were always at a Truce between themselves, but always at open Wars with the Leviathan: And that nothing was more pleasant, than to see the combat between the Three, i.e. The Sword-fish and the Thresher upon one side, and the Whale on the other. For this Sword-fish is so well weapon’d, and arm’d for an Incounter with its mighty Enemy, that he has upon his Head a Fish-Bone, that’s both as long and as like to a two-edged sword, as any two things can resemble one another, save only that there are a great many sharp spikes on either edge of it: Nature has it seems instructed this Fish what use to make of it; for being thus arm’d the property of this Fish is to get underneath the Whale, and with his Two-edg’d Sword to rake and riple him all over’s Belly, which causes him to roar and bellow at such a prodigious rate, as if a Thousand Darts were sticking in his heart, and then the Thresher, (when by the bellowing of the Whale he understands the Sword-fish is assaulting him below) straight get a top of him and there plays his part, assaulting him with such thick and massy blows, as may be plainly heard at two or three miles distance; and this rage and fury is so great against the Whale, that one wou’d think they’d cut and thrash him all to pieces. (Dunton, pp. 39–40.)

The Whale

Dunton’s Source

Dunton

Verse 32. Hee makes a path to shine after him, one would think the deep to bee hoary. . . . The Whale puts as admirable a beauty upon that part of the Sea his body swims in, as the Sun does upon the Rainbow, by gilding of it with its golden, and irradiating beams. (Pell, p. 219.)

I have seen . . . them . . . sending forth such strange, and prodigious smoaks and fumes, as if there were some Town or Village of smoaking chimneys in the Seas. (Pell, p. 217.)

Now may they take a view of his head, in which are eyes as large as some pewter dishes, and room enough in his mouth for many people to sit in. Now may they look upon his terrible teeth, and handle his great and tree-like tongue, which is upwards of two yards in breadth, and in length longer and thicker than the tallest man that is upon the earth. Out of which part the Marines extract above an Hogshead of Oyle. (Pell, p. 216.)

This creature is of such an incredible . . . strength . . . that in Greenland, (that great Whale-slaughtering place of the world) when they come once to dart an Harping-Iron into him, hee will so rage, rend, and tear, that if there were an hundered . . . shallops neare unto him, hee would make them fly in a thousand shivers into the skyes. (Pell, p. 214.)

When the victory is got over the Whale, then they may go round about him, and tell all his goodly fins, which are as so many Oars upon his sides, to row his great and corpulent carkass to and again in the Seas at his pleasure, which are reckoned tobee three hundered and upwards, and by these hee goes at what rate hee pleases in the waters, as violently as an arrow out of a bow, or a bullet out of a peece of Ordnance. (Pell, p. 216.)

In smooth water, warm, and calm weather, they are now and then to bee seen sporting . . . of themselves, and shewing their great and massy bodies above the waters, unto the aspect of the ships that sail hard by them in the Seas. One while rising up, and another while falling down, one while appearing, and by and by disappearing. (Pell, p. 217.)

. . .Some Whales . . . in calm weather often arise and shew themselves on the top of the water, where they appear like unto great Rocks, in their rise spouting up into the Air with noise, a great quantity of water, which falls down again about them like a showre. The Whale may well challenge the Principality of the Sea, yet I suppose that he hath many enemies in this his large Dominion; for instance, a little long Fish called a Thresher, often encounters with him; who by his agility vexeth him as much in the Sea, as a little Bee in Summer, doth a great Beast on the shore. (Roe, p. 327.)

Munster writeth, that near unto Ireland there be great whales whose bigness equalizeth the hills and mightie mountains, . . . and these (saith he) will drown and overthrow ships except they be affrighted with the sound of trumpets and drummes . . . (Swan, p. 360.)

Whilst we all were walking up and down, it was my hap to fix my Eye on something I knew not what, which unto me seem’d like a moving Rock; and shewing of it to a Seaman, we soon discover’d it to be one of those floating Mountains of the Sea, the Whale: As we came nearer him, I saw his very Breath put all the Water round in such a ferment, as made the very sea boyl like a Pot. I do confess I had a very great desire to take a more particular view of him, because GOD gives him such an Elaborate and accurate Description in the 41st of Job: And this I particularly observ’d, That the Sun shining upon him, cast a very orient Reflection upon the Water; which is also confirm’d by the Description given of him, Job 41:32. He maketh a path to shine after him, one wou’d think the Deep to be hoary: Another thing I observ’d was, That there was so great a smoak where he was, that it seem’d to me as if there had been a Town full of Smoaking Chimneys in the midst of the Sea. I do confess I never saw so large and formidable Creature in my Life. He appear’d to me as big as either of the Holmes’s, two little Islands that lie at the mouth of the Severn, near Bristol in England. It was impossible for me to take the True Dimensions of him: His Eyes are as large as two great Pewter-Dishes, and there’s room enough in his Mouth for many People to sit round in, as those that have been at the Taking of them affirm. His teeth are terrible, and his Tongue is above two yards in breadth, and in length exceeds the tallest man on Earth, out of which they extract above a Hogshead of Oyl. Ex pede Hercules. I have been told that the Whale is of such incredible strength, that in Greenland (where most of them are taken) when they come once to dart an Harping-iron into ’em, they rage and rend at so extravagant a rate, that if there were an hundred Shallops near him, he’d make ’em fly into a thousand shivers, and send ’em up into the Skies. When the victory is got over ’em, and the mighty victim lies at their Conquering Feet, they fearless then survey his huge and massy Body, and tell all his goodly Fins, which like so many Oars in a great Gaily do serve to row his Carcase through the Seas at his own pleasure: and they are reckoned by the most curious Anatomists of him to be above three hundred, and by these he can go, if he pleases, with that swiftness and violence, as Arrows scarce fly swifter from a Bow, nor Bullet from a piece of Ordnance. The Seamen tell me, That in smooth Water and calm weather, they are often seen sporting of themselves, and shewing their great and massy Bodies upon the Surface of the Waters, easily discernible by Ships that sail hard by ’em in the Seas, one while rising up, and in a little time fall down again and disappear. Some whales in calm weather often arise and shew themselves on the top of the water, where they appear like unto great Rocks, in their rise, spouting up into the Ayr with noyse, a great quantity of water which falls down again about them like a showr. The Whale may well challenge the Principalitie of the Sea, yet I suppose that he hath many enemies in this his large Dominion; for instance, a little long Fish called a Thresher often encounters with him, who by his agilitie vexeth him as much in the Sea, as a little Bee in Summer, doth a great Beast on the shore. Munster writeth, That near unto Ireland, there be great Whales whose Bigness equalizeth the Hills and mighty Mountains; and these, saith he, will drown and overthrow the greatest ships, except they be afrighted with the sound of Drums and Trumpets. (Dunton, pp. 42–44.)

The Musculus

Dunton’s Source

Dunton

Plinie writeth of a little fish called Musculus, which is a great friend to the whale: for the whale being big would many times endanger her self between rocks and narrow straits, were it not for this little fish, which swimmeth as a guide before her. Whereupon Du Bartas descants thus,

A little fish that swimming still before Directs him safe from rock, from shelf and shore:

Much like a child that loving leads about His aged father when his eyes be out;

Still wafting him through ev’ry way so right,

That reft of eyes he seems not reft of sight.

Which office of that little fish, may serve as a fit embleme to teach great ones and superiours, that they ought not to contemne their inferiours; for they are not alwayes able so to subsist of themselves, that they never stand in need of their helps who are but mean and base in the eyes of greatnesse: there may come a time when the meanest person may do some good, and therefore there is no time wherein we ought to scorn such a one, how mean soever he be. (Swan, p. 362.)

Pliny writes of a little Fish called Musculus, which is a great Friend to the Whale; for the Whale being big, wou’d many times endanger her self between Rocks and narrow straits, were it not for this little Fish which swimmeth as a Guide before her. Whereupon Dubartus descants thus:

A little Fish, that swimming still before,

Directs him safe, from Rock, from Shelf, from Shore:

Much like a Child, that living Leads about

His Aged Father when his eyes are out:

Still wafting him through every way so right,

That reft of Eyes, he seems not reft of sight.

Which office of that little Fish, may serve as a fit Emblem to teach Great Ones that they ought not to contemn their Inferiours: There may come a time when the meanest Person may do a Man some good; and therefore there is no time wherein we ought to scorn such a one. To conclude, my Brother, and sum up all I have to say of him in one word, That what the Spirit of God says of Behemoth, I may say of the Leviathan, as to the Sea at least, He is the Chief of the Ways of God. (Dunton, p. 44.)

The Calamorie

Dunton’s Source

Dunton

The Calamarie is sometimes called the Sea-clerk, having as it were a knife and a pen. Some call him the Ink-hornfish, because he hath a black skinne like ink, which serveth him in stead of bloud. And of these fishes there be more kinds than one: for the Cuttle hath also an inkie juice in stead of bloud. . . . Plinie, . . . affirmeth that both male and female, when they find themselves so farre forth discovered, that if they cannot be hid they must be taken, do then cast this their ink into the water; and so by colouring it, they obscure and darken it: and the water being darkened, they escape.

For through the clouds of this black inkie night,

They dazling passe the greedie fishers sight.

(Swan, pp. 378–379.)

About this time we discover’d another Sea-Wonder, to wit, a Fish called a Calamorie; which some call the Ink-horn-Fish, because he hath a black Skin like Ink, which Serveth him instead of Blood; When they are like to be taken, they then cast their Ink into the Water, and so by colouring it, they obscure and darken it, and the Water being darken’d, they escape.

For through the Clouds of this dark Inky Night,

They dazling pass the greedy Fishers Sight.

(Dunton, pp. 45–46.)

The Torpedo

Dunton’s Source

Dunton

The Torpedo, or the Cramp-fish, . . . is indued with a very prodigious & clandestine quality, if it be but touched, or handled, the body is presently stunned, and benummed, as an hand or leg that is dead, and without all feeling. I have known some that have taken of this kinde at unawares . . . They have been for some hours in a very desponding estate, whether they should ever recover their pristine constitution, and health again, or no? (Pell, p. 226.)

During the time that we were lolling and rowling thus upon the restless Ocean, our Mariners discover’d that admirable Wonder of the Torpedo, or Cramfish, a Fish much better to behold than handle, for it has this prodigious, yet clandestine quality, that if it be but touch’d or handled, the person touching it is presently benummed, as a Hand or Leg, that is Dead, and without feeling: In which condition they sometimes continue for two or three Days together; and with difficulty obtaining the use of their Limbs again. (Dunton, p. 46.)

The Sea-Horse

Dunton’s Source	Dunton
In their voyages to Greenland. . .they have . . . hot disputes and skirmishes with the great and warlike Horses of the Seas, which . . . range upon the land, in great, and (almost) innumerable Troops. Sometimes by three or four hundred in a flock; sometimes more, and sometimes less. Their great desire is to roost themselves on land in the warm Sun; and whilst they adventure to fall asleep, by their appointment, they give orders out to one of the company to stand sentinel his hour, or such a certain time, and upon the expiration of it, another takes his turn upon the watch whilst the rest sleep, during such time till it goes round amongst them. And provided any enemy approach them, the Sentinel will neigh, beat, kick, and strike upon their bodies, and never leave till hee hath rowsed them up out of their snorting slumbers to shift for themselves, and betake themselves to the Seas. But Sailors being too cunning for them, get betwixt them and the Sea, and fall a beating out the brains of the first that comes to hand . . . and . . . many . . . have averred that they have killed of them whilst they have been no longer able for want of breath and strength. And the reason why they kill so many of these creatures is, because their teeth is of great worth and value, and very vendable in the Southern parts of the world.	But that which brought us. the first Dawning of Hope, with respect to the Discovery of Land, was the Discovery which one of the Seamen made, of three or four great Fishes, which he call’d Sea-Horses; and not without reason, for their fore-parts were the perfect figure of a Horse, but their hinder parts perfect Fish; when the rest of the Seamen saw these Creatures, they all rejoyc’d, and said we were not far from Land; the reason of which was, That these Sea-Horses were Creatures that took a great delight in sleeping on the Shore, and therefore were never seen but near the Shore: This was but a collateral Comfort, for tho’ these Sea-Horses delight in Sleeping on the Shore, yet they might swim two or three hundred Leagues into the Sea for all that: But we that look’d upon our selves in a perishing Condition, were willing to lay hold on any little Twigg of Hope, to keep our Spirits up. One of the Seamen that had formerly made a Greenland Voyage for Whale-Fishing, told us that in that Country he had seen very great Troops of those Sea-Horses ranging upon Land, sometimes three or four hundred in a Troop: Their great desire, he says, is to roost themselves on Land in the Warm Sun; and Whilst they sleep, they appoint one to stand Centinel, and watch a certain time; and when that time’s expir’d, another takes his place of Watching, and the first Centinel goes to sleep, &c. observing the strict Discipline, as a Body of Well-regulated Troops. And if it happen that at any time an Enemy approach, the Centinel will neigh, and beat, and kick, and strike upon their Bodies, and never leave till he has wak’d ’em; and then they ran together into the Seas for shelter. But for all this Caution, the Sailors are, it seems too cunning for them; and get between them and the Sea, and beat out the Brains of the first that comes to hand; and so have done, till they have kill’d so long, that they have wanted strength to kill another; and that which moves the Seamen to this cruelty, is, because their Teeth are of great worth and value, and are a very vendible Commodity in the Southern parts of the World. And since it is the Shore on which these Creatures meet with this Destruction; and that if they had kept at Sea, they had been safe: I cou’d not but reflect, That those who leave their settled stations, whether out of Principles of Profit or of Pleasure, and will be trying New Experiments, and putting of New Projects on the Tenters, do often times make very poor Returns; and are convinc’d it had been better for ’em to have kept that station which Providence at first had put ’em in. (Dunton, pp. 47–48.)
From this Creature I have learned to apply thus much unto my self in particular, That it is a very dangerous thing for a man to bee out of his general and particular Calling. (Pell, p. 209.)

The Sea-Calf

Dunton’s Source

Dunton

They are not without a frequent sight of that admirable fish called the Sea-calf, which is both headed and haired like a Calf, swiming oftentimes with his head above water. There be very many of this kinde, in, and about the several Islands in Scotland. . ., at night they will come on shore to sleep and rest themselves, and early in the morning, they will betake themselves to the Sea, not daring to stay on land for fear of surprizals. (Pell, p. 224.)

The next day after our Codfishing was over, and they were all gone out of sight, I know not whither, we discover’d a Fish call’d the Sea-calf, whose Head and Hair’s exactly like a Calf’s: This Creature’s an amphibious Animal, living sometimes at Sea, and sometimes on Land: I am told there are several of this kind of Creatines in the Islands about Scotland, (but more of that in my rambles thither,) and that at night they will come on Shore to sleep and rest themselves; and early in the morning return to Sea, not daring to stay on Land, for fear of surprisals. This Fish was a further Inducement to our Sea-men to believe that we were upon the Coast of America, and very neer Land: And these distant Hopes we Emprov’d for our support the best we cou’d. (Dunton, p. 48.)

The Tortoise

Dunton’s Source

Dunton

They axe not destitute of a frequent aspect of that wonderful, and Jehovah-extolling-creature called the Sea-Turtle, or the Tortoise. This Bird-fish at the time of the year constantly leaves the Sea, and betakes her self to the shore, where shee will shoot an infinite number of Eggs, and cover them in the sand, and as soon as ever she hath done, shee departs the place, and makes for the Sea again, not daring to stay and brood them, as other birds will do, because shee hath no wings to flye withall, and to help her self, if in case shee should bee set at. And when her young ones are once hatched (which come to that maturity by reason of that warmth that is in the sand) they will go as directly towards the Sea, as if they had been in it many a time before they had their being, and although the Sea bee a mile or two from the place, the old one left her Eggs in, out of a natural instinct they will finde the Sea, although it bee out of sight.

It is observable, that if any of these Sea-fowl bee taken on land (as oftentimes they are by Sea-men) that they will never give over sighing, sobbing, weeping, and bewayling of their Captivity as long as life is in them, tears will drill, and trickle from their Eyes as from children, in great abundance. (Pell, pp. 224–225.)

This morning we saw a Sea-Turtle, or Tortoise, (which it seems are frequent on the New-England Coast:) And its flesh is a very delicious Food. It is the property of this Creature at one time in the year constantly to leave the Seas, and betake her self to the Shore, where she will lay an infinite number of Eggs, and cover them in the Sand; and as soon as she has done, she leaves them, and goes to Sea again, not daring to sit and hatch them, as other Birds will do, because she has no wings to fly away, in case of an attack. And when her young ones by the Heat of the Sun are hatch’d they’ll all go as directly to the Sea, as if they had been there before, or that they had been bred in’t; yea, tho’ sometimes the old one leaves her eggs a mile or two from Sea, and quite out of sight on’t; such is the mighty Power of Natural Instinct. It is observable, that if any of these Sea-fowl be taken on the Land, as oftentimes they are by Sea-Men, that they will never give over sighing, sobbing, and weeping, as long as Life is in them; yea, even Tears will trickle from their Eyes in great abundance. (Dunton, p. 52).

These borrowings amount in all to twenty-one, — one from Purchas, three from Roe, four from Swan, and thirteen from Pell. If to these we add the eighty-four cases previously indicated,805 John Dunton’s total score of passages incorporating borrowed material reaches the not inconsiderable figure of one hundred and five. The relative proportions of original and borrowed matter in the passages referred to in this article are approximately as follows: of matter borrowed from Roe, seven per cent; from Swan, fourteen per cent; from Pell, fifty-eight per cent; and of matter apparently original, twenty-one per cent.806

The way in which these sources came to my notice prompts me to make two observations that may perhaps be of interest to those engaged in similar investigations. After having spent many hours in fruitless efforts to find these authors by turning over such books of voyages as I could think of, and after having with similar lack of success pursued the search from the point of view of zoölogy,807 I at length remembered that Dunton is a person who copies not merely ideas but also words. I accordingly made a short list of unusual words used by Dunton in these descriptions. Two of these words were “harping-iron” (i.e., harpoon) and “calamorie.” Looking up the first of these in the invaluable Oxford Dictionary, I found, ascribed to Pietro della Valle, a sentence which I remembered in Dunton; and similarly the article on “calamorie” in the Oxford Dictionary led me to John Swan. To those, therefore, who deal with authors that are in the habit of borrowing without much change of phrasing, I recommend the Oxford Dictionary.

Pell was much harder to find. Indeed I should probably have missed Pell altogether if it had not been for the late Daniel Butler Fearing. There could hardly be a severer test of the range of Mr. Fearing’s great collection of books on angling than to search in it for such a book as Pell’s. Fortunately, the officials of the Harvard Library, to which Mr. Fearing’s collection came in 1915,808 have arranged in chronological order some of the older angling books. As a result I found Pell within an hour after the notion of looking through the Fearing Collection first occurred to me. This seems to me a striking illustration of the help that a great collection of “dead” books may give to workers in fields apparently remote from that of their collector.

These passages about the sea-animals in John Dunton — particularly since the more misleading parts of his letters have been cleared up — were perhaps not so likely to mislead historians of New England as to justify the labor of discovering their sources. Nor has any zoölogist, so far as I know, ever been tempted to cite Dunton as evidence that alligators formerly abounded in the North Atlantic. But to trace Dunton’s sources is at least an amusing pastime, and it throws some additional light on his methods. These methods are so extraordinary that I have long since ceased to be astonished at anything he does. Yet I do confess to some surprise, in view of these revelations concerning Dunton, at one sentence in his account of the whale: he was particularly glad to see a whale, he says, “because GOD gives him such an Elaborate and accurate Description in the 41^st of Job.” I must say that when Dunton ventures to comment on the accuracy of God, he seems to me to be going pretty strong, even for him.

Mr. Samuel C. Clough exhibited a map of Boston in 1648, measuring nine by five feet, drawn by himself, and spoke as follows:

When I became interested in the history of Boston, some twenty years ago, my study fell naturally into line with that of my profession as an engineer, draughtsman, and cartographer. Although there was a great deal of published matter in the form of histories, guide books, pamphlets and brochures, very little had been done to visualize this information. The absence of such data and the reason for this absence so excited my curiosity that, in an effort to supply the deficiency, I at once became a willing and enthusiastic student of our topography. In Mr. Whitmore’s Introduction to the second volume of the Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports he thus refers to George Lamb’s map of Boston founded on the Book of Possessions: “It is a very creditable beginning, but the boundary lines are purely imaginary, and will require almost entire revision. This must be the work of years, if correctness is attainable at all.” This challenge alone, at the outset of my work, acted as an incentive more powerful than any prize which might have been offered. Research of this kind had always appealed to me, and surveying and mapping became a hobby as well as a business; yet after a thorough investigation of what would constitute a reliable map of Boston at this early period, my ardor was somewhat cooled and for a time I abandoned all idea of producing one.

My estimate of the requirements was as follows:

(1) A good, dependable base-map as a starting-point.

(2) The correction of this base-map, by street changes, back to John G. Hales’s survey of 1814, thence, further back, to Osgood Carleton’s survey of 1795. From that date all the street changes would have to be gleaned from the numerous Reports of the Record Commissioners, and from such plans as were available in the office of the City Engineer.

(3) The copying or abstracting at the Suffolk Registry of Deeds of all such data as would verify and establish the street and property lines. My first intention was to abstract thirty volumes; the work has required the abstracting of more than seventy-six volumes.

(4) Abstracting all data affecting real estate found in the Town Records, the Suffolk Probate Office, the Note Books of Lechford and Aspinwall, and the Diaries of Chief-Justice Sewall and others. The Records of the First Church also would have to be copied.

(5) Aside from this copying or abstracting would be the systematic filing, sorting and arranging necessary to bring all this information into line for any particular date or period, which would also require a vast amount of indexing and cross-referencing. Truly, I felt that Whitmore had stated the case none too strongly when he said “this must be the work of years.”

My interest in the study of the topography of Boston, however, was by no means lost, but merely arrested, and I soon began to plot, on a 50-foot scale, two-thirds of the estates listed in the United States Direct Tax of 1798.809 This led to the harder task of making a set of yearly plans (from 1630 to 1800) of the district known as the Town Dock, embracing the area between the present North Street, Dock Square, Washington Street, State Street and the water. It was the success of this undertaking which impelled me to revert to my original project of treating the entire town in the same manner, and to-day I am happy to say that I have completed this task and have my information so systematized that I can not only exhibit this map of the town as it was in 1648, but can produce a similar map of Boston at any other date prior to 1800.

The work has entailed plottings of 50 feet to the inch, by decennial periods, of a good part of the town, in some instances using as large a scale as 20 feet to the inch.

Shortly before making this map I compiled a plan of the entire town in 1678 on a scale of 50 feet to an inch. This was done in sections, as there is no paper wide enough to plot the entire town on that scale, which would make a map twice the size of the one now exhibited.

The map before you is based entirely on information drawn from what are recognized as original and reliable sources and in no instance has any similar work been used in its production. Our knowledge of the size and location of the several buildings on the lots in 1648 is meagre, but such references as are found in the public records, and in notations in subsequent deeds wherein these properties have been divided or alienated, have been carefully followed in order to produce, as nearly as possible, a correct map of this period.

The irregularities which appear in many of the property lines are the result of plotting the actual dimensions recorded in deeds and proved by conveyances of the abutting properties: in fact, the plotting of the estates has been done by piecing together an enormous picture-puzzle in which each piece has a definite place, and all together form a perfect whole.

There are about 350 buildings shown on this map, 315 being dwellings; of the remainder, there are two churches, a schoolhouse, jail, three tide mills and two wind mills; the other buildings are stables, warehouses and shops.

In conclusion, let me say that it is through the plotting of such maps as this that one realizes under what a handicap some of our hard-working, conscientious historians have labored in the past. There are many instances where deeds and notations have been mislocated and I myself, in sorting my data, have been at times perplexed by the fact that some long-standing popular opinion did not fit the topographical conditions. These erroneous opinions, in many cases, were due to centering partial or inaccurate information around some specific landmark, — the mistake of treating separately some particular section of the town instead of dealing with the subject in its entirety. There are many reasons for these misplacements, which it would take too much time now to explain, among the principal ones being the numerous separate holdings by the same person, misinterpretation of street appellations, and in many instances mistakes or twists in the compass-points used in the deeds.

As already said, the plan before you is merely a rough, working, base-map to be used only in plotting the different sections of the town upon a larger scale, and upon this I am now engaged.

Mr. John W. Farwell exhibited a charter party dated at Boston, 22 October, 1659, between John Jackson of Boston, master of the ketch Rebecca, and Mahalaleel Munnings of Boston, merchant, in behalf of John Allen of Barbados. As Munnings died before the completion of the voyage, and as Allen refused to pay the amount due in Barbados, a suit was brought against John Wiswall and Hannah Munnings (a daughter of Wiswall and. the widow of Munnings), the administrators of Munnings’s estate810. The document follows:

This Charter party Indentid of a fraightment made the two and twentieth day of October, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand six hundred fifty and nine, Betweene John Jackson of Boston in the Massachusetts Colonie of New-England Master of the Catch Called or Knowne by the name of the Rebecca, now rideing at Anchor in the River of the said Boston burthen about sixty tuns, In behalfe of the owners of the said catch of the one part, And Mahalaleell Munnings of the said Boston Merchant in the behalfe of M^r John Allen of Barbadoes Merchant on the other part, Witnesseth that the said John Jackson hath leaten the said catch with all her furniture, to fraight to the said Mahalaleell Munnings And that the said Mahalaleell Munnings in the behalfe of the said Allen, hath hired the said Catch for a voyage with her to be made by Gods grace from the said Boston to Puscataque, there to take in her full ladeing, and from thence to the Maderes, from the Maderes to the Barbadoes, and from hence to the Luard Islands (if the said merchant see cause), and so to the said Boston as her last port of discharge, which said Catch is to be ymployed in the service of the said merchant his factors agents or assignes for six months certayne and eight months vncertayne, from the twenty fourth Day of this present October. And that the said John Jackson the said master in behalfe of the said owners, doth covenant and grannt to and with the said Marchant, That they the said owners shall and will sufficiently victuall and man the said Catch during the whole voyage, untill she com to her said last discharging Port. The Seamen belonging to the said Catch with the said Master to be eight in number, and one boy, And that the said Master and owners shall provide all other things necessary for the said Catch in all the said voyage from Port to Port as a aforesaid, for and in consideration of which the said Mahalaleell Munnings the said Merchant doe by these presents for himselfe his executors and administrators covenant and grannt to and with the said John Jackson the said Master his executors administrators and assignes, That he the said merchant his executors administrators agents or assignes, shall and will pay or cause to be paid vnto him the said Master in behalfe of the said owners their executors or assignes the sum̄e of seauventy pounds ꝑ month at some convenient stoore house in S^t Michaells towne in the said Barbadoes in good drey well cured m^rchantable muscavadoe sugar at three pence per pound, within twenty days after the paid Catches arrivall at the said place in the Barbadoes aforesaid. And what is not paid at the said place of the Barbadoes, To be here paid in the said Boston as her last Port of Discharge within tenn Dayes after her arrivall and Discharge as aforesaid, videƚt one third part thereof in money and coyne of New England, one third in merchantable provisions at currant price and the other third ꝑte thereof in English goods, The said vessell to enter in pay on the said twenty fourth Day of this present October. And the said John Jackson the said Master in the behalfe of the said owners, doth by these presents covenant and grannt to and with the said Merchant his executors administrators Agents or assignes, That he the said Merchant his executors administrators agents or assignes, shall and may haue the said Catch seamen and boate, ready vpon all occasions to serue the said m̄ch^t his executors administrators agents or assignes to and from land in any navigable river or rivers in any of the said Port or Ports During the whole tyme of the said voyage, according to the Custome of the said place or places aforesaid. And the said John Jackson the said Master in behalfe of the said owners of the said Catch, doth by these p^r sents for himselfe covenant promise grannt and warrant That the said Catch shalbe During the whole tyme of the said voyage as aforesaid strong and stanch and well and sufficiently tackled calked apparrelled and furnished, with masts sayles sayle yards Anchors cables ropes cords tackle apparrell boate and furniture meete and convenient for such a vessell and such a voyage And to all and singular the covenants grannts and agrem^ts herein specified which on the part of the said John Jackson the said master in behalfe of the said owners ar to be kept and ꝑformed in all things as aforesaid, he the said John Jackson doth bind the said Catch with all her furniture vnto the said merchant his executors and administrators in the penalty & sum̄e of fiue hundred pounds sterling payable in Boston aforesaid, And in like manner the said Mahalaleell Munnings the said merchant to all the covenants and agrem^ts herein specified which on his part ar to be ꝑformed and kept, he binds himselfe his executors and administrators vnto the said John Jackson the said Master in the like sum̄e of fiue hundred pounds sterling payable in Boston as aforesaid. In Witness whereof the said John Jackson the said Master in behalfe of the said owners on the one part and the said Mahalaleell Munnings the said merchant on the other part have herevnto interchangably put their hands and seales the day and yeare first above written.

Signed sealed and deliūed in the p^rsence

John Davis

his O marke

Mahalaleel Munnings[Seal]

Ita Attest ꝑ Robert Howard Not: pubƚ:

[On the back]

These p^rsents Witnesseth That I John Jackson of Boston the within mentioned Master of the Ketch Rebecca Doe assigne over this Charter ꝑtie Writen one the other side my right & Title: the full extent thereof in all ꝑticulers vnto M^r Christopher Chark in the behalf of himself & owners: to be & remaine to them their executors & assignes To their sole vse & behoof forever Witnes my hand the one and twentie daye of Aprell Anno: one thousand six hundred & sixtie

John Jackson

Witnes heereunto

Willim̄ Howard

View of Harvard College about 1807

Engraved for The Colonial Society of Massachusetts form the original in the possession of the American Antiquarian Society

June 11 1660

John Jackson did acknowledge this assignem^t and subscribed to the same his hand

Ri. Bellingham deꝑ^t gov^r

These p^r esents Witneseth That I Christopher Clark of Boston haueing this Instrument or Charter ꝑtie assigned vnto mee by John Jackson now of Boston as is aboue sayd ffor & in Consideration that M^r Willim̄ Browne of Salam is the Cheife & prinsiple owner of the ketch abouesayd, I doe therefore assign ouer this sayd Charter ꝑtie writen as one the other side the full extent thereof in all ꝑticulers, as it was assigned vnto mee as aboue To be & remaine to him the sayd Willim Browne In the behalf of himself and the rest of the owners, their executors & assignes To his & their sole vse & behoof for ever Witnes heerevnto my hand this eight of May Anno: one thousand six hundred and sixtie

Christopher Clarke

Witnes hereunto

Jn^o Paine

Wm Howard

June 11 1660

Christofer Clarke did acknowledge this his assignem^t āffd y^t that he did subscribe the same

Ri. Bellingham deꝑ^t. gov^r

W^m Hayward came before me this 11°. 4′. 1660 and did testifie upon oath that he see the above named John Jackson and Christofer Clarke when each of them did subscribe their names to these several assignments

Ri. Bellingham Deꝑ^t Gov^r

[Endorsed]

The papers yt Conserens	Charter ꝑty Mahalaleel
M^r Browns Action	Munnings to John Jackson

Mr. Waldo Lincoln exhibited a water-color view of Harvard College, made about 1807, and remarked upon some features of the buildings portrayed. It belongs to the American Antiquarian Society, by whose courtesy it is here reproduced.

Mr. William C. Lane has written the following comment:

In connection with this early view of Harvard University, it is interesting to note that a print of the same view has been in the possession of the Harvard Library since June, 1888, when it was received from the “heirs of Eliza M. Judkins.”811 The Harvard copy of this print, which so far as is now known seems to be unique, has been colored and is much darkened by age. It is the same size as the original, and is a close copy except for a few small figures introduced in the foreground and for the inscription beneath — “VIEW of HARVARD UNIVERSITY in CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS.” Just below the margin, in small letters, and at the left, are the words “Painted by a Student,” and at the right “Snyder, Sculp.,” while the names of the several buildings — Stoughton Hall, Holden Chapel, Hollis Hall, Harvard Hall, Massachusetts Hall — are engraved beneath the respective buildings. Under the title, in script letters, is the line “This view is Respectfully Dedicated to the President812 of the University.”

Stauffer’s American Engravers upon Copper and Steel speaks of H. W. Snyder as engraving in New York in 1797 to 1805, while in 1811 he made some good stipple portraits for the Polyanthos of Boston. He also made line illustrations for the American Builders’ Companion, published in Boston in 1816.

The Harvard view could not have been made before 1805, when Stoughton Hall was built, nor later than 1812, the date of Holworthy Hall. No mention is made of it in the records of the Corporation or in the files of Harvard College Papers between 1805 and 1810, where some clue to the original artist might be expected. The Librarian’s correspondence for 1888 also contains nothing that throws further light on the plate. The letter accompanying the plate in 1888 speaks of its being “published by Act of Congress June 17, 1807.” I have not, however, myself found these words in the plate, but they give a clue to the date of publication. A search of the Boston papers for 1807 might perhaps reveal, some advertisement and settle the date of the plate more accurately.

Mr. Julius H. Tuttle spoke as follows:

Many of the surnames found in early records of towns and churches in the Bay Colony are known to-day in their original forms, some have undergone a change, and others have disappeared. It may be of some interest to record in our Transactions the mention of two surnames among the early settlers of Dedham.

EXTRACTS FROM THE DEDHAM CHURCH RECORDS

engraved for the colonial society of massachusetts

The records of the Church of Christ there were kept with great care by the Rev. John Allin, a graduate of Cambridge University, who settled in Dedham in July, 1637, and became the first minister. The records began with the gathering of the church in November, 1638, and were continued by him to the end of his pastorate at his death in 1671.

The names to which attention is called are “Dam̄at” and “Checkery,” which appear in the entries reproduced in facsimile facing page 258.

In 1648 and 1649 a “John Damant” was listed in the town rates, but no further trace is found of the “Damatt” family in Dedham or elsewhere, nor has the surname been found in any lists. However, the modern name of “Damant” is known.

“Henry Checkery” was later Henry Chickering, and became the first deacon of the church. He had a grant of land in Salem in 1640, but the fact that his grant in Dedham was next to the minister’s leads to the supposition that he was won away from Salem by the desire for his church service in Dedham.813

Mr. Albert Matthews communicated the following paper:

EARLY SUNDAY SCHOOLS IN BOSTON

Here and there can be found a bit of evidence that religious instruction was given in New England to children or others on Sunday in the seventeenth century. Thus on June 10, 1644, an order relating to Indians was passed by the Massachusetts General Court:

Whereas it is y^e earnest desire of this Courte, that these natiues . . . should come to y^e good knowledge of God, & bee brought on to subiect to y^e scepter of y^e Lord Jesvs, it is therefore ordred, that all such of y^e Indians as haue subjected themselues to o^r goūm^te bee henceforward enioyned (& y^t they fayle not) to meete att such seūall places of appoyntm^te as shalbee most convenient on y^e Lords day, where they may attend such instrucon as shalbee giuen them by those whose harts God shall stirr vpp to y^t worke; and it is hereby further declared . . . y^t those townes that lye most conuenient to such places of meetinge of y^e Indians would make choyce of some of theire brethren (whome God hath best quallified for y^t worke) to goe to them, . . . & instruct them, . . . y^t if possible God may haue y^e glory of y^e conūsion (at least) of some of them in y^e vse of such meanes God giues vs to afoard them.814

To what extent religious instruction was actually given to Indians on Sunday in the early days here, I do not know; but at least it is certain that in 1660 a payment of £10 was made “To hiacoms an Indian Scoolmaster and Teacher of them on the Lords day” at Martha’s Vineyard.815 Another early allusion to instruction on Sunday occurs in an entry made by the Apostle Eliot on Sunday, December 6, 1674, in reference to the First Church in Roxbury:

This day we restored o^r primitive practice for the training up o^r youth, first o^r male youth (in fitting season, stay every sab: after the evening exercize, in the Pub: meeting house, where the Elders will examine theire remembrance y^t day, & any fit poynt of catechise. Secondly y^t o^r female youth should meet in one place, where the Elders may examine y^m of theire remembrance yesterday. & about catechise, or what else may be convenient.816

Quoting this passage in 1899, the Rev. Dr. James De Normandie remarked:

While in such records and religious experiences these churches were, I take it, much the same, the First Church in Rockesburgh was distinguished from the others apparently by two interests. Its care for the young was most marked. Here, as far as any records can be found, was the first Sunday-school in the New World; but its work is hardly that which would commend itself to the members of our Young People’s Religious Union.817

Eliot, it will be observed, stated that “our primitive practice” was restored. By “primitive practice” he may only have meant the practice of catechizing children. If he meant catechizing them on Sunday, it would be interesting to know exactly when it began, but until that is determined precedence must be given to the Indians of Martha’s Vineyard for having established “the first Sunday-school in the New World.”

On March 22, 1675–6, the Church in Norwich, Connecticut, declared:

We do therefore this Day Solemnly Covenant to Endeavour uprightly by dependance upon the Grace of God in Christ Jesus our only Saviour.

First, That our Children shall be brought up in the Admonition of the Lord, as in our Families, so in publick; that all the Males who are eight or nine years of age, shall be presented before the Lord in his Congregation every Lords Day to be Catechised, until they be about thirteen years in age.818

And in 1694 at the Church in Plymouth, —

Notice being before given of it, on May 13: the Pastor began againe to Catechise the children of the chh in the shorter Catechisme of the Assembly of Divines, in the publick meeting house between the morning & evening worship, the males one sabbath & the females another successively & then preached on each head of Divinity as they lye in order in that Catechisme; this course was constantly attended for more than 3 yeares, till August, 1697: from Sabath to Sabbath, only on Sacrament dayes & in the short winter dayes & very unseasonable weather, there was a necessary omission thereoff. Many of the congregation did heare the sermons preached at the catechising; & God strengthned & encouraged in the work.819

However, such Sunday schools — if, indeed, they can properly be called by that term — were occasional and sporadic, and there does not appear to be any historical connection between them and the modern system of Sunday schools which, as is well known, began in England towards the end of the eighteenth century. With this movement the name of Robert Raikes is indissolubly connected, though there are other claimants to the honor of having established the first Sunday school in England.820 The differences between the old system and the new system will be patent to every one who reads the extracts about to be presented. What pastors did here before 1790 was merely, so far as the evidence indicates, to catechize on Sunday (though more often on a week day) the children of their own parishes. Very different was the aim of Raikes, whose purpose was to give secular instruction on Sunday to poor children who otherwise would be running about the streets and who, because employed at work, were unable to go to school on week days.821 That there was a Sunday school of the modern type in Philadelphia in 1791 is well authenticated,822 and that is generally regarded as the earliest in this country.823 It has been claimed that the first in New England was begun at Pawtucket, Rhode Island, in 1791 or 1792, though the earliest certain date that can be assigned to it is 1797;824 and that the earliest one in Massachusetts was started at Beverly in 1810.825 But these knotty matters are beyond the scope of this paper, the purpose of which is to bring together some scattered notes on Sunday schools in Boston previous to 1819.

Four years ago the notice board in front of the Park Street Church contained this statement: “First Sunday School in Boston, 1817.”826 In 1918 this read “Sunday School Organized 1817.” There is now no reference at all on the notice board to the Sunday School. From an historic sketch of the Park Street Church, printed in a volume published in 1861, is taken the following:

Sabbath Schools, in the Orthodox churches in Boston, it is supposed, originated in a meeting of members of Park Street Church, in the year 1817. . . .

A free conversation was held, in which objections were raised, viz: that it might be a desecration of the Sabbath; that children ought to be instructed at home by their parents; and that professing Christians ought to be at home, engaged in reading, meditation, and prayer, instead of going abroad to teach the children of other families, on the Sabbath.827

To this it was answered, that Sabbath-day teaching was a missionary work, designed to gather, from the streets and wharves, children who were neglected by their parents, and suffered to go abroad on the Sabbath, when they were generally engaged in play or mischief. It was for this purpose that they were established in England, by Robert Raikes, and they had there been the means of doing great good.

It was finally determined, at that meeting, that a school of that description should be commenced; and William Thurston, Esq., (the first name attached to the covenant of Park Street Church,) . . . was requested to act as superintendent of the school. This school was established in the Town Schoolhouse, on Mason Street.

Schools similar to this were afterwards established in other sections of the town. The “Society for the Moral and Religious Instruction of the Poor,” being organized about that time, took the general superintendence of all the schools, appointed the superintendents when vacancies occurred, visited and examined the schools, by committees, quarterly, and contributed to their pecuniary wants. . . .

In the fall of 1829, two members of the Park Street Church, — a lady and a gentleman, — after conversation on the subject, determined to attempt the establishment of a Sabbath school in Park Street Lower Vestry, to be gathered principally from the congregation. . . . The first meeting of the school was held “Sunday, December 13, 1829.” . . . At the time that Park Street School was established, many teachers and scholars belonging to Park Street congregation were engaged in other schools, from which they were not disposed to withdraw. It was stated at the time, that about one hundred members of Park Street Chinch, of both sexes, were thus engaged.828

In 1890 Hamilton A. Hill, referring to the year 1817, said:

On Wednesday afternoon, October 8, Mr. Huntington preached at the Old South, in behalf of the Society for the Moral and Religious Instruction of the Poor. A large number of Sunday-school children were present. This society . . . was founded in 1816, and, as its original name829 indicates, began as a Sunday-school society; during the first year of its existence, it gathered five hundred children into its two schools, one of them in Mason Street, the other in School Street.830

The Rev. Joshua Huntington was at that time pastor of the Old South Church and also president of the Boston Society for the Moral and Religious Instruction of the Poor, while William Thurston was its vice-president. In its first Report, presented October 8, 1817, we read:

The field to which we allude, and which we now earnestly recommend to the cultivation of all classes, is presented to us in the form of Sunday Schools. Two of these schools have been established by the Board in the town school houses, one in Mason and another in School Street, the use of which has been granted, on application for that, purpose, by the selectmen and school committee.831 Into the first 336 children have been admitted, and into the latter 164 — making together 500. The first mentioned school was opened on the 11th of May last, and has been constantly attended by about 20 instructors, besides a superintendant. The latter school was commenced on the 15th of June, and has one superintendant with ten teachers; the boys being taught by male, and the girls by female instructors. . . . All that apply above five years of age are admitted and equally entitled to this gratuitous instruction; . . .

The Board of Directors of this Society have published their intention of supplying with their books and papers any religious society or individuals in this town, that may hereafter think proper to establish Sunday Schools, and provide them with superintendants and teachers, and have aided in this way a Sunday School established at South Boston832 upon the plan above described.

We have already observed, that into the two schools opened under the sanction of the Board, and supported by the funds of this society, 500 children have been admitted. Of 336 received into the Mason-street school, none of whom are under five years of age, not one fourth could read words of one syllable when admitted, and most of them did not know their letters.833

From subsequent Reports it is learned that a school was established in North Bennet Street about March 1, 1818,834 and another in Hawkins Street on April 5, 1818;835 that in 1828 no fewer than eighteen schools were under the society’s patronage;836 and that in 1829 its Sunday schools were “resigned to the care of an appropriate institution.”837

Very recently it has been claimed that the Park Street Church Sunday School was in existence at the outbreak of the War of 1812,838 but the data presented above show conclusively that, as stated in the historic sketch of the Park Street Church published in 1861, it was not organized before 1817.

In 1899 the Rev. Nathan E. Wood wrote:

Wednesday, Sept. 4, 1816, a society was organized and called “The Sabbath School Society of the First Baptist Church and Congregation for the Instruction of Indigent Boys.” They were to be instructed “in reading and spelling,” and were to be “provided with books and Clothing.” Within a year the range of instruction was increased, and “the instructors are to teach the children, spelling, reading, the catechism & the doctrines & duties of the christian Religion.” This school was not intended for boys from families of the church, but for neglected and indigent boys. The officers and instructors were all men, and it was their duty to take these boys to the public worship on Lord’s Days and sit with them (usually in the gallery) to preserve order. . . . The first Sunday-school organized in the vicinity of Boston, for the religious instruction of the young, seems to have been the one in Beverly, in 1810, in the First Parish Church.839 The first one in Boston was begun in June, 1816, in the Third Baptist Church (afterward known as the Charles Street), and was in two divisions, a “Female Sabbath School” and a “Sabbath School for Indigent Boys.” In the next month a “Female Sabbath School” was begun in the Second Baptist Church (Bald win Place). It was soon after the settlement of Mr. Winchell that the question of organizing a Sunday-school in the First [Baptist] Church was agitated, but no decision was reached until August, 1816, when a “Female Sabbath School” was commenced in the vestry. It enrolled eighty-seven members, seventy-five of whom were in attendance in October, 1818. The records of this school cannot be found, but it was conducted by women exclusively. In the next month, September, 1816, “the Sabbath School for Indigent Boys” was begun, and more than one hundred boys were enrolled, seventy of whom remained in October, 1818. In November, 1816, the First African Baptist Church began a school with about fifty pupils.840 Thus from June to November in 1816 all of the four Baptist churches in Boston equipped themselves with Sabbath-schools.841

In an historic sketch of the First Parish Sabbath School, Charlestown, published in 1867, we read:

A half century has passed since, in October, 1816, two societies were formed in connection with this our old and honored church. One, called “The Charlestown Sabbath-school Society,” was composed of gentlemen; the other, composed of ladies, called “The Charlestown Female Society for the Promotion of Sabbath Schools.”

The officers of the first named were chosen Oct. 25, 1816, . . . The officers of the female society, chosen the same year, but probably a little earlier, were . . .

The object of these societies, as designated by their “constitutions,” was “to ascertain the situation of the children and youth of this town within the Neck, in regard to moral and religious instruction; to provide suitable places, where those of them who are disposed may meet on the Sabbath to receive such instruction; to provide a sufficient number of proper instructors; and to make the necessary arrangements for the decent, orderly attendance of the scholars on public worship.” Also (as incorporated in the constitution of the Female Society), “to furnish the indigent with such clothing and books as may enable them to attend the schools and public worship in the house of God.”

These societies resulted in the formation of three schools, — one for girls (first formed), one for boys, and another to be held at the Point.

The records of these two societies, written in a clear and beautiful hand by the secretaries, with the list of officers chosen, and the general minutes relating to their action, are in the possession of the school at the present time. We have also the names of the teachers and scholars of the girls’ school. The record of the boys’ school, and of the school at the Point, is either mislaid or wholly lost.842

Charlestown was of course at that time a separate town, as it was not annexed to Boston until 1874.

The Christ Church Sunday school was begun on June 4, 1815. The following account was written in 1826 by Joseph W. Ingraham, then the superintendent of the school:

A school of this description was projected in 1808 or 1809, when it was contemplated by some of the proprietors of Christ Church to erect, on the land belonging to the church, a school house for the children of those who worshipped there. It was at that time a subject of conversation between the rector of the church 843 and the late Shubael Bell, Esq., a gentleman whose zealous exertions in the cause of benevolence entitle him to a high rank among the useful members of society, and whose memory should ever be retained by us in grateful remembrance. It was owing to his zealous co-operation with the Rector of the church that our school was commenced; and it is an interesting fact, in the history of these institutions, that these gentlemen were the founders of the first Sunday school opened in New England. They had long felt the importance of having a school on Sundays for the religious instruction of the children attending Christ Church; but as the vestry was not large enough, and it was not convenient to have the school in the body of the church, the execution of their plan was postponed till circumstances should be more propitious to the undertaking. And when Mr. Bell so zealously engaged in the design of erecting the academy, he was stimulated in a great measure by the hope of having a Sunday school kept in the same building. But circumstances not proving favorable, the execution of the design was postponed till May, 1815, when Mr. John R. Cotting became preceptor of [the] academy, and consented to take charge of the Sunday school. It was opened on the Sunday after he commenced his duties as preceptor, being the first Sunday in June, 1815.

At this time no other Sunday school was known to have been opened in America;844 and this was therefore modelled on the plan of those established by the Church in England. While the subject of the school was under discussion, the rector of the church prepared for publication a small tract entitled the Youth’s Manual, which was enlarged in several editions, with a view to its introduction into the school whenever it should be established. The first edition of the Manual was published in 1808. . . .

As soon as the establishment of the school became known, children flocked from all parts of the town, to enjoy its privileges; and as there was no other institution of the kind in town, it was not thought expedient to confine its benefits to the children of those who worshipped at Christ Church. Its doors were therefore opened for the admission of all who might apply, and it was consequently soon filled. . . .

Early in 1816, a new edition of the Youth’s Manual was printed for the use of the school; in which some alterations were made by Mr. Bell, who added “A Form of Prayer for Sunday Schools.”845

In June, 1816, the second Sunday school in this town was established by the ladies of the third Baptist society; and soon after, others were opened, by other congregations. Our number of scholars consequently greatly diminished, as the parents of many of them naturally preferred sending their children to their own schools.

Previously to April, 1817, the school was supplied only with occasional teachers. At that time, however, it was thought advisable, for the benefit of the scholars, to devise some means to procure more regular assistance. A meeting of several members of the Church was accordingly held on the 17th April, 1817, which resulted in the organisation of the Salem Street Sunday School Society.846 This name was adopted for several reasons. As the school was not confined to members of Christ Church, but was open for the admission of children of all denominations, it was thought inexpedient to adopt a name which might have even the appearance of an exclusive spirit; and as the school was kept in Salem Street Academy, it was thought most convenient to adopt that title, particularly as it would designate its location to any person who might be seeking for it. These reasons not now existing, the name has been changed; and our school will hereafter be known as the Christ Church Sunday School.847

In a letter dated April 22, 1915, the Rev. Harold L. Hanson stated that “the Sunday school of the First Baptist Church in Charlestown has had a continuous existence since 1813. It celebrated its 102d anniversary last Sunday [April 18].”848 The Rev. William Collier became pastor of the church on April 15, 1804. In a sermon preached on April 15, 1888, the Rev. George E. Horr, Jr., said:

Mr. Collier . . . soon after his settlement here, gathered the children of the families connected with the church together at his house Saturday afternoons. He catechised the children and required them to recite verses of Scripture they had learned during the week. . . . The year the school, which met at the pastor’s house Saturday afternoon, became a Sunday-school, is not certain. Sunday-school records were not kept until 1825. It was probably about 1809 or 1810, the year the meeting house was erected in Austin Street. But by general consent the year 1813 has been fixed upon as the time from which to date the anniversaries, a date which, however, is probably too late by a year or two. But 1813 makes this school the oldest hereabouts. The school connected with the First Parish of Charlestown was organized Oct. 25, 1816.849 The First Sabbath-school in Boston was formed by the women of the Charles Street Baptist Church in June, 1816, . . . The school connected with the First Parish Church in Beverly, (now Unitarian), was probably organized in 1810, but it seems to have been without systematic organization and unconnected with the minister or parish, and was not held in the meeting house until 1819.850 Our claim then is a fair one, even upon the basis of 1813, to be regarded as one of the oldest Sunday-schools in these parts, and perhaps the oldest.851

It thus appears that the date 1813 is conjectural.

In a letter to the Rev. Dr. Ezra S. Gannett dated September 28, 1831, the Rev. Dr. Charles Lowell wrote:

You request me to give you an account of the origin of the West Parish Sunday school, the oldest, as far as I know, in this city. In 1811, a charity school was established in the west part of Boston, chiefly through the exertions of Mr. Bartlett, then chaplain at the almshouse, now one of the ministers of Marblehead. In October, 1812, the teacher of that school, Miss Lydia K. Adams, then a member of the West Parish, having learned, on a visit to Beverly, that some young ladies of that town were in the practice of giving religious instruction to poor children on the sabbath,852 consulted her minister on the expediency of giving like instruction to the children of her school, and to those who had been members of it, on the same day. The project was decidedly approved, and immediately carried into effect. In December of the same year, Miss Adams was compelled by ill health to leave the school, and ladies of the West Church took charge of it, and, in turn, instructed the children, both on the week days and the sabbath, till a suitable permanent teacher could be obtained. On this event, they relinquished the immediate care of the week day school but continued the instruction of the Sunday school, till it was transferred to the church, and was enlarged by the addition of the children of a different description.853

A more detailed account was given by the Rev. Dr. Cyrus A. Bartol in 1856:

For some time prior to the year 1811, a society of young ladies had been formed, under the name of the “Gleaning Circle,” for the purposes of mutual entertainment and improvement by literary exercises, and of contributing, by their needles and otherwise, to the relief of the poor, consisting of members from various religious societies, but chiefly from that under Dr. Lowell’s pastoral charge, . . . Early in that year, the Rev. John Bartlett, afterwards settled at Marblehead, was chaplain of the almshouse in Leverett Street; and . . . perceiving the destitution of all means of education for the very young children of the poor to prepare them for entering the public schools, he established by subscriptions two charity-schools — one at the North End, and one at the western part of the town — for that purpose, and also for the instruction of the female children in sewing, there being then no primary schools; . . . The one last named, of course, soon attracted the attention and interest of Dr. Lowell, . . . who commended it to the benevolence of the “Gleaning Circle.” Several of its members immediately took the school under their patronage; became themselves, and afterwards procured others to become, contributors for its support; and assisted in the instruction of the children, and in the clothing of those the most destitute. In a short time, it fell entirely into the hands of the ladies of the West-Boston Society, including many besides the members of the Circle, and was wholly maintained and managed by them. In the year 1813, while Miss Lydia Adams was the matron of the school, she, being on a visit in Beverly, saw the children of the Society then under the charge of Rev. Dr. Abbot,854 and now under that of the Rev. Mr. Thayer,855 assembled after service for religious instruction by members of the Society; thus constituting, as is believed, the first Sunday school in America. Being greatly impressed with the utility and effect of such a school as there exhibited, upon her return she communicated her views to the ladies then in charge of her school, who, uniting in sentiment with her, immediately made arrangements for the religious instruction of the children under her care, on Sunday, by the attendance of two of them, in regular rotation, for that service. At that time there were about fifteen children in the school, all of whom were girls, and who attended church, and were seated together in the gallery. The number, however, was gradually increased by the accession of children of members of the Society, who had become sensible of its great utility; and the name was changed, from being the “West-Boston Charity School,” to that of the “West-Parish Sewing School.” It continued to flourish until the establishment of the public primary schools for the same ends entirely superseded its necessity, when it was given up. . . . It was the parent of the Sunday school of the West-Boston Society, the first established in Boston. . . . The ladies who had thus undertaken the religious instruction of the children on Sunday became so deeply interested in their work, and rendered their ministrations so attractive, that other children, not connected with the school, were induced to partake of the benefits of them, until the number, at the time of its dissolution, amounted to about fifty, with a complement of about eight teachers, who were accustomed to assemble, in mild weather, in the room under the belfry, and, in winter, in the galleries, and subsequently, as the school increased, at the Derne-street Schoolhouse. And thus was formed the first of those institutions in this city, which are now esteemed an essential department in most of the religious societies throughout the United States.856

Writing in October, 1794, Thomas Pemberton said:

Whatever plan may appear, on deliberate examination, to be of publick utility, should be undertaken and promoted. It is worthy of consideration whether Sunday schools would not be a very beneficial institution in this town. Many children are kept from attending publick worship through the inability of their parents suitably to clothe them; and their parents not being able to keep them within doors, they repair to the wharves and alleys to recreate themselves as on other days, to the great disturbance of the families in the vicinity of such places, and the profanation of the day. If Sunday schools were instituted, both these evils might be prevented. The only requisites for attending the schools are clean hands and faces and combed hair. The master or mistress should refuse none who are sent to them; and the school committee might appoint such hours for the children to attend, as they may think proper. Portions of scripture should be read by those scholars who can read, and those who cannot should be taught to read. A catechism suitable for their ages, should also be a part of their employment at these schools. . . . In 1790 Sunday schools were established in Philadelphia; and in 1791, some patriotick gentlemen of this town, by a liberal subscription, enabled the late Mr. Oliver Lane to open a Sunday school. It embraced in its object both sexes under a certain age. The writer hopes such an establishment will not be wholly laid aside; and if it cannot be continued by voluntary subscription, that the publick will take it into consideration, as perhaps publick monies cannot be appropriated to a more useful design.857

The school mentioned by Pemberton was opened on Sunday, April 17, 1791, as appears from a notice printed in the Columbian Centinel of Wednesday, April 20, 1791:

A SUNDAY SCHOOL,

Established by the liberal subscription of a number of patriotick Gentlemen of this Metropolis, was opened on Sunday last. It is under the management of Mr. Oliver W. Lane, and embraces in its object, those of both sexes, under a certain age, whom habits of industry or other causes, debar from instruction on week-days (xv. 43).

Under date of April 25, 1791, is found this passage:

On a letter received from the Gentlemen Proprietors of the Duck Manufactory requesting the approbation of the Selectmen for their opening a Sunday School and their Opinion on the subject — The Selectmen are of opinion that however eligible the measure may be the Law respecting Schools had not in contemplation such as is requested and therefore does not authorise them to approbate it.858

Whether the “Gentlemen Proprietors of the Duck Manufactory” were identical with the “patriotick Gentlemen of this Metropolis” who liberally subscribed to Mr. Lane’s school, as seems not improbable, or whether they desired to establish still another Sunday school, I have been unable to ascertain. Nor do I know exactly how long Mr. Lane’s Sunday school, assuming that it survived the adverse decision of the selectmen, remained in existence, though certainly this could not have been for a longer period than about two years and a half. A brief sketch of (so far as now known) the first Sunday school teacher in Boston will not be out of place, especially as Oliver Wellington Lane859 was a man of some local repute in his day. The son of James and Mary (Wellington860) Lane of Bedford, he was born there on October 27, 1751;861 in 1768 he entered Harvard College, graduating in 1772; at the outbreak of the Revolution he entered the army, and in May, 1775, was “reported recruiting”862 — facts no doubt accounting for his not taking that year his A.M., which was given him out of course in 1779. On October 23, 1784, he married Susanna Newman,863 who survived him, and was then — or soon after became — a schoolmaster. In the Boston Directory of 1789 he is entered as “Lane Oliver Willington, school-master, Staniford-street.”864 Glimpses of him are obtained about that time from two pupils — General William H. Sumner and Lucius Manlius Sargent, the noted temperance writer. In “Some Recollections of Washington’s Visit to Boston” in October, 1789, written sixty-one years later, General Sumner said: “I will remark that I, then a boy of between nine and ten years of age, was a pupil at Master Lane’s West Boston writing-school. . . . Master Lane’s boys were placed in front of Mr. Jonathan Mason’s hardware store, near the bend in Washington Street (then Cornhill) opposite Williams Court. I well remember the laugh which our salute created, when, as the General passed us, we rolled in our hands our quills with the longest feathers we could get.”865 Mr. Sargent, according to his biographer, “was then sent to Master Lane’s school, in West Boston, which he reached by going up Hancock Street and round by the Beacon monument, on the sides of which were four historic tablets. He says that in 1793 it was ‘a lonely spot to travel.’ The master was ‘harsh;’ he did not like him. One mode of his punishment was to make a boy stand on a very narrow log, with scarcely any foothold, with a large chip in his mouth, for an example; yet if any urchin lifted up his eyes to look at him, he was condemned to a similar punishment.”866 Such a whimsical and tantalizing punishment naturally seemed “harsh” to a boy of seven. Mr. Lane was an ardent Universalist, and when the noted John Murray was installed pastor of the First Universalist Church on October 23, 1793, it was Deacon Lane who “introduced” him and delivered an address.867 That must have been one of Mr. Lane’s last appearances in public, for he died on November 3d following, as appears from an obituary:

On Sunday evening, at half past 9 o’clock, Master Oliver Willington Lane, one of the Deacons of the first Universal Church, departed this life, aged 42.

The Religious Society, in which he had attained unto a good degree, have met with an afflictive bereavement by the death of Mr. Lane. The Civil Community, of which he was a valuable and useful member, will long regret the loss of an excellent Preceptor, whose modes of instruction gained the confidence of the Parent, and won the affections of the child. A widow, a widow indeed, whose husband is dead, and six small children, lament the kindest of husbands and the best of fathers.

☞ Mr. Lane’s funeral will move from his late dwelling house at West-Boston, to-morrow afternoon, at three o’clock. The Church, Congregation and Society are respectfully invited to attend. The pupils of the now departed are requested to pay the last tribute of regard; and all the relatives and numerous friends of the deceased, are called to the house of mourning.

How blest, is our brother bereft

Of all that could burthen his mind!

How easy the soul that hath left

This wearisome body behind!

This earth is affected no more

With sickness, or shaken with pain:

The war in the members is o’er,

And never shall vex him again.868

Our extracts may appropriately end with what is, so far as I am aware, the earliest known allusion to Sunday schools in a Boston newspaper, taken from the Massachusetts Centinel of August 27, 1785 (p. 4):

Preparation for SUNDAY.

IT has been before observed, that the “want of Piety arises from the want of sensibility” — That the vulgar, when arrived at a state of manhood, are either infidels or bigots, experience has reduced to a certainty — But asks the judicious observer, what remedy is there for the fault — Ignorance is the attendant on poverty; and the poor form a large proportion of the people? The Preparationalist cannot answer the enquiry but with the proposal for the institution of SUNDAY SCHOOLS. This benevolent measure has been lately adopted in England and Ireland, and is highly worthy of imitation here — Fas est etiam ab hoste doceri. Experience has fully evinced that the more enlightened nations are, the more amenable are they to the laws, to order, and to police; and the less frequently do they perpetrate those species of violence and barbarity, which reduce humanity to a level with the brute creation. What good can be reasonably expected, from that part of the community, whose infancy and youth are consumed in one uninterrupted scene of idleness, villainy, and all kinds of low craft and theft (in which they are but too often countenanced and encouraged by their parents) untinctured by the very elements of cultivation and knowledge; and who, of course, can hardly, when arrived at maturity, be supposed capable of a relish but for dissipation, drunkenness, blasphemy, and debauchery? That this is the case with too many in all countries, their prison calendars will afford irrefragable proofs.

To various sources may this evil be traced. Of these perhaps the following is not the least: The lower classes of people, generally speaking, can hardly afford their children an education; and it frequently happens, that, from the most mercenary motives, they debar them of schooling, if they can hope to derive any emolument, however paltry, from employing them in the vilest drudgery. Now, if Sunday Schools were established, where children would be instructed gratis, — both the foregoing part to the improvement of the people would be removed, — and we might entertain a well founded hope that the rising generation (of the above classes,) would prove very different from their fathers.

But should this institution take place — a consummation devoutly to be wished — great caution will be requisite to guard against the abuses it is liable to from party, civil and relegious. Bigotry, superstition, fanaticism, and intolerance, have too long lorded it over mankind, who bent a supplient knee to the demons. Should Sunday schools be opened here, it is to be hoped they will steer clear of them. If religion be made a part of instruction, let it be confined to those points in which the various professors of Christianity agree, whether of credence or practice — such as, the creation, the fall of man, the flood, the election of the Jews, the redemption, that the base on which Christianity has been founded, is “Love of God above all things — and love of our neighbour similar to what we feel for ourselves,” — the last judgment, — a future state of rewards and punishments, &c. &c. But let those speculative points, wherein they differ, and which have for centuries past, drenched the earth with the gore of her children, be taught by the various pastors to their respective flocks. Would to Heaven, that they exerted themselves to instil therewith that universal benevolence, which embraces all mankind in the bands of brotherhood, and which truly fulfils the law and the gospel!

A chronological list of Boston Sunday schools before 1819 is appended:

1791	April 17	Oliver W. Lane’s school, p. 280.
1812?		West Church, p. 277.
1813?		First Baptist Church, Charlestown, p. 275.
1815	June 4	Christ Church, p. 273.
1816	June	Third Baptist Church, p. 271.
	July	Second Baptist Church, p. 271.
	August	First Baptist Church, p. 272.
	Oct.	First Church, Charlestown, p. 272.
	Nov.	First African Baptist Church, p. 272.
1817	May 11	Mason Street, p. 269.
	June 15	School Street, p. 269.
	Summer	South Boston, p. 269.
		Park Street Church, p. 266.
1818	March	North Bennet Street, p. 269.
	April 5	Hawkins Street, p. 269.

With two exceptions, the dates here given are either exact or approximately so, having been drawn from contemporary or nearly contemporary sources. But the dates assigned to the West Church and to the First Baptist Church of Charlestown require further inquiry before they can be accepted.

These notes are submitted in the belief that they will afford a useful summary of facts as at present known, and in the hope that they will bring out further information on an obscure but interesting subject. It will perhaps be objected that some of the extracts are quoted at too great length, but this seems justifiable in view of the extraordinarily conflicting statements and of the difficulty in obtaining exact data.

Dr. Charles L. Nichols communicated the following paper:

IS THERE A MARK BASKETT BIBLE OF 1752?

In 1810 Isaiah Thomas wrote:

Kneeland and Green printed, principally for Daniel Henchman, an edition of the Bible in small 4to. This was the first Bible printed, in the English language, in America. It was carried through the press as privately as possible, and had the London imprint of the copy from which it was reprinted, viz: “London: Printed by Mark Baskett, Printer to the King’s Most Excellent Majesty,” in order to prevent a prosecution from those, in England and Scotland, who published the Bible by a patent from the crown; or, Cum privilegio, as did the English universities of Oxford and Cambridge. When I was an apprentice, I often heard those who had assisted at the case and press in printing this Bible, make mention of the fact. The late governor Hancock was related to Henchman,869 and knew the particulars of the transaction. He possessed a copy of this impression. As it has a London imprint, at this day it can be distinguished from an English edition, of the same date, only by those who are acquainted with the niceties of typography. This Bible issued from the press about the time that the partnership of Kneeland and Green expired. The edition was not large; I have been informed that it did not exceed seven or eight hundred copies.870

This statement of Thomas has been given in full as it contains, in detail, all that is known of this important alleged fact, that a Bible was printed in Boston in the English language about the year 1752. No public interest seems to have been awakened to this until 1852, when George Bancroft wrote: “And yet to print that Bible in British America was prohibited as a piracy; and the Bible, except in the native savage dialects, was never printed there till the land became free.”871 In a note on the same page is the following: “My friends, Mr. James Lenox and Mr. J. G. Cogswell, agree with me, that no trace of an American edition of the Bible, surreptitious or otherwise, previous to the Declaration of Independence, has been found.” In a later statement Bancroft said: “Till a copy of the pretended American edition is produced, no credit can be given to the second-hand story.”872

At this time, 1852, there were already a number of eager collectors of Americana, like James Lenox, John Carter Brown, George Brinley, and George Livermore, who would have gladly added a copy of this Bible to their libraries but who searched in vain for it. George Livermore, however, manifested his disagreement with Mr. Bancroft’s conclusions;873 yet he wrote Mr. Lenox on March 4, 18513, that careful search by the Hancock family failed to find the Governor’s copy, thus destroying one more hope of success.

At the sale of the Thomas J. McKee library in 1902, appeared a Bible with the imprint as described by Thomas and with date 1752.874 This Bible was claimed to be a copy and the only known copy of that issue and advanced as proof positive of the truth of Thomas’s statement. It was bought by Mr. McKee several years before, of George P. Philes, a bookseller of New York. This claim was first made by John Anderson, Jr., but there is no record of any publicity to it until the statement in the sale catalogue of 1902. The Bible was purchased by George C. Thomas of Philadelphia for $2025, and held a prominent position in his choice library. In 1910, after the death of George C. Thomas, the Bible was advertised for sale in the catalogue of George H. Richmond, and later in that of the Rosenbach Company in 1913 and again in 1917.

engraved for the colonial society of massachusetts from a copy in the possession of dr. charles lemuel nichols

If this Bible is genuine, it holds an important position in the history of Americana because its evidence confirms the truth of the statement of Isaiah Thomas. If, on the contrary, this evidence is not worthy of credence, it should not be allowed to stand and the Bible should be relegated to a place where it can no longer mislead us in our search for the solution of this problem.

An opportunity of examining this Bible was courteously afforded the writer in 1910 by Mr. Richmond and again in 1917 by Dr. Rosenbach, and it is with regret that my conclusions oblige me to set aside its value in the evidence towards which my prejudice in favor of the Isaiah Thomas story had led me to investigate the book.

In 1907 a careful study was made by me of the Mark Baskett Bibles in the Bodleian Library, in the British Museum, and in the British and Foreign Bible Society, with the hope that familiarity with the English editions of this Bible would enable me to confirm the statements in the McKee catalogue and to recognize other copies of the Boston edition if any such should come into the market. When the opportunity was offered me in 1910 by Mr. Richmond of examining the Bible, it appeared to me that the date was not as clear as it should be, but a decision upon such an important matter seemed outside my province. In 1917, however, a careful study of the text was made by me in comparison with several other Baskett Bibles; notably a copy of the 1763 edition in the Harvard College Library, one dated 1761 in my own possession, and a 1766 edition belonging to the American Antiquarian Society.

In looking over the New Testament a curious typographical error was discovered in St. Matthew, Chapter 17. In the second line of the chapter heading the letter f in the word foretelleth had fallen down because of loss or misplacement of a lead. In verse 1 the letter e in the second word, after, was misplaced upward. In verse 3, second line, the letter l in Elias had fallen down and had separated the letters of the word then in the next line and verse. Such a typographical error would be practically impossible of duplication and would be positive proof that all copies in which it occurred were of the same edition, although it might not be found in the whole edition as it could have been discovered and rectified during printing.875 See the facsimile, facing this page. Examination of three copies of the New Testament with title-page dated 1763 revealed the same error in each, which had been found in the 1752 copy, the New Testament of which lacked title-page, and seemed to prove conclusively that this part of this Bible was dated 1763 also.

This fact did not, however, prove the date of the Old Testament part to be of this date, as it was customary to bind different editions together.

A somewhat careful study of the typography of the Old Testament of this 1752 Bible was made with the discovery of a number of interesting facts.

In Exodus, Chapter 14, verse 18, the word Egyptians is spelled Epyptians. See the facsimile, facing this page.
In Genesis, Chapter 4, verse 6, the letter t in thou has fallen out into the space at the side. See the facsimile, facing this page.
In Leviticus, Chapter 5, verse 6, the letter i in his is missing.
In Psalms, Chapter 21, verse 7, the letter i in high is missing.
In Psalms, Chapter 33, verse 3, the letter i in noise is missing.

More than two dozen cases of broken letters, irregularities of type or of line were found, in addition to the above noted omissions.

In all these cases, these omissions, errors and broken letters were identical in the 1752 copy and in the copy dated 1763 belonging to the Harvard College Library. In addition to this positive evidence, none of these errors occurred in the 1761 edition or in that of 1766, the inference being that the 1761 edition had been correct and the errors in the 1763 edition had been rectified in the 1766 edition by new-type.

EXTRACTS FROM THE ALLEGED 1752 BIBLE

engraved for the colonial society of massachusetts

Turning to the title-page, the word TESTAMENTS on the fourth line contains two letters S of a different font and they are put in with the wide end at the top. In addition the first S has the hair line of that upper part broken near the serrif. This applies to the 1761 edition, but the two letters S in the 1752 and the 1763 copies have been turned so that their position is correct and the broken hair line, still present, is at the bottom. In the 1766 edition new letters are used in this word.

The letter D in the ninth line of the title-page in the last word has an imperfection in the 1761, 1763, and 1752 copies, but new type is found in the 1766 copy.

These typographical similarities between the 1752 and the 1763 Bibles seem to be sufficient evidence that by some error the date of the McKee-Thomas Bible was misprinted or changed and should be 1763. In corroboration of this suggestion, it is to be noted that the date M.DCC.LXIII is not exactly centered, being about ¹/₁₆ of an inch too far to the left; and that in the alleged 1752 edition the date, though containing two figures less, begins at precisely the same point and so is still more out of centre, being about ¼ of an inch too far to the left.

The watermarks in the paper used in both, indeed all, of the Mark Baskett Bibles seen, are identical, showing that the paper came from the same manufacturer. This, however, cannot be used as positive evidence of the identity in edition of these books because the same paper might have been imported by Kneeland & Green for this special work, although no such watermarks have been found in the books of this firm which have been examined.

If from this examination of the 1752 Bible and comparison with the editions of 1761, 1763, and 1766 it is proved, as it seems to be, that this Bible is not what it was supposed to be, then the inference is that it cannot be used as positive evidence of the truth of the story printed by Isaiah Thomas. Because of the removal of this evidence, we can go one step further and show that the imprint could not have been “Mark Baskett.”

Thomas wrote, “This bible issued from the press about the time that the partnership of Kneeland and Green expired” (which was the year 1752876); and again, “As it has a London imprint, at this day, it can be distinguished from the English edition of the same date only by those who are acquainted with the niceties of typography.” Mark Baskett printed Bibles in London from 1761 to 1769 and then sold the family patent to print Bibles to Charles Eyre,877 whose firm continues to print them at the present day. It is certain that; Mark Baskett did not print Bibles in 1752 and it is improbable that the Boston printers would have used the name of a man who had not printed such books. It is also certain that if they had used the name of another printer, in the Boston Bible, the officers of the Crown would have discovered the fact. Moreover, Thomas expressly states that the authorized and the unauthorized editions could only be distinguished from each other by one skilled in the niceties of typography, the change in name not requiring such skill.

How, then, did Thomas make the mistake of using the name “Mark”? It can be said, with strong probability, it was because he had at hand to consult only a copy of the Mark Baskett Bible. It must be remembered that the History of Printing was written in 1810, forty years after the Baskett Bibles had ceased to be printed and before either any study of printers or any collection of Bibles had been undertaken, so that he had few data for reference and few books for examination.

Like all pioneer works it was impossible for such a history to be written without errors of detail due to the fact that it was the first in that field of investigation. As an illustration, let me cite the following mistake in the History of Printing. Thomas states878 that the New Hampshire Gazette, Number 1, was published “Friday, August, 1756.” Examination of the only known copy of the first number shows that it was published on Thursday, October 7th, and continued to be published on Thursday for several months and then the day of publication was changed to Friday. Thomas had in his possession a copy of this newspaper after the day of issue had been changed to Friday and had evidently never seen an earlier number. This error, unfortunate though it was, does not prove that the New Hampshire Gazette was never printed but that the change in the day of printing had escaped him. So in the case of the Baskett Bible, Thomas was evidently ignorant of the fact that Thomas Baskett printed the Oxford and London Bibles from 1742 to 1761 and that Mark Baskett did not print them until the last date. This ignorance, however, while throwing doubt on the Boston imprint, does not militate against the fact that a Bible was printed there. It would seem, therefore, that the name of Mark Baskett should be eliminated from this question and that Thomas Baskett, the bible printer of that period, whose death occurred in 1763, was the one whose name will be found in the imprint of the Kneeland & Green Bible.879

engraved for the colonial society of massachusetts from a copy in the harvard college library

While Isaiah Thomas made errors of detail in his descriptions because of circumstances beyond his control, he has not been found at fault in his essential facts, and no chance of error can exist in regard to the Kneeland & Green Bible because of his circumstantial description.

It would seem to me that the solution of this important problem can only be attained by an extensive examination and comparison of copies known to have been in this country at that time with the same imprints from England by a person skilled in the study of the ornaments, types, and style of printing found in the books of Knee-land & Green.

Mr. Tuttle also made the following communication:

LAND WARRANTS ISSUED UNDER ANDROS, 1687–1688

The State Archives contain a volume bearing on a fly-leaf the words, “S^r Edmund Andros, Once a Governor, and rascally petty Tyrant, under the King, and grand Tyrant of Britain.” It contains 118 warrants to survey lands, issued by Andros from June 17, 1687, to July 28, 1688.880 In the name of the King he claimed the title in all our lands, and obliged the payment of a quit rent to secure a new survey and grant to confirm all former titles. During his short administration he had only time to make a beginning in his new order of government. While light charges were at first made, the way was opened for great extortion later.

These warrants are but the expression of one feature of the oppressive rule of Andros, and they furnish some interesting information as to the ownership of property in various places. The Colony charter had been vacated in 1684, and, following the presidency of Joseph Dudley in 1686, the King had granted commissions to Andros on June 3, 1686, and again on April 7, 1688, as Governor of the Territory and Dominion of New England. These warrants, here printed for the first time, do not cover the closing months of his administration. The disturbance caused by his arbitrary methods ended with his seizure on April 18, 1689, and his subsequent departure for England.

engraved for the colonial society of massachusetts. enlarged from a photographic reproduction in the catalogue of george h. richmond. 1910

Appended to the warrants is an alphabetical list of grantees and of locations, containing 129 names of persons. Some of the grantees were distinguished men like Dudley, Sewall, Stoughton, and various members of Andros’s Council. Others were men of note, but difficult to identify with certainty either because their places of residence are not given, or because there were several of the same name. Others, however, were settlers in the towns of Falmouth, North Yarmouth (now Freeport), Saco, and Scarborough, many of whom it is quite out of the question to identify, and a few of whom are not even mentioned by Savage in his Genealogical Dictionary of New England. For these, the reader should consult Willis’s History of Portland,881 Goold’s Portland in the Past, Russell’s History of North Yarmouth,882 Folsom’s History of Saco and Biddeford, and Southgate’s History of Scarborough.883

Finally, a word should be said in regard to the locations of grants. It will be remembered that the Narragansett Country or King’s Province is now that part of Rhode Island west of Narragansett Bay; that the Nipmug (Nipmuck) Country was in the neighborhood of Worcester, Mendon, Sutton, Oxford, etc., then in Massachusetts but now partly in Connecticut; that in 1658 Black Point and Blue Point were established as a town under the name of Scarborough;884 and that in the same year Casco Bay and Spurwink were established as a town under the name of Falmouth, now Portland, Maine.885 The frequent changes in English names; the conflicting claims of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, New Plymouth, Rhode Island, and Connecticut in the matter of jurisdiction, claims which about the middle of the eighteenth century were invariably settled by the Privy Council adversely to Massachusetts; the extraordinary variety of forms in which Indian names occur, and the reduplication of such names throughout New England — all combine to make exact identification of localities difficult. Hence infallibility in this respect is not claimed.

Land Warrants issued under Andros, 1687–1688

1

Warrant to lay out Land for M^r Symon Lynde886 at Paucatuck neck.887

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generali and Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles888 Surveyor Whereas Symon Lynds of Boston Merchant hath by his Petic̄on desired a grant & Confirma͞con of a certaine parcell of Land upon Paucatuck or Squamacack neck neer Paucatuck River conteining Eight hundred seventy four Acres whereon he hath already setled and improved with a further addic̄on thereunto These are therefore to authorize & require yow forthwith to survey and lay out the said parcell of Lands with an addic̄on thereto adjoyneing if vacant to make in y^e whole One thousand Acres and that yow make due returne thereof to the Sec͞ryes Office accordingly. And for so doing this shall be yo^r warr^t Given und^r my hand and seale at Boston the 17^th day of June in the third yeare of his Majestyes Reigne Annoq Dom 1687

2

Warrant to survey the Land of Narraganset

By His Excellency

Yow are with the first Conveniency to make a generall survey and draught of the Narraganset Countrey or Kings Province and therein to observe and marke the severall settlements Claimes and pretencons made by any person or persons to the same or any parte or parcells thereof of which to make Returne to me with all possible speed And for so doing this shall be yo^r Warrant Dated at Boston the 22^th day of June 1687

To M^r John Smith889 D. Survey^r

3

Warrant to survey the Lands at ffeversham.890

By His Excellency the Govern^r

Whereas John Maxson891 and William Champlain892 have in behalfe of themselves and the Town of ffeversham in the Kings Province by their Petic̄on893 prayed that A survey may be made of the Lands in sd Towne and that the same may be granted and confirmed to them These are therefore to authorize & Impower yow to survey the Lands whereon the inhabitants of the said Towne are settled & have improved and likewise such Lands as are conveniently adjoyning to them and thereof to make a due returne that right may be done to the Petic̄oners therein accordingly Dated at Boston the 24^th day of June 1687

To M^r Jn^o Smith D Survey^r

4

Warrant to lay out 50 Acres of Land for Jn^o Swarton894 in Northyarmouth in Caskobay

By His Excellency

Whereas John Swarton hath by his Petic̄on Desired to have a parcell of Land surveyed and layd out to him in the Towne of Northyarmouth in Casco bay for his p^rsent settlement & improvem^t These are therefore to authorize & impower yow to Lay out for the sd John Swarton the quantity of fifty acres of Land in some Convenient place within the sd Towne and thereof to make returne to the Sec͞ryes Office that the same may be Patented to him accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given und^r my hand at Boston the 29^th day of June 1687

To Cap^t Walter Gendall

5

Warrant to survey a farme at Charlestoune for Charles Ledgett895

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall & Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To Phillip Welles Esq Surveyo^r of the Territory & Dominion aforesaid Whereas Charles Ledgett Esq hath by his Petic̄on desired a grant & confirma͞con of a certaine farme or parcell of Land lyeing in Charlestoune and to have an addic̄on of some vacant land adjoyning to the same These are therefore to authorize and require yow forthwith to make a survey and draft of the sd farme or parcell of Land and of the Lands adjoyneing to or about the same and thereof to make due Returne that such grant & confirmac̄on may be given to the Petic̄oner as shall be thought requisite and for so doing this shall be yo^r warr^t Given und^r my hand and seale at Boston the 5^th day of July in the third year of his Majestyes Reigne Annoq Dom 1687

6

Warrant to lay out Lands in Charlestoune for Jn^o Cutler Jun^r896

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall & Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory & Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Surveyo^r Whereas John Cutle Jun^r of Charlestoune hath desired his Majestyes Patent of confirmac̄on for severall peeces and parcells of land within the Bounds of Charlestoune aforesd whereon he hath built planted and improved and being herein possessed that is to say a peece of wharfe Land conteining fifteene pooles another peece of ground conteining seven poole and three quarters Eleven Acres of meadow at wormers point two acres and halfe of Land in y^e westfield two Orchards in the Eastfield conteining twenty five Acres of Land in the Com̄on called the stinted pasture and sixty four acres of woodland in the Common behinde Cap^t Wades897 farme these are therefore to Authorize and require yow to survey & lay out for the said John Cutler the before-menc̄oned severall peeces & parcells of Land and p^r misses according to the severall Ord^rs Deeds & conveyances for the same & inclosures and to make due Returne with a platt or Draft thereof into the Sec͞ryes office that the sd Lands may be confirmed to him accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warr^t Given under my hand and seale at Boston the 20^th Day of July 1687

7

Warrant to lay out Land at Charlestoune for Samuell Ballatt898

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall & Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory & Dominion of New England to M^r Phillip Welles Survey^r Whereas Samuell Ballatt of Charlestoune shipwright hath by his Petic͞on Desired his Majestyes Confirmac͞on of severall peeces or parcells of ground within Charlestoune aforesd on which are severall houses warehouses and wharfes built & Erected and which for many yeares he hath peaceably possessed and Enjoyed These are therefore to authorize & require yow forthwith to survey and lay out for the said Samuell Ballatt the sd severall Deeds & Conveyances for the same buildings & improvem^ts made and to make Due Returne with a platt or Draft thereof into the Sec͞ryes Office that the said ground may be Confirmed to him by Patent accordingly and for so Doeing this shall be yo^r warr^t Given und^r my hand and seale at Boston the 20^th day of July 1687

8

Warrant to survey Land for Joseph Dudley Esq in Roxbury

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ƚƚ & Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England to M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor Whereas Co^ƚƚ Joseph Dudley hath Desired his Majestyes Patent of Confirmac͞on for severall houses & parcells of Land within the towneship of Roxbury (that is to say) for his mansion house and Land thereunto belonging Conteining about seven Acres the Greyhound inn with the Land & Orchard thereunto adjoyneing Conteining about four Acres About Eight acres of meadow by the Land of Thomas Weld about seven Acres of pasture by the schoolland about nine Acres more of pasture by the highway About One Acre of salt marsh by the sea, a farme called Smithfield conteining about One hundred & forty Acres About four Acres more of salt marsh by Jacob Pepper about twenty Acres of woodland by Samuell Weld a parcell of land Conteining about One hundred & thirty Acres by Nathaneel Garey899 A tenem^t and about thirteene Acres of Land in the Road to Dedham and the halfe of a, house barne & thirty Acres of Land by Gyles Payson900 And alsoe One other peece of woodland at Muddy River901 being about sixteene Acres all which he hath long beene and now is in the actuall possession and enjoyment off, These are therefore to Authorize and require yow to survey and lay out for the said Joseph Dudley the beforemen͞c͞oned severall houses & parcells of Land according to the severall Deeds made and given for the same and inclosures and to make due returne with a Piatt or Draft thereof into the Sec͞r͞yes office that the sd Lands may be confirmed to him by Patent Accordingly And for so doing this shall be yo^r warr^t Given und^r my hand & seale at Boston the 22^th day of July in the third yeare of his Majestyes Reigne annoq Dom 1687

9

Warrant to lay out for Charles Ledgett Esq 150 Acres of Land as an addic͞on to his farme at Charlestoune

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall & Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England to M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor Whereas by the survey and draft by yow made of the farme belonging to Lieu^t Coƚƚ Charles Ledgett in Charlestoune and of the vacant lands adjoyneing Pursueant to warrant of the fifth of July past there appeares to be a parcell of of Common vacant & unimproved land part of which the sd Charles Ledgett hath desired may be granted to him as an addic͞on to the said farme these are therefore to authorize & require yow to survey and stake out for the sd Charles Ledgett the Quantity of One hundred & fifty Acres of the sd Common vacant & unimproved land as an addic͞on to his sd farme to beginn at the Corner of the sd farme by Mistick bridge and to runn a streight fine to the road or way that goes to Monotomyes bridge as will include about the Quantity of Acres which Road yow are likewise to survey and lay out as straight to the sd bridge as the Land will permitt and thereof to make Returne into the Sec͞ryes Office that a Patent may be Given for the same accordingly Dated at Boston the first day of August 1687

10

Warrant to Survey 210 Acres of Land for Daniel Wilcock.902

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gener^ll and Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To John Smith Deputy Surveyor Whereas Daniel Wilcock of Litle Campton903 in y^e County of Bristoll hath by his Petic͞on desired a graunt & Confirmac͞on for One hundred & sixty Acres of Land on seconct904 and for fifty Acres of Land on a small neck thereto adjoyneing Called Nasinnah905 for which he hath satisfyed the Indians p^rtences and on parte thereof settled and improved These are therefore to Authorize and Require yow to survey and lay out for the sd Daniel Wilcock the sd Parcells of Land and to make a platt or draft thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞ryes Office at Boston with all convenient speed that the same may be Graunted and Confirmed to him accordingly and for so Doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the 17^th day of August 1687

11

Warrant to survey Land on Boston neck906 for Francis Brinley907

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes territory and Dominion of New England To M^r John Smith Deputy Surveyor Whereas ffrancis Brinley of Road Island Merchant Hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that for severall yeares past he hath beene possessed of a certaine tract of Land or farme on the souther-most end of Boston neck in the Narragansett Countrey which according to its knowne bounds conteines about Eight or nine hundred Acres whereon he hath made Considerable settlement & improvement praying that the same may be Granted & confirmed to him These are therefore to authorize & require yow to survey and lay out for the said ffrancis Brinley the sd Tract of Land or farme according according to its knowne bounds and Contents with an Addı͞c͞on of ninety acres more And to make a Platt or Draft thereof and the same to Returne into the Sec͞r͞yes Office with all Convenient speed that A Pattent may be Granted therefore accordingly And for so doeing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale at Boston the 18^th day of August 1687

12

Warrant to Lay out Lands at Pocassett908 for Tho: Waite909

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory And Dominion of New England To M^r John Smith Deputy Surveyor Whereas Thomas Waite of Little Compton hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that he being One of the Purchasers of the Lands called Pocassett in the County of Bristoll hath layd out a Considerable Estate In building & improvement on parte thereof, & thereby praying that the same may be confirmed to him with an Addic͞on of so much Land adjoyneing thereto as will make up in the whole the Quantity of three hundred Acres with Eight Acres of meadow now in his possession lyeing on the southward end of Punckatest neck910 These are therefore to Authorize & require yow to survey and Lay out for the said Thomas Waite the said Quantity of three hundred Acres of land in manner aforesd together with the said Eight Acres of meadow And to make a Piatt or Draft thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞ryes Office Att Boston with all convenient speed that a Pattent may be Granted therefore accordingly Given under my hand & seale at Boston the 18^th day of August 1687

13

Warrant to Lay out Land at Shawomett911 for Ralph Chapman.

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall & Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory & Dominion of New England to M^r John Smith Deputy Surveyor Whereas Ralph Chapman of Newport in Road Island Shipwright hath for the Conveniency & Accomodac͞on of building of ships and other Vessells prayed that about two hundred Acres of Land might be granted to him on a certaine neck of Land called Shawwomett ats wickopinsett on the westside of Taunton River These are therefore to Authorize & Require yow (in Case yow in case yow shall finde the sd neck of Land to be vacant & unappropriated) to survey and lay out for the said Ralph Chapman in some Convenient place there the said Quantity of two hundred Acres of Land and to make a platt or Draft thereof and Returne the same into the Sec͞ryes Office att Boston with all convenient speed that A Pattent may be Granted therefore Accordingly Given under my hand and seale at Boston the 18^th day of August 1687

14

Warrant to Survey severall houses and Ground in Boston for Cap^t Benjamin Davies912

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ƚƚ And Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory & Dominion of New Engl^d To M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor Whereas Benjamin Davies of Boston Merchant hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that for many yeares past he and those under whome he Claymes have beene possessed of a Certaine house Outhouses & Garden wherein he now dwelleth a house & Garden thereto adjoyneing two Warehouses joyneing to M^r Parsons & M^r Eyers and two more joyneing to M^r Shippen and some Ground and wharfe by him made out of the sea within the Towne of Boston aforesd praying that the same may be Granted and Confirmed to him These are therefore to Authorize & Require yow to measure & survey for the said Benjamin Davies the said severall houses outhouses Gardens warehouse Ground and wharfe before menc͞oned and to make platts or Drafts thereof and the same to Returne into the Sec͞ryes Office with all Convenient speed that a Pattent may be Granted therefore Accordingly And for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the 4^th day of Sep^t 1687

15

Warrant to Survey 2000 Acres of Land neere Punkeponge in Dorchester

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ll & Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory & Dominion of New England to M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor Whereas Richard Thair hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that by vertue of a lease from Wompatuck Josias and Indian Sachem he is possessed of a certaine tract of Land lyeing neere Punkapange pond on the south side thereof conteyneing about two thousand Acres thereby praying that the same may be surveyed & Graunted unto him which lyeing within the bounds of Dorchester and Constable of sd towne having upon my Order to view the same reported that the sd Land is vacant & unimproved These are therefore to authorize and require yow to make a survey and draft of the sd Tract or parcell of Land And Whereas Rodger Clap913 layes Clayme to five hundred Acres of Land and meadow which is parte of or adjoyneing to the Land before menc͞oned for which he hath likewise prayed a Graunt Yow are therefore to make a particular survey and draft thereof And the same to Returne into the Sec͞ryes office with all convenient speed that such further ord^rs may be Given therein as may be necessary and for so Doeing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the 12^th day of Sep^t 1687

16

Warrant to survey severall houses & Land in Boston for Edward Shippen914

S^r Echnund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ƚƚ and Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory & Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor Whereas Edward Shippen of Boston Merchant hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that for many yeares past he and those under whome he Claymes have beene possessed of a certaine house and Ground wherein he now liveth One other house & Ground in y^e Occupac͞on of Thomas Savage One other house and ground in the occupac͞on of George Dansen severall warehouse and ground belonging thereto and about four acres of ground in pasture all within the Towne of Boston aforesaid praying that the same may be Granted and confirmed to him These are therefore to Authorize and Require yow to measure and survey for the said Edward Shippen the sd severall houses warehouses and ground beforemenc͞oned and to make platts or Drafts thereof and the same to return into the Secryes Office with all convenient speed that a Pattent may be Granted therefore accordingly and for so Doeing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand & seale att Boston the 12^th day of Sep^t 1687

17

Warrant to lay out Land in Worcester915 for George Danson916

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ƚƚ and Governour in Chiefe of of his Majestyes Territory & Dominion of New England to M^r John Gore917 Deputy Surveyor whereas George Danson of Boston Baker hath by his Petic͞on prayed my confirmac͞on of a certaine ꝑcell of Land lyeing within the bounds of Worcester whereon he hath settled & improved conteyneing about two hundred & forty Acres with fifteene Acres of meadow and that as an addicon to the same I would grant unto him one hundred and fifty Acres more out of the vacant lands that lye to the Eastward thereof & adjoyneing To the same These are therefore to Authorize and Require yow to survey and lay out the said two hundred and forty acres of upland & fifteen acres of meadow with the Addic͞on of One hundred and fifty Acres more to the Eastward thereof & adjoyneing to the same of which yow are to make due Returne with a platt or Draft into the Secryes Office that such further Order may be Given therein for accomodating the Petic͞oner as may be propper and for so doeing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand & seale att Boston the 19^th day of Sep^t 1687

18

Warrant to lay out Lands in the Napmuge Country for Joseph Dudley Esq &. aƚ.

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes territory and Dominion of New England To M^r John Gore Deputy Surveyor Whereas Joseph Dudley and William Stoughton Esqrs have in behalfe of themselves Major Robert Thompson918 and Doctor Daniel Cox919 Desired a grant and confirmacon for a certaine tract of land In the Nipmuge Country of the Contents of Eight myles square which was granted to them in the yeare 1683,920 by the Gen^ƚƚ Assembly of the late Massathusetts Collony These are therefore to Authorize & Require yow to survey and lay out for the sd Joseph Dudley William Stoughton Robert Thompson & Daniell Cox the said tract of Land conteyneing Eight myles square in the Nipmuge Country aforesd neere Worcester and to make returne thereof with a platt or Draft Describing the same into the Secryes Office that the same may be Granted and Confirmed to them Accordingly and for so Doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand & seale att Boston this 19^th day of Sep^t 1687

19

Warrant to lay out Lands in Worcester for Charles Crossthwaithe

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ƚƚ & Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes territory and Dominion of New England to M^r John Gore Deputy Surveyor Whereas Charles Crossthwaite of Road Island hath by his Petic͞on prayed my confirmac͞on for a certaine Parcell of Land lyeing within the bounds of Worcester at a place there called and knowne by the name of Burntcoat Playne conteyneing one hundred Acres And that as an Addic͞on to the same I would Grant unto him One hundred and fifty acres more adjoyneing These are therefore to Authorize and Require yow to survey and lay out the sd One hundred acres of land with the Addic͞on of One hundred & fifty acres more adjoyneing to the same if, so much vacant & unappropriated And to make a due Returne thereof with a platt or Draft into the Surveyors Office that such further order may be given therein as shall be thought propper for the accomodac͞on of the Petic͞oners and for so doeing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale at Boston the 19^th day of Sep^t 1687

20

Warrant to survey the vacant Land about Worcester.

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Geri^ll and Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes territory and Dominion of New England to M^r John Gore Deputy Surveyor Yow having finished the severall surveyes of Land in the Nepmuge Country & within the bounds of Worcester according to the particular Warrants for the same These are to Authorize & Require yow to make a Generall survey of the Lands lyeing to the Eastward of Worcester & Oxford & betweene these places and the severall townes of Malborough Wrensham & Mendham And likewise to the westward of the towne of Worcester and betweene that and Quinnebague River and to import as well the Quality as Quantity of the sd Lands And to Returne the particular platt or Draft thereof in the performance of which all Officers and persons whatsoever are hereby required to be ayding assisting & helpfull to Yow therein as yow shall have occac͞on or see cause to Require the same and for so Doeing this shall be your warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the 20^th day of Sept 1687

21

Warrant to Survey nonsuch farme921 in the Province of Mayne Claymed by Sarah Jourden922 & John Hincks.923

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall & Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Richard Clements924 Deputy Surveyor Whereas Sarah Jorden widdow and John Hincks have by their Petic͞on sett forth that the Predecessors of the said Sarah Jorden now the first possessors of a certaine farme or neck of Land lyeing about six myles from the water side in the Province of Mayne Comonly called and knowne by the name of Jordens or nonsuch farme on which in the life time of her husband severall improvements were made and that since his Decease the sd Jolm Hincks for a valuable considerac͞on is become Intituled to one moyety of the same which they desire joyntly to improve praying the same may be confirmed to them by Pattentt under his Majestye These are therefore to authorize & Require yow to make a survey & draft of the sd ffarme or neck of Land and the same to Returne to the surveyors Office at Boston that Orders may be given therein for accomodateing Of the Petic͞oners And for so doeing this shall be your warrant Given under my hand and, seale att Boston the 6^th day of October 1687

22

Warrant to survey severall parcells of Land in Cascobay for Cap^t Silvanus Davies.925

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ƚƚ & Govemour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory & Dominion of New England To M^r Richard Clements Deputy Surveyor Whereas Sylvanus Davies of ffalmouth in the Province of Maine Gentƚ and James English of Boston Marriner have by their Petic͞on sett forth that for severall yeares past they have been possessed of severall messuages or Tenements Mills Lands & Islands in the sd Province of Maine (that is to say,) A mossuage and lott of Ground in which the said Davies now liveth neer the ffort926 being about One Acre Another lott belonging to the sd messuage Qt about six Acres and a small Island Called Little Chabawk927 Qt. about sixty acres Alsoe another house lot on the west side the Cove neer the ffort about One Acre A lott on the neck q^t six Acres and sixty Acres of Outland neer their great saw mill Alsoe sixty Acres of Land lyeing to the Westward of M^r Thaddeus Clarke Alsoe another parcell of Land at Kippisick928 being a myle square whereon is a dwelling house & sawmill and six or Eight Acres of meadow adjoyneing thereto Alsoe another parcell of Land about three hundred Acres and about six Acres of fresh meadow in nonsuch meadowes with a streame of water on which is a house sawmill and Gristmill, Alsoe another parcell of land att Long Creeke about two hundred Acres with a streame whereon is two houses & a sawmill and another parcell of Land att nonsuch point and neere adjoyneing to it with about fifteene Acres of fresh meadow att nonsuch mashes whereon is severall buildings and other improvem^ts praying that the same may be Granted and confirmed to them These are therefore to Authorize & Require yow to survey and lay out for the sd Sylvanus Davies And James English the said severall lotts peeces and parcells of Land meadow & p^r misses and to make Platts or Drafts thereof and the same forthwith to Returne into the Surveyors Office att Boston that the same may be Granted & Confirmed to them accordingly and for so doeing this shall be y^r warrant Given under my hand and seale at Boston the 6^th day of October 1687

23

Warrant to survey severall parcells of Claymed by Walter Barefoot929 in Kittery.

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ll and Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England to M^r Richard Clements Deputy Surveyor Whereas Walter Barefoot Esq hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that for severall yeares past he hath been possessed of a parcell of upland and swamp in Kittery in the Province of Maine att a place there called spruce Creeke Conteyning two hundred and sixteene Acres Alsoe another parcell of Land adjoyneing in length upon the Bath Conteyning five hundred Acres Alsoe another parcell of Land att a place Called the mill Creeke or point conteyneing about one thousand Acres And alsoe one other parcell of Land lyeing by the harbours mouth on the Eastside of Piscataqua River Conteyneing five hundred Acres upon which he hath made considerable settlem^ts and improvements And praying to have confirmac͞on for the same under his Majestye These are therefore to Authorize & Require yow to make a survey and Draft of the said severall parcells & quantityes of Land and the same to Returne to the Surveyors Office att Boston that Orders may be given therein for accomodateing the Petic͞oner as Desired And for so doeing this shall be your warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the 6^th day of October 1687

24

Warrant to Survey the Lands claymed By Robert Lawrence930 in Cascobay

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ƚƚ and Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes territory And Dominion of New England to M^r Rich^d Clements Deputy Surveyor Whereas Rob^t Lawrence of ffalmouth in Cascobay hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that for severall yeares past he hath beene possessed of a Certaine tract of Land & marsh lyeing at sapissick931 on the northerne side of the River to Extend to the River side of Amencongen932 whereon he now lives and hath made considerable settlement & improvement Praying to have confirmac͞on for the same under his Majestye (Excepting therout a parcell of Land about a myle square where on Cap^t Silvanus Davies hath built a sawmill) These are therefore to Authorize & Require yow to make a survey and Draft of the sd tract of land & marsh (Except before Excepted) and the same to Returne to the Surveyors Office att Boston That further Orders may be given therein for accomodateing of the Peticoner And for so doeing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand & seale att Boston the 6^th day of October 1687

25

Warrant to survey severall parcells of Land at Cascobay for Edward Ting933 Esq

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England to M^r Richard Clements Deputy Surveyor Whereas Edward Tyng Esq hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that in his own Right and by severall grants from diverse persons and from the towne of ffalmouth he is possessed of a messuage or Tenement and halfe an Acre of Land lyeing neere ffort Loyall As alsoe three Acres of upland belonging to the said Tenement And alsoe another house & barne with forty two Acres of upland And one hundred Acres of Land lyeing betweene the Land of Thaddeus Clarke and Ralph Turner & four Acres of marsh adjoyning to the sd Land being Divided from the marsh of the sd Thaddeus Clarke by a certaine Creeke called Buck Creeke And alsoe one halfe of Barbary Creeke marsh the whole conteyning Eight Acres next adjoyneing to the Land of Peter Bodwin934 all in the Province of Maine praying that the same may be Granted and Confirmed to him These are therefore to Authorize and Require Yow to Survey & lay out for the said Edward Tyng the said severall peeces & parcells of land meadow & premisses and to make platts or drafts thereof and the same forthwith to Returne into the Surveyors Office att Boston that a Pattent may be granted to the sd Edward Tyng accordingly and for soe Doeing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the 6^th day of October 1687

26

Warrant to Survey 110 Acres of Land in Cascobay for Richard Sacombe935

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall & Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory & Dominion of New England To M^r Richard Clements Deputy Surveyor Whereas Richard Sacombe hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that he is possessed of a certaine parcell of Land or farme lyeing in the back Cove in ffalmouth in Cascobay Conteyneing One hundred Acres of upland and tenne Acres of marsh where he Hath beene at Great Charge in building ffenceing and improvement the same being betweene the Land of John Smeath936 and the Land of James Rosse937 praying the same may be Granted & Confirmed to him under his Majestye These are therefore to Authorize & Require yow to survey and lay out for the said Richard Sacombe the said hundred Acres of land and tenne Acres of marsh in the ffresh marsh at the Easterne End belonging to the sd ffarme and to make a Draft thereof and Returne the same to the Surveyors Office Att Boston That a confirmac͞on may be Granted thereupon to the Petic͞oner as Desired and for so doeing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the 6^th day of October 1687

27

Warrant to survey 100 Acres of Land in Caskobay for David Phippen.938

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall & Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England to M^r Richard Clements Deputy Surveyor Whereas David Phippen of Salem in the County of Essex shipwright hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that his father Joseph Phippen939 sen^r about thirty seven yeares since purchased of George Cleve940 a parcell of Land in Caskobay Conteyneing One hundred Acres the which by himselfe & Children was quietly possessed and buildings and other improvements made thereon untill disturbed and Destroyed by the late Indian warr And that the fifth day of August last past his said father did by Deed Give and Grant the same to the Petic͞oner And praying a confirmac͞on for the same under his Majestye These are therefore to Authorize and Require yow to survey & lay out for the said David Phippen the said One hundred Acres of Land and to make a Piatt or Draft thereof and the same to Returne to the Surveyors Office at Boston that a Confirmac͞on may be there upon granted to the Petic͞oner as Desired and for so Doeing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale at Boston the 8^th day of October 1687

28

Warrant to Survey 200 Acres of land at Blackpoint for Joshua Scottow941.

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory & Dominion of New England to M^r Richard Clements Deputy Surveyor Whereas Joshua Schottow Esq hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that about twenty seven yeares since He did purchase of Abraham Josseline942 a parcell of upland and marsh conteyneing about two hundred Acres lyeing in the Towne of Scarburough aƚs Black point praying to have a confirmac͞on for the same under his Majestye These are therefore to authorize and Require yow to survey and lay out the sd parcell and quantity of upland & marsh and to make a platt and draft thereof And the same to returne to the surveyors office att Boston That a Confirmac͞on may be thereupon Granted to the Petic͞oner accordingly and for so doeing this shall be your warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the 8^th day of October 1687

29

Warrant to Survey 100 Acres of Land in Cascobay for Pierre Baudouin943

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall & Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes territory and Dominion of New England to M^r Richard Clements Deputy Surveyor Whereas Pierre Baudowin hath by his Petic͞on Desired a Grant of One hundred Acres of vacant Land in Cascobay for his present settlement & improvement these are therefore to authorize & Require yow to survey and lay out for the sd Pierre Baudouin the sd Quantity of one hundred Acres of vacant Land in Caskobay aforesaid in such place there as yow shall be directed to by Edward Wing944 Esq One of his Majestyes Council and to make a Platt or Draft thereof & Returne the same into the Surveyors office att Boston that a Pattent may be Granted to him Accordingly And for so doeing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the 8^th day of October 1687

30

Warrant to survey severall parcells of Land in Caskobay for Walter Gendall945

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall & Governour in Chiefe of his Matyes Territory and Dominion of New England to M^r Richard Clements Deputy Surveyor Whereas Walter Gendall of North Yarmouth hath by his Petic͞on sett forth That by Purchase and Allottment he is possessed of a certaine parcell of Land in North Yarmouth conteyneing about four hundred Acres whereon he now Liveth and hath made Considerable improvement and likewise of another parcell of Land in the Towne of Scarburough conteyneing One hundred And fifty Acres Praying a Grant & confirmac͞on for the same These are therefore to Authorize & Require yow to survey and lay out for the said Walter Gendall the said parcells of Land and to make platts or Drafts thereof and the same forthwith to Returne into the Surveyors Office att Boston that the same may be Granted & Confirmed to the Petic͞oner accordingly and for so doeing this shall be Your warrant Given under my hand & seale att Boston the Eight day of October 1687

31

Warrant to Survey 1000 Acres of Land in Watertowne.

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ƚƚ and Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor Whereas Mary Sherman the widdow of John Sherman946 late of watertowne Deceased hath by her Petic͞on sett forth that the said Towne Granted to her husband who was Minister there for about forty yeares a certaine Remainder of Land after a Division made which amounted to about one thousand Acres which when surveyed was by some of the Towne thought too much for him and difference ariseing about the same for A Peaceable Issue the Peticoners husband was by a Comittee psuaded to content himselfe with One third parte thereof to be forthwith divided which being hitherto refused to be Done she prayed a Grant for the whole One. thousand Acres of which Petic̄on notice being Given to the Inhabitants of Watertowne aforesd severall appeared before the Councill the seven & twentyeth july past & acknowledged that there was about One thousand Acres of vacant Land within the said Towne of which the Petic͞oners husband was to have a third parte but not the whole as Desired whereupon after full hearing and Debate of the matter It was Ordered that the sd vacant Tract of Land be surveyed and that the Petic͞oner have about a third parte thereof Granted to her accordingly These are therefore to Authorize & Require yow to survey the said Vacant tract of Land in Watertoune aforesd and to make a Platt or Draft thereof having reguard to the Quality as well as Quantity of the same And thereof to make returne to the Sec͞ryes Office that a parte may be granted to the sd Petic͞oner And for so doeing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the 12^th day of Sep^t 1687

32

Warrant to survey 107 Acres of Land at Saco for Thomas Sheppard

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall & Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Rich^d Clements Deputy Surveyor Whereas Thomas Sheppard Gentƚ hath by his Petic͞on prayed a Grant & Confirmacon for seven Acres of land at Saco River in the Province of Maine which he hath lately purchased and One hundred Acres more of upland lyeing between Little River & Goose faire adjoyneing to the said Land These are therefore to authorize & Require yow to survey and lay out for the sd Thomas Shippard the said seven Acres and one hundred Acres of Upland and meadow proportionable if vacant there and to make a Platt or Draft thereof and Returne the same into the surveyors Office att Boston That a Grant may be Given to the Petic͞oner Accordingly Given under my hand and seale att Boston the 13^th day of October 1687

33

Warrant to Survey & lay out 300 Acres of Land to Humphrey Johnson

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ƚƚ and Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor Whereas Att a Councill held the two & twentyeth of June last past it was Resolved that Humphrey Johnson had three Rights of Land in the towne of scituate to be ascertained to him accordingly These are therefore to Authorize & Require yow to survey and lay out for the said Humphrey Johnson for his said three Rights the Quantity of three hundred Acres of vacant Land within the bounds of the sd Towne in three severall parcells or places where he shall direct and yow shall finde it convenient and not prejudiciall to other settlements and to make a Piatt or Draft thereof and Returne the same into the Sec͞ryes office att Boston that a Pattent may be Granted thereupon and for so Doeing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand & seale att Boston the 25^th day of November 1687

34

Warrant to survey and lay out Mayanexit farme in the Nipmug Country in the County of Suffolke for Joseph Dudley and W^m Stoughton Esqrs

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Gov^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory & Dominion of New England to M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor Whereas Coƚƚ Joseph Dudley and W^m Stoughton Esqrs have desired his Majestyes Pattent of confirmac͞on for a certaine tract of Land or farme called or knowne by the name of Mayanexit947 lyeing and being in the Nipmug Country within the County of Suffolke Conteineing three thousand Acres These are therefore to authorize and Require yow to survey and lay out for them the said Joseph Dudley and William Stoughton the said tract of Land and to make due Returne with a platt or draft thereof into the Sec͞ryes Office that the same may be confirmed to them by Pattent accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale Att Boston the second day of January in the third yeare of his Majestyes Reigne Annoq Dom 1687

E Andros

By his Exceƚƚ comand

John west D:Sc͞ry

35

Warrant to survey and lay out Manchaog farme for Joseph Dudley and William Stoughton Esqrs

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ƚƚ Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England to M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor Whereas Coƚƚ Joseph Dudley and Wiƚƚ^m Stoughton Esqrs have desired his Majestyes Pattent of confirmac͞on for a certaine tract of Land or farme called or Knowne by the name of Manchaog948 lyeing and being in the Nipmug Country within the County of Suffolke conteineing two thousand acres These are therefore to authorize and require yow to survey and lay out for them the sd Joseph Dudley and William Stoughton the said tract of Land and to make due returne with a platt or draft thereof into the Sec͞ryes Office that the same may be confirmed to them by Pattent accordingly and for so doeing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the 2^d day of January in the third yeare of his Majestyes Reigne Annoq 1687

E Andros

By Comand of his Exceƚƚ

John west D Sc͞ry

36

Warrant to survey and lay out a farme in Sherborne and 4½ Acres of meadow in Miđđx County for Coll Joseph Dudley

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England to M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor Whereas Coll Joseph Dudley hath desired his Majestyes Pattent of confirmac͞on for a certaine farme lyeing in Sherborne within the County of Miđđx conteineing about two hundred and thirty Acres with four acres and a halfe of meadow lyeing distinct from the said farme in Medfield bounds within the Lands of George ffayerbanke These are therefore to authorize and require yow to survey and lay out for the said Joseph Dudley the said farme and meadow and to make due returne with a platt or draft thereof into the Sec͞r͞yes office that the same may be confirmed to him by Pattent according and for so doeing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the Second day of January in the third yeare of his Majestyes Reigne Annoq Dom 1687

E Andros

By his Exceƚƚ Com̄and

John west D Sc͞r͞y

37

Warrant to survey the great bay Called the Narrogansett Bay &c:

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r John Smith Deputy Surveyor Whereas by my warrant of the two and twentyeth June last past I did order and appoint yow to make a Generall survey and draft of the Narrogansett Country or Kings Province These are further to appoint and Authorize yow forthwith to make the like survey & Draft of the Lands and shoare round y^e great Bay Called Narrogansett Bay & of all the Necks of Lands Islands & Isletts within or neere the same and of all the Land and shoare along to Cape Codd therein observing and markeing the severall settlements Claymes & ꝑtencons made by any person or persons to any parte or parcell thereof of which yow are to make returne to me with all possible speed and for so doing this shall be yo^r Warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the 18^th day of January in the third year of his Matyes Reigne Annoq Dom 1687

38

Warrant to Survey Land at Spurwinck for Dominicus Jourden949

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ƚƚ and Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory & Dominion of New England to M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Deputy Surveyors Whereas Dominicus Jourden of Spurwinck in the Province of Maine hath by his Petı͞c͞on sett forth that Robert Jourden his late father De͞c͞ed did by his Last will and testament bequeath unto him One thousand Acres of Land besides meadow thereto belonging lyeing upon the river of Spurwinck aforesaid And that By virtue thereof he hath possessed the same for the space of tenne yeares past and hath built and improved a considerable parte thereof and settled five or six tennants thereon praying his Majestyes confirmac͞on for the same I do therefore hereby require and authorize yow to survey and lay out for the said Dominicus Jourden the said One thousand Acres of land and meadow thereto belonging and to make a platt or draft thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞r͞yes Office att Boston that a Pattent may be granted to him accordingly and for so doing this shall be your warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the Eightenth day of January in the third yeare of his Majestyes Reigne annoq Dom 1687

39

Warrant to Survey Land in Falmouth for John Rosse950

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ƚƚ and Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Deputy Surveyors Whereas John Ross of Falmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his Peticonsett forth that for about thirty yeares past his father and himselfe have been possessed of a certaine parcell of Land in the said Towne lyeing att the Back Cove Betweene the Land Claymed By Richard Sacombe and Edmund Gale containing One hundred and forty Acres and about tenne Acres of marsh att the westward end of the great marsh adjoyning to the said Land and have beene at great Charge in the improvement thereof praying his Majestyes Confirmac͞on for the same I do hereby require and authorize yow to survey and lay out for the said John Ross the said Land and marsh and to make a platt or draft thereof and to returne the Same into the Sec͞r͞yes office att Boston that a Pattent may be granted unto him accordingly and for so doing this shall your warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the eightenth day of January in the third yeare of his Matyes Reigne Annoq Dom 1687

40

Warrant to survey Land in Falmouth for Thomas Sanford et aƚ

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Survey^r or to any of the Dep^t Surveyors Whereas Thomas Sanford and Robert Sanford951 of ffalmouth in the Province of Maine have by their Petic͞on sett forth that for about five and thirty yeares past they have beene and now are possessed of a certaine parcell of Land in the said Towne on the Southward side of Casco River over against the fforte conteining about two hundred and forty Acres with about twenty Acres of meadow lyeing att the great marsh on that side the said River and thereon have made very large improvement Praying his Majestyes Confirmac͞on for the same I do hereby require and authorize yow to survey and lay out for the said Thomas Sanford and Robert Sanford the said Land and meadow and to make a platt or draft thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞r͞yes Office att Boston that a Pattent may be granted to them accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand & seale att Boston the Eightenth day of January in the third yeare of his Majestyes Reigne Annoq Dom 1687

41

Warrant to survey Land in Falmouth for John Smith

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ƚƚ & Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Survey^r or to any of the Dep^t Survey^r Whereas John Smith of Falmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that for many yeares past he hath beene and now is possessed of a certaine parcell of Land in the said Towne lyeing neere the Back Cove Conteining fifty Acres whereof he hath made considerable improvement praying his Majestyes confirmac͞on for the same and grant of an Addic͞on of fifty Acres more of vacant Land adjoyning with four Acres of marsh att the great fresh marsh I do hereby require and authorize yow to survey and lay out for the said John Smith the said fifty Acres of Land and if there be vacant Land adjoyning to enlarge the same to One hundred Acres with the said four Acres of marsh if vacant and to make a platt or draft thereof and to returne the same into The Sec͞ryes Office att Boston that a Pattent may be granted unto him accordingly and for so doing this shall be your warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the Eightenth day of January in the third yeare of his Majestyes Reigne Annoq Dom 1687

42

Warrant to survey Land in Falmouth for Samuel Ingersell.952

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ll & Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Survey^r or to any of the Dep^t Surveyors Whereas Samuel Ingersell of Falmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that for severall yeares he hath beene and now is possessed of severall parcells of Land in the said Towne that is to say a house lott neere the fforte a three acre lot upon the neck and about two hundred acres of Land on the north side of Stroudwater River adjoyning to the Land of Cap^t Davyes whereon he hath beene att great charge in improvement Praying his Majestyes confirmacon for the same I do hereby require and authorize yow to survey and lay out for the said Samuel Ingersell the said severall ꝑcells of Land and to make a platt or draft thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞r͞yes Office att Boston that a Pattent may be granted unto him accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale at Boston the Eightenth day of Jan^ry in the third yeare of his Matyes Reigne annoq Dom 1687

43

Warrant to survey Land in Scarborough for John Howell

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ll & Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England to M^r Phillip Welles Survey^r or to any of the Dep^t Survey^rs Whereas John Howell of Scarborough Plantor hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that for about thirty yeares past he hath beene possessed of a parcell of upland and meadow to the quantity of about fifty acres lyeing in Scarborough aforesaid adjoyning to land Claymed by Joshua Scottow thereby praying his Majestyes Confirmacon for the same I do therefore Require and authorize yow to survey and lay out for the said John Howell the said upland and meadow and to make a platt or draft thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞r͞yes office att Boston that a Pattent may be granted to him accordingly and for so doing this shall be your warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the Eightenth day of January in the third yeare of his Majestyes Reigne Annoq Dom 1687

44

Warrant to survey Land att Scarborough for Richard Humwell953

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Survey^r or to any of the Dep^t Survey^rs Whereas Richard Humwell of Scarborough hath by his Peticon sett forth that for many yeares past he hath beene and now is possessed of about sixty Acres of Land and about tenne Acres of salt and fresh marsh in the said Towne and thereon hath built a very fair house thereby praying his Majestyes Confirmac͞on for the same with the grant of an Addic͞on of One hundred Acres more I do therefore require and authorize yow to survey and lay out for the said Richard Humwell the said sixty acres of Land and tenne Acres of marsh and if there be vacant Land sufficient adjoyning yow are to enlarge the same to the Quantity of One hundred and fifty acres and to make a Platt or draft thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞ryes Office att Boston that a Pattent may be granted to him accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the Eightenth day of January in the third yeare of his Majestyes Reign Annoq Dom 1687

45

Warrant to survey Land in Scarborough for William Burrage

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ll and Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England to M^r Phillip Welles Survey^r or to any of the Dep^t Survey^rs Whereas William Burrage of Scarborough Planter hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that for many yeares before and since the late indian warr he hath beene possessed of a small peece of Land conteining about fifty acres with some addic͞on of meadow which he purchased of One Henry Watts thereby praying his Majestyes Confirmac͞on for the same I do therefore require and Authorize yow to survey and lay out for the said William Burrage the said peece of Land and meadow and to make a platt or draft thereof and the same to Returne into the Sec͞ryes Office att Boston that a Pattent may be granted to him accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the Eightenth day of January in the third yeare of his Majestyes Reigne Annoq Dom 1687

46

Warrant to Survey houses & Land in Boston and att Rumley Marsh for Liev^t Coll. Nich: Page954

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ll & Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Survey^r or to any of the Dep^t Survey^rs Whereas Liev^t Coll Nicholas Page and Anna his wife have by their Petic͞on sett forth that they Are seized of certaine houses and Lands in Boston and Rumley Marsh955 as rightly descended to the said Anna from Cap^t Robert Keayne956 her Grandfather she being the only child descended from him that is to say their dwelling house in Boston with some tenements and outhouses about it and the ground thereto belonging a Certaine farme in the occupac͞on of Benja: Mosey att Rumley marsh Conteining about seven or Eight hundred acres and a small farme in the occupac͞on of Isaac Luwes at the same place conteining about One hundred and fifty Acres Praying that they may have a Pattent of Confirmac͞on for the same These are therefore to require and authorize yow to survey for the said Nicholas Page and Anna his wife the said dwelling house tenements and outhouses about it and ground thereto belonging and also the said farmes att Rumley marsh aforesaid and to make a Platt or draft thereof and returne the same into the Sec͞ryes office att Boston that Confirmac͞on may be granted accordingly and for so doing this shall be your warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the Eightenth day of January in the third yeare of his Majestyes Reigne Annoq Dom 1687

47

Warrant To Survey Land in Falmouth in the Province of Maine, for John Spencer.

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Governour in Chiefe of his Majesties Terrytory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillipp Wells Surveyor or any of the Deputy Surveyo^rs Whereas John Spencer of ffalmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his Petic͞on desired a grant of One Hundred Acres of Vacant Land for his p^r sent Settlem^t and Improvement adjoyning to Stroud water River and fronting to Cascoe River over against Cape Sick957 with Six or Eight Acres of Swamp or meadow neere the same if to be had These are Therefore to require and Authorize you to Survey and lay out for the said John Spencer y^e s^d 100 Acres of Land w^th and Addic͞on of 100 Acres more if to be had in y^e Said place & Twelve acres of Swamp or Meadow neere the same if to be had And to make a platt or Draft thereof and y^e Same to returne into the Sec^rys Office att Boston y^t a Pattent maybe Granted to him accordingly And for soe Doeing this shall be your Warrant Given vnd^r my hand & Seale att Boston the Eighteenth day of Jan^ry in y^e 3^d yeare of his Majesties Raigne Annoq Dn̄i 1687

48

Warrant to Survey Land in Falmouth in the Province of Maine for Richard Powsley958

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gr͞all and Governour in Cheife of his Majesties Territory and Dominion of New England to M^r Phillipp Wells Surveyor Or to any of the Deputy Surveyor Whereas Richard Powsley of ffalmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his Petı͞c͞on sett forth that for this Thirteen or foureteene yeares past hee hath beene in possion of about Seaventy Acres of Land and Marsh within the said Towne and hath made Considerable Improvement thereon by building ffenceing and planting thereby praying his Majesties Confirmac͞on for the same according to the bounds already Settled I Doe therefore require and Authorize you to Survey and lay Out for the said Richard Powsley the said Land and Marsh according to the bounds already Settled and to make a platt or Draft thereof and the same to returne into the Sec^r ys Office att Boston that a Pattent may be granted to him accordingly and for soe doeing this shall be your Warrant Given vnder my hand & Seale att Boston the Eighteenth day of January In the Third yeare of his Ma^ties Raigne Annoq Dn̄i 1687

49

Warrant to Survey Land in ffalmouth in the Province of Maine for M^r George Ingersolld Jun^r 959

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gr͞all and Governour in Cheife of his Majesties Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillipp Wells Surveyor Or to any of the Deputy Surveyo^rs Whereas George Ingersolld Jun^r of ffalmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his Petic͞on Sett forth that for many yeares past hee hath beene and now is possessed of Seūall peeces & ꝑcells of Land in y^e s^d Towne (that is to say) A house Lott neere the ffort of about two acres a three acre Lott vpon y^e Neck neere the back Cove fourty acres of Land att the head of Barbary Creeke abovt a hundred acres of Land adjoyning to Stroudwater River next the Land of Cap^t Silvanus Davis and about Tenn acres of Marsh In Nonsuch Marshes whereon he hath made greate Improvement praying his Ma^ties Confirmac͞on for the same I Doe hereby require and Authorize you to Survey & lay out for y^e S^d George Ingersoll y^e s^d seūall peeces of Land and Marsh and to make a platt or Draft thereof and the same to returne into y^e Sec͞ry’s Office att Boston y^t a Pattent may be granted to him accordingly and for soe doeing this shall be your Warrant Given vnd^r my hand and Seale at Boston the Eighteenth day of January In the 3^d yeare of his Majesties Raigne Annoq Dn̄i 1687

50

A Warrant to Survey Land in Falmouth in y^e Province of Maine for M^r John Browne Sen^r

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gr͞all & Governou^r in Cheife of his Majesties Territory & Dominion of New England To M^r Phillipp Wells Surveyor or to any of the Deputy Surveyo^rs Whereas John Browne Sen^r of ffalmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his Peticon Sett forth y^t for seūall yeares past hee hath beene and now is possessed of a Certaine parcell of Land in the Said Towne Lyeing att Back Cove Containeing Sixty Acres and alsoe another parcell of Land lyeing neere the Greate Marsh Containeing two Hundred and fifty Acres Alsoe a house Lott neere the ffort about halfe an Acre whereon att his great Charge hee hath made seūall buildings and other Improvements praying his Majesties Confirmation for the Same and grant of Three Acres of Land on the Neck for an Accomodation to his house and Lott neere the ffort and ffive Acres of Marsh in the said Great Marsh I Doe hereby require and authorize you to Survey and Lay out for the said John Browne the said seuall parcells of Land with the addition of Land and Meadow as desired if vacant and to make a Platt or Draft thereof and the same to returne into the Secretaryes Office att Boston that a Pattent may be Granted vnto him accordingly And for soe doeing this shall be your Warrant Given vnder my hand and Seale att Boston the Eighteenth day of Jan^ry In the Third yeare of his Majesties Raigne Annoq Dn̄i 1687

51

A Warrant to Survey Land in ffalmouth In the Province of Maine for M^r Thomas Clayce960

S^r Edmvnd Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gr͞all and Governour in Cheife of his Majesties Territory and Dominion of New England to M^r Phillipp Wells Surveyo^r Or to any of the Deputy Surveyo^rs Whereas Thomas Clayce of ffalmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that for many yeares past hee hath beene and now is in possession of seūall peeces and parcells of Land within the said Towne (that is to say) a house Lott att the head of the Cove neere the ffort being about two acres and a Six acre Lott vpon the Neck and alsoe a parcell of Land Lyeing neere Cap^t Davyes Sawmill att Cape Sick betwixt the Land Claymed by Joseph Ingersell & John Ingersell Containeing about One Hundred acres with two or Three Small Coves of Salt Marsh and Creeke thatch within the bounds thereof whereon att his greate Charge hee hath made Considerable Improvem^t Praying his Ma^ties Confirmation for the Same I Doe hereby require and Authorize you to Survey and lay out for y^e Said Thomas Clayce y^e S^d Seūall peeces and parcells of Land and Marsh and to make a platt or Draft thereof and to returne y^e Same into the Sec^rys Office att Boston that a Pattent may be granted vnto him accordingly and for Soe doeing this Shall be your Warr^t Given vnd^r my hand and Seale att Boston the Eighteenth day of January In the 3^d yeare of his Majesties Raigne Annoq Dn̄i 1687

52

A Warrant to Survey Land in Falmouth in the Province of Maine for M^r John Lane.

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gr͞all & Governo^r in Cheife of his Majesties Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillipp Wells Surveyor or to any of the Deputy Surveyo^rs Whereas John Lane of Falmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his Petic͞o͞n Sett forth that in Seūall yeares past hee hath beene and now stands possessed of Seūall peeces and parcells of Land in the said Towne (that is to say) a Lott wherein hee Dwelleth being on the South side of Cascoe River neere Papadock961 of seaven Acres and a parcell of Marsh and Swamp belonging thereto Att the North Marsh being about Tenne Acres Alsoe Sixty Acres of Land att a place called pond Cove without Portland962 and Six acres more of Swamp neere adjoyning and thereon hath made Considerable Improvement Praying his Majesties Confirmation for y^e same with y^e Grant of ffourty Acres of Vacant Land to be added to the Said Sixty Acres I Doe hereby require and Authorize you to Survey and Lay out for the Said John Lane y^e Said Seūall peeces and parcells of Land and Marsh w^th the Addic͞on aforesaid if Vacant and to make a platt or Draft thereof And y^e Same to returne into y^e Secrys Office att Boston that a Pattent may be granted vnto him accordingly And for Soe doeing this shall be your Warr̄t Given vnd^r my hand & Seale att Boston y^e Eighteenth day of January In y^e 3^d yeare of his Ma^ties Raigne Annoq Dn̄i 1687

53

A Warr^t to Survey Land in Falmouth in the Province of Maine for M^r Edward Davies.

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Governour in Cheife of his Majesties Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillipp Wells Surveyo^r or any of the Deputy Surveyo^rs Whereas Edward Davis of ffalmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his Petic͞on Desired a Grant of ffive hundred acres of vacant Land and Meadow for his Settlement and Improvement within y^e Townes of ffalmouth or Scarborough These are therefore to require and Authorize you to Survey and Lay out for the said Edward Davis the said Quantity of five Hundred acres of Vacant Land in some convenient place within either of the said Towshipps with about twenty acres of meadow neere therevnto and to make a Platt or Draft thereof and the same to returne into y^e Secretaryes Office att Boston that a Pattent may be granted to him accordingly And for soe doeing this shall be your Warrant Given vnd^r my hand and Seale att Boston the 18^th day of January In the Third yeare of his Majesties Raigne Annoq Dn̄i 1687

54

A warrant to survey Land in Falmouth in the Province of Maine for Rich^d Sacombe

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Wells Survey or to any of the Dep^t Surveyors Whereas Richard Sacombe of Falmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that he is possessed of two severall lotts of ground in the said Towne that is to say a house lott neere the Fort about halfe an acre and about six Acres upon the neck and thereon hath beene at a great charge in buildings and other improvements desireing his Majestyes Confirmac͞on for the same I do hereby require and authorize yow to survey and lay out for the said Richard Sacombe the said two severall lotts of ground and to make a platt or draft thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞ryes Office att Boston that a Patent may be granted unto him accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the nintenth day of January in the third yeare of his Majestyes Reigne annoq Dn̄i 1687

55

A Warrant to survey Land in Falmouth in the Province of Maine for Joseph Webber963

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Deputy Surveyors Whereas Joseph Webber of Falmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his petı͞c͞on sett forth that he is possessed of severall peeces of Land In the said Towne (that is to say) a house lott neere the fforte of about one acre and half a three acre lott neere adjoyning and about Eighteen acres of Land neere Stroud water mill adjoyning to the Claymes of George Ingersell Whereon he hath beene at Charge in building and making other improvements praying his Matyes confirmac͞on for the same and grant of so much vacant Land as will make his said Eighteen acres Lott One hundred These are therefore to require and authorize yow to survey and lay out for the said Joseph Webber the said severall parcells of Land with the addic͞on aforesaid & to make a Platt or draft thereof and the same to returne into the Secryes Office in Boston that a Pattent may be granted to him accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warr^t Given under my hand and seale att Boston the four and twentyeth day of January in the third yeare of his Majestyes Reigne Annoq Domini 1687

56

A Warrant to survey Land in ffalmouth in the Province of Maine for Mary Webber

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall & Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory & Dominion of New England to M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Dep^t Surveyors Whereas Mary Webber of Falmouth in the Province of Maine hath by her Petic͞on sett forth that for severall yeares past she hath beene and now is in possession of severall peeces and parcells of Land in y^e said Towne that is to say a house lott neere the Fort of about halfe an Acre and about two acres belonging thereto next Cap^t Davies lott and also a parcell of Land lyeing on the Eastward side of Long Creeke at the head of nonsuch point adjoyning to Cap^t Davies containing about sixty acres whereon she hath beene at great charge in buildings and other improvements thereby praying his Majestyes confirmac͞on for the same and that to the said sixty Acres an Addic͞on of vacant Land might be granted to make it One hundred These are therefore to require and Authorize yow to survey and lay out for the said Mary Webber the said severall parcells of Land with the Addic͞on aforesaid and to make a platt or draft thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞ryes Office at Boston that a Pattent may be granted to her accordingly And for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the four and twentyeth day of January in the third yeare of his Majestyes Reigne Annoq Dom 1687

57

A Warrant to survey Hog Island In the Province of Maine for Vines Ellicott

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Govern^r in Chiefe of his Matyes Territory and Dominion of New England to M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Dep^t Surveyors Whereas Vines Ellicott of Hog Island in the Province of Maine hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that Cap^t Rich^d Vines964 his Grandfather about fifty yeares since was possessed of the said Island called Hog Island lyeing in Cascobay and that he as heir to his said Grandfather is now in possession and improvem^t thereof praying his Majestyes Confirmac͞on for the same I do hereby require and authorize yow to survey and lay out for the said Vines Ellicott the sd Island called Hog Island and to make a platt or draft thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞ryes Office att Boston that a Patent may be granted unto him accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale at Boston the nintenth day of January in the third yeare of his Majestyes Reigne annoq Dom 1687

58

A Warrant to survey land In Scarborough in y^e Province of Maine for Robert Tydye and others.

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ƚƚ and Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Survey^r or to any of the Dep^t Surveyors Whereas Robert Tydye Thomas Bickford Henry Lybbey965 David Libbey Daniel Hogg Matthew Libbey Daniel Libbey John Libbey Thomas Leatherby Thomas Backer John Slaughter Anthony Row and Moses Durant all of Scarborough in the Province of Maine have by their Petic͞on sett forth that for many yeares they have been inhabitants within the said Towne and severall of them have great familyes which they are not able to mantaine and support by reason of the small quantity of land they are confined to not having above six or Eight Acres a peece and no meadow and that there is great quantityes of Lands and meadows neere adjoyning which lye vacant and unimproved praying that their said small Lotts of Land may be made up to Each of them about fifty or sixty acres and that they may have about tenne acres of meadow Each These are therefore to Require and Authorize yow to repayre to the dwellings Of the said severall persons and view the lotts they now live on and what vacant Land and meadows is adjoyneing thereto or lyes convenient for them and how they may have their said lotts Enlarged as desired and to make a platt or draft thereof and returne the same into the Sec͞ryes Office att Boston that such further Orders may be given therein for the accomodation of the Petic͞oners as may be propper and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the nintenth day of January in the third yeare of his Matyes Reigne Annoq Dom 1687

59

A Warrant to survey Land in Scarborough in the Province of Maine for Edward Bennett

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ƚƚ & Gov^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Survey^r or to any of the Dep^t Surveyors Whereas Edward Bennett of Scarborough in the Province of Maine hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that for severall yeares past he hath beene possessed of a certaine parcell of Land in the said Towne containing about thirty acres whereon he hath made a considerable settlement and Improvement praying his Majestyes confirmac͞on for the same with an Addic͞on of so much vacant Land adjoyneing as will make the whole to be One hundred acres I do hereby require and impower yow to survey and lay out the said parcell of Land with such addic͞on as may make up the same One hundred acres and to make a platt and draft thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞ryes Office att Boston that a Pattent may be granted unto him accordingly and for so doing this shall be your Warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the nintenth day of January in the third yeare of his Majestyes Reigne Annoq Dn̄i 1687

60

A Warrant to Survey Land in Scarborough in the Province of Maine for John Teney

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ƚƚ and Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England to M^r Phillip Welles Survey^r or to any of the Dep^t Survey^rs Whereas John Teney of Scarborough in the Province of Maine hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that for many yeares both before and since the Late Indian warr he hath beene possessed of a certaine parcell of Land in the said Towne on the westerly side of Spurwinck River containing about fifty acres and thereon made considerable improvement praying his Matyes confirmac͞on for the same and grant of an Addic͞on of fifty Acres more I do hereby require and authorize yow to survey and lay out for the said John Teney the said parcell of Land at Spurwinck River aforesaid and fifty acres more if vacant And to make a platt or draft thereof and the same to returne in the Sec͞r͞yes office at Boston that a Pattent may be granted unto him accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the nintenth day of January in the third yeare of his Matyes Reigne Annoq Dom 1687

61

A Warrant to survey land att Blewhills

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall & Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England to M^r Phillip Welles Survey^r or to any of the Dep^t Surveyors Whereas there is a parcell of Vacant Land conteining about three thousand Acres lyeing neere the blew hills within the County of Suffolke for parte of which severall persons have by their Petic͞ons Desired grants I do hereby authorize and require yow to make a generall survey and Draft of all the said parcell of Land and to inspect as well the Quality as quantity thereof and to returne the same to me accordingly For which this shall be your warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the third day of february Annoq Dom 1687

62

A Warrant to survey Land in Casco Bay in the Province of Maine for Maj: Barth: Gidney966

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ƚƚ and Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Dep^t Surveyors Whereas Major Bartholomew Gidney One of his Majestyes Councill hath by his Petic͞on desired his Majestyes Grant & confirmac͞o͞n of One thousand Acres of vacant Land on the west side of a River called Wesgustagoe att the head of Casco Bay in the Province of Maine neere the Entrance of the River and alsoe five hundred acres of more of vacant Land higher up on the said River with One hundred Acres of meadow being parte of a greater tract by him said to be many yeares since purchased in that place and whereon before the late Indian warr he hath beene at great charge in improvement I do hereby authorize and require yow to survey and lay out for the said Bartholomew Gidney the said parcells of Land and meadow and to make a platt or draft thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞ryes Office att Boston that a Pattent may be granted unto him accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the fourth day of february in the third yeare of his Matyes Reigne annoq Dom 1687

63

A Warrant to survey Land in Falmouth in the Province of Maine for John Skilling

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Govern^r in Chiefe of his Matyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Survey^r or to any of the Dep^t Surveyors Whereas John Skilling of Falmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his Petic͞o͞n sett forth that for severall yeares past he hath beene possessed of severall peeces and parcells of Land within the said Towne (that is to say) a house lott about seven acres and about two acres and a halfe of ground neere adjoyning about seventy acres of Land at the Back Cove and about sixty acres neere Cap^t Davies mill about three acres and halfe of salt marsh neere the said mill and about tenne acres of fresh meadow in nonsuch meadow and thereon hath beene at great charges in buildings and other improvements praying his Majestyes Confirma͞c͞o͞n for the same I do hereby authorize and Require yow to survey and lay out for the said John Skilling the said severall peeces of Land meadow and Marsh and to make platts and drafts thereof and the same to returne unto the Sec͞ryes Office att Boston that a Patent may be granted unto him accordingly and for so doing this shall be your warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the seventh day of february in the fourth yeare of his Majestyes Reigne Annoq Dom 1687

64

A Warrant to Survey Land in Falmouth in y^e Province of Maine for Walter Gendall

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Governour in Chiefe of his Matyes Territory and Dominion of New England to M^r Phillip Welles Survey^r or to any of the Dep^t Surveyors Whereas Walter Gendall of Northyarmouth hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that he hath beene about five and twenty yeares in the possession of a certaine parcell of Land lyeing on the East side of Spurwinck River in the Towne of Falmouth containing about fifty acres and thereon hath made considerable buildings and other improvements praying his Majestyes confirmac͞on for the same with an addic͞o͞n of fifty acres more I do therefore authorize and require yow to survey and lay out for the said Walter Gendall the said fifty acres of Land with an addic͞o͞n of fifty acres more if vacant and to make a platt or draft thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞r͞yes Office att Boston that a Patent may be granted unto him accordingly and for so doing this shall be your warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the seventh day of february in the fourth yeare of his Majestyes Reigne Annoq Dn̄i 1687

65

A Warrant to Survey Land at Blackpoint River in the Province of Maine for Rob^t Elliot967

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Dep^t Surveyors Whereas Robert Elliot of Portsmouth in the Province of Hampshire hath by his Petic͞o͞n sett forth that for severall yeares past he hath beene possessed of a certaine parcell of Land or farme lyeing in the Westerne side of Blackpoint River in the Province of Maine conteining about two hundred and twenty acres and also of another parcell of Land or farme lyeing at Dunston on the west side of of the said River Containing about two hundred and thirty acres and hath made considerable improvement on the said parcells of Land praying his Majestyes confirmac͞on for the same I do hereby authorize and Require yow to survey and lay out for the said Robert Elliott the said parcells of Land or farmes and to make platts or drafts thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞r͞yes Office att Boston that a Patent may be granted unto him accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and Seale at Boston the seventh day of february in the fourth yeare of his Majestyes Reigne Annoq Dom 1687

66

A Warrant to survey Land at Cascoe River for John Wallis968

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England to M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Dep^t Surveyors Whereas John Wallis of Falmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that he and those under whome he claymes have beene possessed of a certaine parcell of Land in the said Towne on the south side of Cascoe River att a place there called Papadock lyeing between the Land Claymed by Sampson Penly and Joel Madiford969 containing two hundred acres and of about seventeene Acres of meadow & Swamp att a place called the great marsh and about fifteen acres att two Other small marshes called the little marshes and have beene at great charge in the improvement thereof praying his Majestyes Confirma͞c͞on for the same I do therefore Require and authorize yow to survey and lay out for the said John Wallis the said Land meadow and marshes and to make a platt or draft thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞r͞yes Office att Boston that a Pattent may be granted unto him accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the seventh day of february in the fourth yeare of his Majestyes Reigne annoq Dm 1687

67

A Warrant to Survey Land for Suball Dummer970 neere yorke Rivers mouth

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Dep^t Surveyors Whereas Suball Dummer of Yorke in the Province of Maine hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that for severall yeares past he hath beene in y^e actuall possession and Enjoyment of the One halfe or moyety of the neck of Land com͞only knowne by the name of Alcocks neck lyeing in Yorke aforesaid neere Yorks River mouth conteining about sixty Acres as also a parcell of meadow lyeing on the Westerne branch of said River knowne by the name of Alcocks marsh containing about four Acres whereon he now liveth and hath made considerable improvement Praying his Majestyes Confirma͞c͞on for the same I do hereby Require and authorize yow to survey and lay out for the said Suball Dum̄er the said Land and meadow and to make a platt or draft thereof and the same to returne into the Secr͞yes Office att Boston that a Patent may be Granted unto him accordingly and for so doing this shall be your warrant Given under my hand and seale at Boston the seventh day of february in the fourth yeare of his Majestyes Reigne Annoq Dom 1687

68

A Warrant to survey Land in Falmouth in the Province of Maine for James Andrews.971

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ƚƚ and Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Dep^t Surveyors Whereas James Andrews of Falmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that for about forty or fifty yeares he hath beene possessed of severall parcells of Land within the said Towne (that is to say) a parcell of Land lyeing neere A place called Monticko972 containing about one hundred and twenty acres another parcell of Land neere Mussell Cove of about One hundred acres which he Claymes in right of his Grand Child and another parcell of Land lyeing betweene John Tucker and Cap^t Gendall of about One hundred acres whereon he hath made severall buildings and other improvements praying his Majestyes Confirmac͞on for the same and grant of One hundred acres of vacant Land to be added to the first menc͞oned parcell These are therefore to require and authorize yow to survey and lay out for the said James Andrews the said severall parcells of Land with the Addic͞on aforesaid and to make a platt or draft thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞r͞yes Office att Boston that a Patent may be granted unto him accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the seventh day of february in the fourth yeare of his Majestyes Reigne annoq Dom 1687

69

A warrant to survey Land at Blew point for Edward Shippen

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England to M^r Rhichard Clements Dep^t Surveyor Whereas Edward Shippen of Boston Merchant hath by his Petic͞on desired a grant and Confirmac͞on under his Majesty for a Certaine farme or parcell of Land lyeing at Blewpoint in the Province of Maine conteining One hundred and sixty acres butting & bounding upon the north East side of the River being in breadth sixty Rodd with forty acres of meadow adjoyning to the same upon the west side thereof the which was taken upon Execu͞c͞on as the Estate of Robert Edmunds Dec̄ed for satisfac͞con of a Judgement of two hundred pounds one from him to the said Shippen and by vertue thereof he is now possessed of the same These are therefore to authorize and require yow to survey and lay out for the said Edward Shippen the said parcell and quantity of upland & meadow and to make a platt or draft thereof and returne the same into the Surveyors Office att Boston that a confirmac͞on may be granted thereupon to the Petic͞o͞ner as desired and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the tenth day of October 1687

70

A Warrant to survey Land by Back Cove at Cascoe Bay in y^e Province of Maine for Edmund Gale

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall & Governour in Chiefe of his Matyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Dep^t Surveyors Whereas Edmund Gale of Beverly Marriner hath by his humble Petic͞on prayed his Majestyes Grant and Confirma͞con for two hundred and fifty acres of vacant Land in Cascoe Bay by Back Cove in y^e Province of Maine whereon he doth intend to settle and improve I do hereby authorize and require yow to survey and lay out for the said Edmund Gale two hundred and fifty acres of Land as abovesaid next unto the Land to be layd out for John Rosse of Falmouth in the Province of Maine aforesaid with tenne acres of marsh in the fresh marsh if to be had and to make a platt or draft thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞r͞yes office att Boston that a Patent may be granted unto him accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the fiftenth day of february in the fourth yeare of his Ma͞t͞y͞e͞s Reigne Annoq Domini 1687

71

A warrant to Survey Clarkes Island for M^r Nathan^ƚƚ Clarke973

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ƚƚ and Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Dep^t Surveyors Whereas M^r Nathaniell Clarke of Plymouth hath by his Petic͞o͞n desired that a certaine small Island Called Clarkes Island974 lyeing neer New Plymouth being vacant and unappropriated may be granted to him for the better settlement and improvement thereof I do hereby authorize and require yow to survey and lay out for the said Nathaniel Clarke the said Island called Clarkes Island and to make a platt or draft thereof and the same to returne into the Se͞c͞r͞yes Office att Boston that a Patent may be granted unto him accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand & seale att Boston the 23^th day of february in the fourth yeare of his Majestyes Reigne annoq Dni 1687

72

A Warrant to Survey a tract of Land in or neere the Nipmug Countrey for M^rs Marg^tt Corwin widdow975 & M^rs Ann Winthrop976

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ƚƚ and Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or any of the Deputy Surveyors Whereas M^rs Margarett Corwin widdow and M^rs Ann Winthrop have By their Petic͞on Desired his Mat͞yes Grant and Confirma͞c͞on for a certaine tract or parcell of vacant Land lyeing in or neere the Nipmug Countrey of the Contents of seven miles Square which they alleadge in the first settlement of the Countrey was granted to their Grandfather977 by the Indyan Proprietor thereof and beginning att the Northward End is bounded Easterly by the whole length of Chapnocongo pond and runs southward seven miles and Westward square betweene the northerne and Southerne line till seven miles square be compleated I do hereby authorize and Require yow to survey and lay out for the said Margarett Corwin and Ann Winthrop the said Tract or parcell of Land and to make a platt or draft thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞r͞yes Office att Boston that a Patent may be granted unto them accordingly and for so doing this shall be your sufficient warrant Given under my hand & seale att Boston the fifth day of march in the fourth yeare of his Majestyes Reigne Annoq Dn̄i 1687

73

A warrant to survey Land Comonly called Quobeague aƚs Brookfield &c:

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ƚƚ and Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory & Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or any of the Dep^t Survey^rs Whereas there is a certaine tract or parcell of Land within this Dominion att and neere to a place called and knowne By the severall names of Quoboague aƚs Brookfield convenient for settlement and improvement These are therefore to authorize and require yow forthwith to repayre to the said place and make a survey and draft of the said lands called Quoboague afs Brookfield and of all such Lands as yow shall finde or discover Betweene that and Connecticutt River or neere or adjoyneing thereunto fitt and convenient for settlement and what persons settled there or improvements made and thereof to make a due returne into the Sec͞r͞yes Office att Boston that further Order may be Given for the effectual settling and better improving thereof Accordingly in the doing whereof all Officers and persons whatsoever are to be helping ayding and assisting to yow as occasion and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the nintenth day of march 1687

74

A warrant to survey Land in Brantry for William Veazie

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall & Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Dep^t Surveyors Whereas William Veazie of Brantry hath by his Peticon sett forth that for many yeares past he hath beene an inhabitant within the said Towne and settled and improved there a lott of Land of about tenne acres whereon his dwelling house standeth about twenty six acres of pasture and tenne acres of fresh meadow all within fence and in his possession praying his Matyes confirm͞a͞c͞on for the same and grant of two hundred acres more of vacant and unappropriated Land lyeing by a Brooke called Sirketts978 Ordinary about four miles from said Towne but within the bounds thereof of which publiq notice having beene given to the inhabitants there severall persons have made pretences but know not the certainty thereof These are therefore to authorize and require yow to survey and lay out the said severall peeces and parcells of Land and to make a plate or draft thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞r͞yes Office att Boston that the certainty thereof may be knowne and such further Order given therein as shall be necessary and for so doing this shall be your warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the three and twentyeth day of march in the fourth yeare of his Majestyes Reigne annoq Dni 1687

75

A Warrant to survey Land in Brantry for John Yardly

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^t Phillip Welles Survey^r or to any of the Dep^t Surveyors Whereas John Yardly of Brantry hath by his Petic͞on prayed his Majestyes Grant of two hundred acres of vacant and unappropriated Land lyeing on the east side of Monatinitt River att a place there called and knowne by the name of Cutchecoe about a mile distant from the Saw mill for his present settlement and improvement of which publiq notice having beene given to the inhabitants there severall persons have made pretences but know not the certainty thereof These are therefore to authorize and require yow to survey and lay out the said Land and to make a platt or draft thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞r͞yes Office att Boston that the certainty thereof may be knowne and such further Order may be given therein as may be necessary and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the three and twentyeth day of March in the fourth yeare of his Majestyes Reigne annoq Dn̄i 1687

76

A Warrant to survey Land in Brantry for Samuell Niell979

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Dep^t Surveyors Whereas Samuell Niel of Brantry hath by his Petic͞o͞n sett forth that he is by purchase possessed of sixty seven acres of Land in the said Towne and thereon hath built and improved praying his Majestyes confirmac͞o͞n for the same and grant of one hundred acres of Waste Land adjoyneing on the northeast side thereof and fifty acres more on the northeast side of the little pond about three miles from the said Towne of which publiq notice having beene given to the inhabitants there severall persons have made pretences but know not the certainty thereof These are therefore to authorize and require yow to Survey and lay out the said severall peeces of Land and to make a platt or draft thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞r͞yes Office att Boston that the Certainty thereof may be knowne and such further Order may be given therein as may be necessary and for so doing this shall be your warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston The three and twentyeth day of March in the fourth yeare of his Majestyes Reigne annoq Dni 1687

77

A Warrant to survey Land in Brantry for John Cleverly.

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Dep^t Survey^rs Whereas John Cleverly of Brantry hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that for many yeares past he hath beene an inhabitant within the said Towne and settled and improved there a home lott of about two acres where his house standeth forty acres of Land more and about Eight acres of salt meadow all within fence and in his possession praying his Majestyes confirm͞a͞c͞o͞n for the same and grant of fifty acres of vacant Land neere Babell brooke and One hundred and fifty acres more beyond a place called Moores farme within the bounds of the said Towne of which publiq notice having beene given to the inhabitants there severall persons have made p^rtences but know not the certainty thereof These are therefore to authorize and require yow To survey and lay out the said severall peeces & parcells of Land and meadow and to make a platt or draft thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞ryes Office att Boston that the certainty thereof may be knowne and such further Order may be given therein as may be necessary and for so doing this shall be your warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the three and twentyeth day of march in the fourth yeare of his Majestyes Reigne annoq Dom 1687

78

A Warrant to survey Land in Cascobay for Peter Houseing

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Governo^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory & Dominion of New England to M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Dep^ty Surveyors Whereas Peter Houseing hath by his Petı͞con sett forth that there is a certaine parcell of land on the westside Pesumpscott River in Falmouth in Cascobay containing about sixty acres whereof his father Peter Houseing980 Deceased was in his lifetime for many yeares possessed Praying his Majestyes confirmac͞on for the same with the Grant of fifty acres of vacant and unappropriated Land neere adjoyning I do hereby authorize and require yow to survey and lay out for the said Peter Houseing the said sixty acres with the said Addic͞on if vacant and to make a platt or draft thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞r͞yes Office att Boston that a Patent may be granted unto him accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the tenth day of Aprill in the fourth yeare of his Majestyes Reigne annoq Dn̄i 1688

79

A Warrant to survey Land in the Province of Maine for Walter Gendall.

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Dep^ty Surveyors Whereas Walter Gendall of Northyarmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that he is possessed of a certain messuage or tenement and a small parcell of Land about tenne acres lyeing neere Maines point981 on the southside of Ryalls River in the said Towne as alsoe four Acres of meadow in Cozins River belonging thereto alsoe one other messuage or tenement lyeing neere Fort Loyall next to Cap^t Tings and three severall parcells of meadow belonging to his farme at Spurwinck on the eastside of the said River conteining about twenty acres and also a parcell of meadow att the head of the great cove being about six acres and one other peece in Cozins River of about twelve acres which belongs to his farme att Northyarmouth Praying his Majestyes confirma͞c͞on for the same and grant of and addic͞on of fifty acres of vacant Land adjoyning to his said tenne acres as alsoe a grant of two hundred acres more or vacant Land att Arriscott982 where the Illutherean people983 were lately settled but deserted with twelve acres of meadow if cann be found convenient and alsoe sixty acres of Land more against little Clapboard Island formerly layd out to John Ockman I Doe hereby authorize and require yow to Survey and lay out for the said Walter Gendall the said severall peeces and parcells of Land and meadow with the addic͞ons as desired if vacant and to make platts or drafts thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞r͞yes office att Boston that a Patent may be granted unto him accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the tenth day of Aprill in the fourth yeare of his Matyes Reigne annoq Dn̄i 1688

80

A Warrant to Survey Land in the Province of Maine for Nathaniell Wallis.984

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England to M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Dep^ty Survey^rs Whereas Nathaniell Wallis of Falmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that for many yeares past he hath beene possessed and made improvements on severall parcells of Land in the said Towne of Falmouth and Northyarmouth (that is to say) fifty Acres of Land lyeing att the Back cove betweene the Land Claymed by John Smith and John Browne One hundred acres of Land lyeing on the westside of Pesumpscott River Betweene the Lands claymed by M^r Jones and John Nicolls with tenne acres of meadow or swamp belonging to it where was formerly his gristmill and housing one hundred acres of Land in the great Cove in North Yarmouth neere to Cap^t Gendalls with tenne acres of swamp or meadow neere adjoyning And alsoe one hundred acres of Land and four acres of meadow lyeing on the eastside of Cozins River in Northyarmouth aforesaid praying his Majestyes confimac͞on for the same and Grant of an addic͞on of fifty acres of vacant land adjoyning to the fifty acres aforemenc͞oned att Back cove with four acres of meadow in the great fresh marsh if vacant and two hundred acres of vacant Land neere adjoyning to the said hundred acres neere Cap^t Gendalls I Doe hereby authorize and require yow to survey and lay out for the said Nathaniell Wallis the said severall Parcells of Land and meadow with the said Addic͞ons as desired if vacant and to make a platt or draft thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞r͞yes Office att Boston that a Patent may be granted unto him accordingly And for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the tenth day of Aprill in the fourth yeare of his Majestyes Reigne annoq Dn̄i 1688

81

A Warrant to survey Land in the Province of Maine for Abraham Collings.

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall & Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Deputy Survey^rs Whereas Abraham Collings of Falmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his humble Petic͞on prayed his Majestyes Grant and confirma͞c͞on of about sixty acres of vacant and unimproved land in the southside of Casco river next adjoyning on the east of the Claymes of Isaac Davies neere Silvanus Davies sawmill and Gristmill with tenne acres of swamp where the same may be found convenient and vacant I doe hereby authorize and require yow to survey and lay out for the said Abraham Collings the said sixty acres of Land and tenne acres of swamp if vacant and to make platts or drafts thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞r͞yes office att Boston that a Patent may be granted unto him accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the eightenth day of Aprill in the fourth yeare of his Matyes reigne annoq Dn̄i 1688

82

A Warrant to survey Land in the Province of Maine for Matthew Palling.985

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Dep^ty Surveyors Whereas Matthew Palling Of Falmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that he is possessed of a house lott of about halfe an acre neere the ffort whereon he hath a dwelling house and about thirty acres belonging to the said house lott on the west side of Pesumpscot river betwixt the lands claimed by John Nicolls & Nathaniell Wallis And alsoe of about Eight acres of land given him by his father in Law and whereon he hath erected two dwelling houses and made other improvements praying his Majestyes confirma͞c͞on for the same with the Grant of the addic͞on of seventy acres of vacant Land neere maiden Cove neere unto the Land Claimed by Nathan^ƚƚ White and Eight acres of swamp neere adjoyning to the little marsh I doe hereby authorize and require yow to survey and lay out for the said Matthew Palling the said severall parcells of Land and premisses with the addic͞on desired if vacant and to make platts or drafts thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞r͞yes Office att Boston that a Patent may be granted unto him accordingly And for so doing this Shall be your warrant Goven under my hand and seale att Boston the eightenth day of April in the fourth yeare of his Matyes Reign annoq Domini 1688

83

A Warrant to survey Land in the Province of Maine for Nathan^ƚƚ White.

84

A Warrant to survey Land in the Province of Maine for George Bremhall.986

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England to M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Dep^ty Surveyors Whereas George Bremhall of Falmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his Petic͞o͞n sett forth that for many years past he hath beene and now is possessed of a house and house lott in the Towne aforesaid neere the ffort of about halfe an acre and alsoe of a certaine tract or parcell of Land in the said Towne on the north side of Casco river next adjoyning on the west side of a tract of Land belonging to Cap^t Silvanus Davies in quantity about four hundred acres whereon Att his great charge and expence he hath made considerable buildings and other improvements praying his Majestyes confirma͞c͞on for the same I Doe hereby authorize and require yow to survey and lay out for the said George Bremhall the said house lott and tract of Land or so much as can be conveniently layd out for him in the said place and to make platts or drafts thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞r͞y͞es office att Boston that a Patent may be granted unto him accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale, att Boston the Eightenth day of Aprill in the fourth yeare of his Majestyes Reigne annoq Dn̄i 1688

85

A Warrant to survey land in the Province of Maine for John Harris.

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ƚƚ and Govern^r in Chiefe of his Matyes territory and Dominion of New England to M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Dep^ty Surveyors Whereas John Harris of Falmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his humble Petic͞o͞n sett forth that he is possessed of a certaine tract of Land in the said Towne next adjoyning to the Land of M^r Peter Bodwin on the South side of Casco River conteining about sixty acres whereupon is Erected a dwelling house alsoe of a house and house lott neere the ffort of the quantity of about three fourth parts of an acre And alsoe of about three acres of Land upon the neck praying his Majestyes confirmacon for the same together with an addic͞o͞n of forty acres more to the first menconed parcell adjoyning to the same att the head of Silvanus Davies lott att the head bounds of nonsuch point towards Scarborough I doe hereby authorize and require yow to survey and lay out for the said John Harris the said severall parcells of Land with the addic͞o͞n if vacant and to make platts or drafts thereof and the same to returne into the Secryes Office att Boston that a Patent may be granted unto him accordingly and this shall be your warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the Eightenth day of Aprill in the fourth yeare of his Majestyes Reigne annoq Dn̄i 1688

86

A Warrant to survey land in the Province of Maine for John Hollman

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes territory and Dominion of New England to M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Dep^ty Surveyors Whereas John Hollman of Falmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his Petic͞o͞n sett forth that for many yeares past he hath beene and now is possessed of severall peeces and parcells of Land in the said Towne (that is to say) about four acres att a place there called Sandfords point about seventeen acres on the Soutside of Cascoe river adjoyning to Lawrence Davies and alsoe a certaine parcell of Land in North yarmouth on the eastward side of the great cove against Ellicotts Island whereon he hath beene att great charge and expence in building and other improvements praying his Majestyes Confirma͞c͞on for the same and Grant of one hundred acres more of vacant Land and tenne acres of swamp or meadow if vacant in the said Towne of Falmouth neere the sd seventeene acres on Casco river I Doe hereby authorize and require yow to survey & lay out for the said John Hollman the said severall peeces and parcells of Land with the addic̄on of Land and meadow desired if vacant and to make platts or drafts thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞r͞yes office att Boston that a Patent may be granted unto him accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the one and twentyeth day of Aprill in the fourth yeare of his Majestyes Reigne annoq Dn̄i 1688

87

A Warrant to survey land in the Province of Maine for George Ingersoll senior.987

88

A Warrant to survey Land in the Province of Maine for John Ingersoll988.

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Dep^ty Surveyors Whereas John Ingersoll of Falmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his Petic͞o͞n sett forth that for many yeares past he hath beene and now is possessed of a house lott in the said towne neere the fforte fronting to Thames streete of about two acres and another parcell of ground neere adjoyning fronting to Queens streete being about six acres And alsoe a certaine tract or parcell of Land lyeing in the said Towne on the North side of Casko river Betweene the Lands of Richard Powsley and Thomas Cloyce over against Stroud water mills conteining about one hundred and sixty acres whereon he hath beene att greate Charge and Expence in buildings and other improvements praying his Majestyes Confirma͞c͞on for the same And grant of forty acres of vacant Land adjoyning to the said tract I Doe hereby authorize and require yow to survey and lay out for the said John Ingersoll the said severall peeces or parcells of Land with the addic͞o͞n desired if vacant and to make platts or drafts thereof & the same to returne into the Sec͞r͞yes office att Boston that a Patent may be granted unto him accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the one and twentyeth day of Aprill in the fourth yeare of his Majestyes Reigne Annoq Dn̄i 1688

89

A Warrant to survey Land in the Province of Maine for John Jones & Isaac Jones.989

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Govern^r in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England to M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Dep^ty Survey^rs Whereas John Jones and Isaac Jones of Falmouth in the Province of Maine have by there Petic͞o͞n sett forth that for many yeares they have beene and now are possessed of a certaine parcell of land lyeing on Pesumpscott river neere the ffalls conteining one hundred acres where They have made considerable improvements praying his Majestyes confirma͞c͞o͞n for the same and grant of an addiı͞c͞on of two hundred acres more of vacant land adjoyning to and in the reere of the said One hundred acres with a house lott in the said Towne neere the ffort of about halfe an acre and a six acre lott over against the Back cove formerly layd out to him if vacant I doe hereby authorize and require yow to survey and lay out for the sd John Jones and Isaack Jones the said Land and premisses with the addic͞o͞n͞s as desired if vacant and to make platts or drafts thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞r͞yes office att Boston that a Patent may be granted unto them accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the one and twentyeth day of Aprill in the fourth yeare of his Majestyes Reigne annoq Dni 1688

90

A Warrant to survey Land for John Leane Henry Leane Samuell Leane and Job Leane of Nortyarmouth in the Province of Maine.

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall & Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory And Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Survey^r or to any of the Dep^ty Surveyors Whereas John Leane Henry Leane Samuell Leane and Job Leane of North yarmouth in the Province of Maine have by their Petic͞o͞n sett forth that for many yeares past they have beene and now are possessed of a certaine tract or parcell of Land in the Towne aforesaid lyeing betweene the Lands claymed by M^r Wiswell990 on the east and that Claymed by m^r Atwatter991 on the west conteining about one hundred acres with a small Island joyning thereto of about twenty five acres and also two other small Islands fronting against the said Land called by the name of Mosiers Islands992 conteining about one hundred acres and two peeces of meadow att the head of Arriscicott river conteining about Eight acres alsoe another tract or parcell of Land lyeing in the east side of Cozens river to the westward of M^r Atwaters Claymes conteining about sixty acres and a small peece of Land on the west side of the said River being about twenty acres with tenne acres of meadow thereto adjoyning whereon they have beene att greate charge In buildings and other improvements praying his Majestyes Confirmac͞o͞n for the same and grant of forty acres of vacant Land adjoyning to the said sixty acres I Doe hereby authorize and require yow to survey and lay out for the said John Leane Henry Leane Samuell Leane and Job Leane the said severall parcells of Land and meadow with the addic͞o͞n desired if vacant and to make platts or drafts thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞r͞yes office att Boston that a Patent may be granted unto them accordingly And for so doing this shall be yo^r sufficient warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the One and twentyeth day of Aprill in the fourth yeare of his Majestyes Reigne annoq Dni 1688

91

A Warrant to survey Land in the Province of Maine for John Skilling.

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ƚƚ and Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England to M^r Phillip Welles Survey^r or to any of the Dep^ty Surveyors Whereas John Skilling of Falmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his Petic͞o͞n prayed his Majestyes Grant for a certaine tract or parcell of vacant Land adjoyning to his marsh in nonsuch marshes conteining about two hundred and Eighty acres I Doe hereby authorize and require yow to survey and lay out for the said John Skilling the said tract or parcell of vacant Land and to make a platt or draft thereof and the same to returne into the Secryes Office att Boston that a Patent may be granted unto him accordingly and for so doing this shall be your warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the one and twentyeth day of Aprill in the fourth yeare of his Majestyes Reigne annoq Dn̄i 1688

92

A Warrant to survey land in the Province of Maine for William Gilbert.

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory And Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Dep^ty Surveyors Whereas William Gilbert of North yarmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his Petic͞o͞n sett forth that he is possessed of a peece or parcell of Land in the great cove neere Cap^t Gendalls in the east side of the falls called ffelter ffalls whereon he hath a dwelling house Erected and made severall other improvements conteining about tenne acres praying his Majestyes Confirmac͞on for the same with a grant of an addic͞on of one hundred and fifty acres of vacant Land adjoyning and neere his dwelling house also a lott of meadow in the said townshipp conteining about six acres if the same be to be found in Cozens river or arrisicket river vacant and alsoe fifteene acres of swamp to make meadow if to be found vacant and convenient I doe hereby authorize and require yow to survey and lay out for the sd William Gilbert the sd parcell of land with the several addic͞ons as desired if found vacant and convenient and to make platts or drafts thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞r͞yes office att Boston that a Patent may be granted unto him accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the one and twentyeth day of Aprill in the fourth yeare of his Matyes Reigne annoq Dn̄i 1688

93

A Warrant to survey Land in the Province of Maine for Joseph Ingersoll.993

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory & Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Dep^ty Surveyors Whereas Joseph Ingersoll of Falmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his humble Petic͞o͞n sett forth that he is possessed of severall tracts of Land (that is to say) a house lott upon the neck neere the forte fronting to Thames Streete conteining about three acres also a three acre lott neere to Liev^t Coƚƚ Edward Tings also one hundred acres of Land lying betweene Thomas Cloyce and Silvanus Davies’s Sawmill att Capisick whereon the said Joseph hath made sundry buildings and other improvments and alsoe two hundred acres of Land and seven acres of meadow att the back cove betweene John Skillings land and fall Cove the seven acres of meadow being in the great marsh which two hundred acres of Land and seven acres of meadow Did belong to his Grandfather Thomas Walkley994 and father in law Matthew Cooe who were thereupon killed by the Indians in the warr time praying His Majestyes confirma͞c͞on for the same I doe hereby authorize and require yow to survey and lay out the same and to make platts or drafts thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞r͞yes office att Boston that a Patent may be granted unto him accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the one and twentyeth day of Aprill in the fourth yeare of his Majestyes reigne annoq Dn̄i 1688

94

A Warrant to survey Land in the Province of Maine for Robert Nicholson.

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall & Governour in Chiefe of his Mat͞y͞es Territory & Dominion of New England to M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Dep^ty Surveyors Whereas Robert Nicholson of Falmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his humble Petı͞con sett forth that he is possessed of a certaine house lott neere the forte fronting to ffleetstreete conteining about two acres alsoe a tract of Land lyeing upon the westward side of Pesumpscott river betweene the claymes Of John Nicholson995 and Robert Gresem996 conteining about sixty acres praying his Majestyes confirmac͞o͞n for the same with the grant of the addic͞on of one hundred acres of land and tenne acres of swamp where it may be found most convenient and vacant I Doe hereby authorize and require yow to survey and lay out for the said Robert Nicholson the sd severall parcells of Land with the addic͞on as desired if found vacant and to make platts or drafts thereof & the same to returne into the Sec͞r͞yes office att Boston that a Patent may be granted unto him accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the one and twentyeth day of Aprill in the fourth yeare of his Majestyes Reigne annoq Dn̄i 1688

95

A Warrant to survey land in the Province of Maine for Thomas Bacor.

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall & Govern^r in Chiefe of his Mat͞y͞es Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Dep^ty Surveyors Whereas Thomas Bacor of Falmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his humble Petic͞on prayed his Majestyes grant of one hundred acres of vacant Land upon the northside of Back cove next adjoyning to the head of Nathaniell Wallis Claymes whereupon he is willing to improve and settle a Plantac͞on I Doe hereby authorize and require yow to survey and lay out for the said Thomas Bacor the sd one hundred acres of vacant Land as desired and to make a platt or draft thereof and the same to returne into the Secr͞yes Office att Boston that a Patent may be granted unto him accordingly and for so doing this shall be your warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the one and twentyeth day of Aprill in the fourth yeare of his Majestyes Reigne annoq Dn̄i 1688

96

A Warrant to survey Land in the Province of Maine for Joefl Madiford.997

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory & Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Dep^ty Surveyors Whereas Joell Madiford Sen^r of Falmouth in the Province of Maine hath by his humble Petic͞on sett forth that he is possessed of a certaine tract of Land and marsh on the southside of Casco river betweene the Lands of John Wallis and Thomas Sandford the Land conteining one hundred acres and the marsh being about seven acres lyeing in the great marsh adjoyning to John Wallis marsh and whereon he hath made considerable improvement praying his Maty͞e͞s confirmacon for the same I doe hereby authorize and require yow to survey and lay out for the sd Joell Madiford the said Land and marsh and to make a platt or draft thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞r͞yes Office att Boston that a Patent may be granted unto him accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the one and. twentyeth day of Aprill in the fourth yeare of his Majestyes Reigne annoq Dni 1688

97

A Warrant to survey land for Robert Morrell in the Province of Maine

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory & Dominion of New England To M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Dep^ty Surveyors Whereas Robert Morrell of Falmouth in the Provence of Maine hath by his humble Petic͞on sett forth that he is possessed of severall tracts of Land within sd Towne (that is to say) of a house lott neere the forte fronting to Thames streete whereon is a dwelling house conteining about two acres alsoe a three acre lott next adjoyning to Silvanus Davies’s six acre lott upon the neck fronting to Back cove And also Eighty acres neere stroudwater mills of sd Silvanus Davies whereon is a dwelling houses and severall other houses praying his Majestyes confirmac͞on for the same with the grant of an addic͞on of fifty acres of vacant Land neere adjoyning if to be found I doe hereby authorize and require yow to survey and lay out for the said Robert Morrell the said severall tracts of Land with the addic͞on of vacant Land Desired if to be found and to make platts or drafts thereof and the same to returne into the Secryes office att Boston that a Patent may be granted him accordingly and for so doing this shall be yo^r warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the one and twentyeth day of Aprill in the fourth yeare of his Majestyes Reigne annoq Dn̄i 1688

98

A Warrant to survey Land in the Province of Maine for George ffelt Samuell ffelt and Jonathan ffelt.998

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Generall and Governour in Chiefe of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England to M^r Phillip Welles Surveyor or to any of the Dep^ty Surveyors Whereas George ffelt Sam^ll ffelt and Jonathan ffelt all of ffalmouth in the Province of Maine have by their Petic͞on sett forth that they and their father have beene for many years possessed of a certaine parcell of Land in a place called The mussell cove betweene their uncle M^r James Andrews999 and Samuell Pykes conteining about one hundred acres with two small parcells of marsh one called the little broad marsh and the other called Morris Marsh praying his Majestyes confirmac͞on for the same with a grant of the addic͞on of one hundred acres of vacant Land adjoyning to the aforesaid parcell as neere as it may be found also an Island neere to their improvements called and knowne by the name of Lower Clapboard Island which was formerly granted to their father by a Towne Grant I Doe hereby authorize and require yow to survey and lay out for the said George Felt Samuell Felt and Jonathan Felt the said parcell of Land and marsh Island and premisses with the addicon as desired and to make platts or drafts thereof and the same to returne into the Sec͞r͞yes Office att Boston that a Patent may be granted unto them accordingly and for so doing this shall be your warrant Given under my hand and seale att Boston the one and twentyeth day of Aprill in the fourth yeare of his Majestyes Reigne annoq Dn̄i 1688

99

A Warrant to Survey a House and Ground in Boston for John Eyres1000 Merchant.

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Captaine Gen^ƚƚ and Governour in Cheife of his Maj^ties Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Philip Wells Survey^r or to any of the Deputy Survey^rs Whereas John Eyres of Boston Merchant hath by his Petition sett forth that att his great Charge and Expence he hath built a faire Brickhouse in Prison Lane in Boston aforesaid on ground which he before had purchased but submitted praying his Majesties grant for the said house with a small way or passage on the West Side thereof Leading into his backside. I Doe hereby Authorize and Require you forthwith to make a Suruey and Draft of the said House and Ground thereunto belonging with the said way or passage and the same to returne into the Secretaryes Office that a grant may be passed to him Accordingly And for soe Doeing this shall be your Warrant Giuen under my hand and seale att Boston the 22^d Day of June in the fourth yeare of his Majesties Reigne Annoq Domini 1688.

100

A Warrant to Survey Land neere a place Called Weymesitt for Jonathan Tyng Esq.1001

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^ƚƚ and Governour in Cheife of his Majesties Territory and Dominion of New England To m^r Philip Welles Surueyor or to any of the Deputy Suruey^rs Whereas Jonathan Tyng Esq one of the Memb^rs of his Maj^ties Councill hath by his Petition prayed his Majesties Grant and Confirmation for a Certaine parcell of Improued Land Lyeing on the West Side of Concord Riuer neere a place there Called Weymesitt1002 Containeing about Seauenty Acres whereof he is possess’d I doe hereby Authorize and Require you to Survey and Lay out for the said Jonathan Tyng the said parcell of Land and make a platt or Draft thereof and Returne the same into the Secretarys Office That a Pattent may be granted to him accordingly And for soe Doeing this shall be your Warrant Giuen under my hand and seale att Boston the Sixth Day of July in the fourth yeare of his Ma^ts Reigne Annoq Domini 1688.

101

A Warrant to Survey Noddles Island for Coƚƚ. Samuell Shrimpton1003

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Captaine Gen^ƚƚ and Governour in Cheife of his Maj^ties Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Philip Wells Suruey^r or to any of the Deputy Suruey^rs Whereas Coƚƚ Samuell Shrimpton one of the Members of his Maj^ties Councill hath by his Petition sett forth that for many yeares past amongst other Estate he hath beene and now is possessed in his owne Right of a Certaine Island Commonly Called Noddles Island aƚs Notles Island Lyeing neare the Towne of Boston Whereon att his great Costs & Charge he hath made severall buildings and other Improvements praying his Maj^ties grant and Confirmation for the same I Doe hereby Authorize & Require you to suruay and Lay out for the said Samuell Shrimpton the Island aforesaid and make a platt or Draught thereof and Returne the same into the Secretaryes Office That a Pattent may be granted to him Accordingly and for soe Doeing this shall be your Warrant Giuen under my hand and seale at Boston the Sixth Day of July in the fourth yeare of his Maj^ties Reigne Annoq Domini 1688.

102

A Warrant of Suruay for severall Houses Wharfes and Warehouses for Coƚƚ Sam^ll Shrimpton.

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Captaine Generall and Governour in Cheife of his Ma^ts Territory and Dominion of New England To m^r Philip Wells Survey^r or to any of the Deputy Suruey^rs Whereas Coƚƚ Samuell Shrimpton one of the Members of his Mat^ties Councill hath by his Petic̄on set forth That for many years past he hath bin and now is possessed in his own right of Severall Houses & Lands within the Town of Boston for which prays his Mat^ies grant and Confirmation (That is to say) his now Dwelling house and ground thereunto belonging a piece of ground adjoyning to the house of John Usher Esq Whereon is a small Brick house and a Larger building A Warehouse by the Dock ag^t Benj^a Murfords1004 A House Bakehouse and ground att the bottom of Shrimpton’s Lane a Stable Coachhouse and ground by Samuell Philips a peece of Land on the Side of Beacon Hill another peece of Land att the North End of the Towne next Edward Bansfords Another peece of land att the South end of the Towne next M^r Ransfords a Small House and ground att the North end of the Towne next m^r Atkins and a Wharfe and ground adjoyning to Samuell Nowells Warehouse. I doe hereby Authorize and Require you tc Suruay and Lay out for the said Samuell Shrimpton the said sev̄all Houses Lands and ground and to make a platt or Draft thereof and Returne the same into the Secretary’s Office That a Pattent may be granted him accordingly and for so doeing this shall be your Warr^t Giuen under my hand and seale at Boston the 6^th Day of July in the fourth yeare of his Majesties Reigne Annoq Dom 1688.

103

A Warrant to Suruey a Certaine Tract of Land Lyeing betweene Spye pond and Saunders brooke

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Captⁿ Gen^ƚƚ and Governour in Cheife of his Ma^ties Territory and Dominion of New Engl^d To m^r Phillip Wells Suruey^r or to any of the Deputy Suruey^rs Whereas Edward Randolph Esq by his Petition sett forth that there is a Certaine parcell or Tract of Vacant and unapproprieted Land Containeing about Seauen hundred Acres Scituate Lyeing and being betweene Spy pond and Saunders Brooke neere Water-Towne in the County of Middlesex for the which prayed his Maj^ties Grant, I Do hereby Authorize and Require you forthwith to make a Suruey and Draft of the said parcell of Land and other Vacant Lands thereto adjoyneing and Returne the same into the Secretaryes Office that the quality and Scituation thereof as well as quantity may be knowne and such Order giuen for the Dispossall thereof as shall be proper for which this shall be your Warrant. Giuen under my hand and seale at Boston the Seaventh Day of July in the forth yeare of his Maj^ties Reigne Annoq Domini 1688.

104

A Warrant to Suruey a Certaine Tract of Land Nigh the Towne of Lyn called Nahant neck.

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Captaine Gen^ƚƚ and Governour in Cheife of his Maj^ties Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Philip Wells Suruey^r or to any of the Deputy Suruey^rs Whereas Edward Randolph Esq hath by his Petic͞on sett forth that there is a Certaine Tract of Land Nigh the Towne of Lyn in the County of Essex out of ffence and undevided Containeing about fiue hundred acres Commonly Called Nahant Neck for w^ch prayes his Maj^ties Grant And Whereas Severall persons Inhabitants within the said Towne of Lynn haue Likewise petitioned for the grant of the said Land. I Doe hereby Authorize and Require you forthwith to make a Suruey and Draft thereof and other Vacant Lands thereto adjoyneing and Returne the same into the Secretaryes Office That the Quality and Scituation thereof as Well as the quantity may be knowne And such Orders giuen for the Disposall thereof as shall be proper for which this shall be your Warrant Giuen under my hand and seale att Boston the Seauenth Day of July in the forth yeare of his Majesties Reigne Annoq Domini 1688

105

A Warrant of Suruey for a House and Land in Boston for Savill Simpson1005

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Captⁿ Gen^ƚƚ and Governour in Cheife of his Maj^ties Territory and Dominion of New England To m^r Philip Welles Suruey^r or to any of the Deputy Suruey^rs Whereas Savill Simpson hath by his Petitition Sett forth that he is in the Actuall possession of a Certaine house and ground thereto belonging Lyeing neere the South Meeting-house in Boston in his owne Right praying his Majesties Grant and Confirmation for the same I Doe hereby Authorize and Require you to survey and Lay out for the said Savill Simpson the said house and Land thereto belonging and to make a platt or Draft thereof and the same to Returne into the Secretaryes Office That a Pattent may be granted to him Accordingly for which this shall be your Warrant Giuen under my hand and seale att Boston the 13^th Day of July in the forth yeare of his Majesties Reigne Annoq Domini 1688

106

A Warrant to Suruey a Certaine Tract of Land neere Magaguncock hill1006 for Savill Simpson

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^tn Gen^ll & Gouernour in Cheife of his Majesties Territory and Dominion of New England To m^r Philip Wells Suruey^r or to any of the Deputy Suruey^rs Whereas Savill Simpson of Boston Cordwainer hath by his Petition Sett forth that he is Possess’d of a Certaine Tract or parcell of Land Lyeing and being neere a place Called Magaguncock Hill by the Cold Spring in the County of Middlesex on the South Side of a Branch of Sudbury Riuer about Nine Miles distant from the Towne Containeing about fiue hundred Acres with a Small Peece of Meadow Adjoyning Containeing about Seaven Acres on which Some Improuement hath beene already made and he is Desirous to make further praying his Majesties Grant and Confirm͞a͞on for the same I Doe hereby Authorize and Require you to Suruey and Lay out for the said Savill Simpson the said Parcell of Land and Meadow and to make a platt or Draft thereof and the same to Returne into the Sec͞r͞eys Office that a Pattent may be granted to him Accordingly for which this shall be your Warrant Giuen under my hand and seale in Boston the 13^th Day of July in the fourth yeare of his Majesties Reigne Annoq Domini 1688

107

A Warrant to Suruey forty Nine Acres of Land in Charlestowne Called the Stinted Pasture for Joseph Lynde.1007

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Captⁿ Generall and Governour in Cheife of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England To m^r Philip Wells Suruey^r or to any of the Deputy surv^rs Whereas Joseph Lynde of Charlestowne in the County of Middlesex hath by his Petition prayed his Maj^ties grant of about forty Nine Acres of Land within the bounds of Charlestowne afores^d att a place there Called the Stinted pasture I doe hereby Authorize and Require you forthwith to Suruey and Lay out the said parcell of Land and make a platt or Draft thereof and Returne the same into the Sec͞r͞y͞s Office att Boston that a Patent may be granted to him Accordingly, for w^ch this shall be yo^r Warrant Giuen under my hand & Seale att Boston afores^d the 23^d Day of July 1688.

108

A Warrant to Survey Seuerall Messuages & tenements in Charlestowne for Andrew Belcher.1008

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Captⁿ Gen^ƚƚ and Govern^r in Cheife of his Maj^ties Territory & Dominion of New England To m^r Philip Welles Suruey^r or to any of the Deputy Surueyors Whereas Andrew Belcher of Charlestowne Marriner hath by his Petition sett forth that for Severall yeares past he hath beene possessed of a Certaine Messuage and Lott of ground Lyeing in Charlestowne aforesaid neere the meeting house And of an other Messuage and Lott of ground in the said Towne neere the house of Edward Collins,1009 and alsoe of an other Messuage and Lott of Ground in the Towne of Cambridge adjacent to the Land of Nathaniell Greene all within the County of Middlesex praying his Maj^ties grant for the same, I Doe hereby Authorize and Require you forthwith to suruey the said Severall Messuages and Lotts of ground and make a platt or Draft thereof And Returne the same into the Secretaryes Office att Boston that they may be granted to him Accordingly for which this shall be your Warrant. Giuen under my hand and seale att Boston the 23^d Day of July 1688.

109

A Warrant to Survey Severall houses & parcells of Land within the Townes of Dorchester Milton & Boston for William Soughton Esq^r

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Captⁿ Gen^ƚƚ and Governour in Cheife of his Majesties Territory & Dominion of New England To m^r Philip Welles Suruey^r or to any of the Deputy Survey^rs Whereas William Stoughton Esq hath Desired his Maj^ties Patent of Confirmation for Severall houses and parcells of Land within the Townes of Dorchester Milton and Boston (That is to say) his Mention house in the Towne of Dorchester with Barns Dovehouse & other out houses, Orchards and Lands adjoyning Lyeing all within one outside fence, and Containeing about Thirty Acres, One small lott in the Towne field behind his house of two Acres Three quarters One small lott in the Common feild neere the hurrying place about two Acres, A Close before his house part Salt Marsh, part upland of about Eight Acres and halfe Lakes Hill Pasture Containeing four Acres and Three quarters, Glouers Hill Pasture with other Inclosed grounds, adjoyning Lyeing within one outside ffence of about Thirty Seauen Acres, Severall other Inclosed grounds butting on the Road Leading to Napousett Mill Joyning all one to another on part Whereof stands a Dwelling house and Barne Containeing Ninety Eight Acres Another pasture on the Same aboues^d Road about Twenty one Acres two small lotts Lyeing on the Little Necke of one Acre & a quarter A parcell of salt Meadow with upland adjoyning thereunto Lyeing on the North side of the Little Necke Containing fourteen Acres A parcell of Salt Meadow with a Skirt of upland lyeing on the South side of the little Necke of Seauenteene Acres A parcell of Salt Meaddow lyeing on the great Neck at the Nooke Containing fiue Acres & an halfe, A parcell of Salt Meaddow in the great Lotts about four Acres A parcell of Salt Meadow with a Skirt of upland lyeing in the upper Calue pasture Meaddow fiue Acres and an halfe and neare thereunto another parcell with upland adjoyning of three Acres A parcell of Meaddow in the Lower Calue pasture Meaddow Containeing Six Acres One Woodlott in the Third Diuissions Thirty Acres One Woodlott neare Mother Brookes of ab^t fifty one Acres, One Small Woodlott of Three Acres and an halfe with an other of two Acres Three quarters Twenty Eight Rodd A farme Containeing upland and Meaddow Lyeing upon Dedham bounds, the greater part Whereof belongs to his Sister Tayler1010 quantity uncertaine within the bounds of Milton a peece of Woodland Containeing Two hundred and ffifty Acres, within the Towne of Boston Three parcells of Lands with the Tenments thereon Standing (Viz^t) The Greene Dragon Tenments Gills house and Kanes house. All w^ch he hath beene and now is in the Actuall possession and Injoyment off. These are Therefore to Authorize and Require you to Survey and Lay out for the said W^m Stoughton the before mentioned houses And parcells of Land According to the severall Deeds and Writeings made and giuen for the same and Inclosures and to make a platt and Draft thereof and Returne the same into the Sec͞r͞y͞s Office without Delay That a Patent may be granted Accordingly, And for soe Doeing this shall be your Warrant Giuen under my hand and seale att Boston the 23^d Day of July in the fourth yeare of his Maj^ties Reigne Annoq Dom 1688.

110

A Warrant to Suruey a Certaine Messuage and farme with some small parcells of Land adjoining in Charlestowne for James Russell.1011

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Captⁿ Gen^ƚƚ & Governour in Cheife of his Maj^ties Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Philip Wells Surrvey^r or to any the Deputy Suruey^rs Whereas James Russell of Charlestowne M^rchant hath by his Petition prayed his Majesties Grant for a Certaine Messuage and farme with some small parcells of Land adjoyning Lyeing within the bounds of Charlestowne afores^d in his possession being in all about forty acres and Whereon he hath made Considerable Improuement. I doe Hereby Authorize and Require you to make a Suruey and Draft of the said Messuage farme and parcellsof of Land adjoining and make Returne thereof into the Secretaryes Office that the same may be granted Accordingly and for soe Doeing this shall be your Warrant Giuen under my hand and seale att Boston afores^d the 23^d Day of July 1688.

111

A Warrant to Survey 300 Acres of Vacant Land on Road Island for Thomas Newton Gen^t.

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Captⁿ Generall and Governo^r in Cheife of his Maj^ties Territory and Dominion of New England To m^r Phillip Wells Suruey^r or to any of the Deputy Suruey^rs Whereas Thomas Newton Gent. hath by his Petition Prayed his Maj^ties Grant for Three hundred Acres of Vacant and unlmproued Land Lyeing and being on Road Island within the Limitts of Portsm^o betweene the Lands possess’d by the Widdow Martha Layes and Robert Denis or Adjoining thereto. I doe hereby Authorize and Require you forthwith to make a Suruey and Draft of the said quantity of Land and such other vacant Lands as you shall find there adjoineing and make Returne thereof into the Secretaryes Office att Boston And you are Likewise to giue Notice in the said Towne That if any person or persons haue any Title Clayme or pretence to the said Land or any part thereof they forthwith Shew the same unto me that such Order may be giuen thereupon as shall be proper Whereof you are not to faile, And for soe Doeing this shall be yo^r Warrant Giuen under my hand and seale att Boston the 23^d Day of July 1688.

112

A Warrant to Suruey 400 Acres of Vacant Lands neere the Blew Hills for Captⁿ Rauenscroft1012

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^tn Gen^ƚƚ and Governour in Cheife of his Maj^ties Territory and Dominion of New England To m^r Philip Welles Suruey^r or to any of the Deputy Suru^rs Whereas Sam^ƚƚ Rauencrof1013 hath by his Petition prayed a grant of some Vacant and unappropriated Land lyeing neere the Blew Hills adjoyning unto Unkety line for his p^rsent Settlem^t & Improuem^t These are therefore to Authorize and Impower you to Survey and Lay out for the s^d Samuell Rauencroft the quantity of four hundred Acres of Land in the s^d Place if vacant and to make a platt thereof and Returne the same into The Secretaryes Office att Boston that a Pattent may be passed Accordingly for w^ch this Shall be yo^r Warrant Giuen under my hand and seale att Boston the 25^th Day of July 1688.

113

A Warrant to Survey and lay out 600 acres of land in Casco bay for M^r George Turfrey1014

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^t Gen^al and Govern^r in Chief of his Mat^ies Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Philip Wells Survey or to any of the Deputy Survey^rs Whereas George Turfrey hath by his Petic͞o͞n prayed his Mat^ies grant of Six hundred acres of unimproved Lands lying on the Westward Side of Saco River at a place there called Salisbury brook for his present Settlement and improvment. I do hereby Authorize and require you to Survey and lay out the said quantity of Land and make return with a Plat or Draft thereof into the Secretaries Office and a report of the Lands and Meadows adjoyning or neer the same That such Order may be given therein as shall be proper for which this shall be your Warrant Given under my hand and Seal at Boston the 27^th day of July 1688:

E Andros

By his Ex^nys Com̄and

John West Ds͞c͞r͞y

114

A Warrant to Survey a Certaine Tract of Land Called New Roxbury.

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Captⁿ Generall and Governour in Cheife of his Maj^ties Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Philip Wells Suruey^r or to any the Deputy Survey^rs. Whereas Nathaniell Johnson and John Chandler1015 in behalfe of themselues and others the Planters & Settlers of the Planta͞c͞on Called New Roxbury1016 and Severall other persons Desireous to Settle there haue by their Petitions prayed his Maj^ties Grant for the Seuerall quantityes and parcells of Land there. I doe therefore hereby Authorize and Require you forthwith to make a Suruey and Draft of the whole Tract or parcell of Land Called and knowne by the Name of New Roxbury and Returne the same into the Sec͞rys Office att Boston with an Account of the severall Settlements and Improuem^ts there & quality thereof That such further Orders may be giuen for Settleing & Disposeing the same as shall be proper, And for soe Doeing this shall be your Warrant Giuen under my hand & seale att Boston the 27^th Day of July 1688.

115

A Warrant to Survey a farme in Rumny Marsh with 30 Acres of Marsh on hogg Island for Nathan^ƚƚ Newgate1017

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Captⁿ Gen^ƚƚ and Governour in Cheife of his Maj^ties Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Philip Wells Survey^r or to any of the Deputy Survey^rs Whereas Nathaniell Newdigate ate Newgate hath by his Petition Prayed his Majesties Grant for a Certain Messuage and farme Lyeing in Rumny Marsh Joyning unto the farme of Coƚƚ Nicholas Page Containeing about fiue hundred Acres, and about Thirty Acres of Marsh or Meaddow on Hogg Island of the which he is in Actuall possession I doe Therefore Authorize and Require you to make a Survey and Draft of the s^d farme and Meaddow and Returne the same into the Secretaryes Office That such further Order may be giuen thereupon as shall be proper And for soe Doeing this shall be your Warrant Giuen under my hand and seale att Boston the 27^th Day of July 1688.

116

A Warrant to suruey a Certaine Island Called Hogg Island for Samuell Sewall.

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Captaine Generall and Governeur in Cheife of his Maj^ties Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Philip Welles Suruey^r or to any the Deputy Suruey^rs Whereas Samuell Sewall hath by his Petition sett forth That he and those under whom he Claymes haue for the space of forty yeares or upwards by past beene Possessed of a Certaine Island Called Hogg Island prayeing his Maj^ties Confirma͞c͞on for the same I doe hereby Authorize & Require you forthwith to make a suruey and Draft of the said Island and Returne the same into the Sec͞rys Office That such further Orders may be giuen thereupon as shall be proper And for soe Doeing this shall be your Warrant Giuen under my hand and seale att Boston the 27^th Day of July 1688.

117

A Warrant to Suruey 200 Acres of Vacant Land in Charlestown Comon for George farwell Gent^ƚ

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^tn Gen^ƚƚ and Governour in Cheife of his Maj^ties Territory & Dominion of New England To m^r Phillip Welles Suruey^r or to any the Deputy Suruey^rs Whereas George ffarewell Gent^ƚ hath by his Petition sett forth that in the Common of Charlestowne in the County of Middlesex there is a Certaine parcell of vacant Land Containeing ab^t Two hundred Acres bounded part by the Road Leading to Menotomy part by the line of Lieuten^t Coƚƚ Lidgetts farme and part by Mistick Riuer prayeing his Maj^ties grant for the same, These are Therefore to Authorize and Require you forthwith to make a suruey And Draft of the said parcells of Land and Returne the same into the Sec͞r͞ys Office That such further Orders may be giuen thereupon as shall be proper for w^ch this shall be your Warrant Giuen under my hand and seale att Boston the 27^th Day of July 1688.

118

A Warrant to suruey a Tract of vacant Land in the Nipmug Country Containeing about two Thousand acres

S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t Cap^tn Gen^ƚƚ and Gov^r in Cheife of his Maj^ties Territory and Dominion of New England To M^r Philip Wells suruey^r or to any the Deputy Survey^rs Whereas Samuell Rugles Thomas Curtis Jonnathan Curtis and Sam^ll Rice haue by their humble petition prayed his Maj^ties grant of a Certaine Tract or parcell of vacant Land Lyeing in the Nipmug Country Neer new Roxbury containeing about Two Thousand acres Whereon they are Desirous to make present settlement and Improuement I Doe hereby Authorize and Require you to suruey and lay out for the s^d Samuell Rugles Thomas Curtis Jonathan Curtis and Samuell Rice the s^d Two Thousand acres of Land and to make a platt or Draft thereof and the same to Returne into the Sec͞rys office att Boston that a Pattent may be granted unto them accordingly and for soe Doeing this shall be yo^r Warrant Giuen under my hand and seale att Boston the 28^th July in the 4^th yeare of his Ma^ts Reigne Annoq Dom 1688

Listof Grantees and of Locations1018

Andrews, James 68	Davis, Silvanus 22	Jones, Isaac 89
	Dorchester 15 109	Jones, John 89
Baker, Thomas 58 95	Dudley, Joseph 8 18 34–36	Jordan, Dominions 38
Ballatt, Samuel 7		Jordan, Sarah 21
Barefoot, Walter 23	Dummer, Shubael 67
Belcher, Andrew 108	Durant, Moses 58	King’s Province. See Narragansett
Bennett, Edward 59
Bickford, Thomas 58	Ellicott, Vines 57	Kittery 23
Black Point 28 65	Elliot, Robert 65
Blue Hills 61 112	English, James 22	Lane, John 52
Blue Point 69	Eyre, John 99	Lawrence, Robert 24
Boston 14 16 46 99 102 105 109		Leane, Henry 90
	Falmouth 39–42 47–56 63 64 68 80–89 93–98	Leane, Job 90
Boston Neck 11		Leane, John 90
Bowdoin, Peter 29	Farwell, George 117	Leane, Samuel 90
Braintree 74–77	Felt, George 98	Leatherby, Thomas 58
Bramhall, George 84	Felt, Jonathan 98	Libbey, Daniel 58
Brinley, Francis 11	Felt, Samuel 98	Libbey, David 58
Brookfield 73	Feversham 3	Libbey, Henry 58
Browne, John 50		Libbey, John 58
Burrage, William 45	Gale, Edmund 70	Libbey, Matthew 58
	Gedney, Bartholomew 62	Lidgett, Charles 5 9
Cambridge 108	Gendall, Walter 30 6479	Lynde, Joseph 107
Casco Bay 22 24–27 29 30 62 66 70 78 113	Gilbert, William 92	Lynde, Simon 1
Champlin, William 3		Madiver, Joel 96
Chandler, John 114	Harris, John 85	Magaguncock Hill 106
Chapman, Ralph 13	Hinckes, John 21	Manchaog 35
Charlestown 5–7 9 107 108 110 117	Hog Island, Mass. 115 116	Maxson, John 3
		Milton 109
Clap, Roger 15	Hog Island, Me. 57	Morrell, Robert 97
Clark, Nathaniel 71	Hogg, Daniel 58
Clark’s Island 71	Holman, John 86	Nahant 104
Cleverly, John 77	Housing, Peter 78	Narragansett 1–3 11
Cloice, Thomas 51	Howell, John 43	Narragansett Bay 37
Collings, Abraham 81	Hunnewell, Richard 44	Newgate, Nathaniel 115
Corwin, Margaret 72		New Roxbury 114 118
Coxe, Daniel 18	Ingersoll, George, Sr. 55 87	Newton, Thomas 111
Crossthwaite, Charles 19
Curtis, Jonathan 118	Ingersoll, George, Jr. 49	Nicholason, Robert 94
Curtis, Thomas 118	Ingersoll, John 88	Niell Samuel 76
Cutler, John, Jr. 6	Ingersoll, Joseph 93	Nipmug 18 34 35 72 118
	Ingersoll, Samuel 42	Noddle’s Island 101
Danson, George 17		Nonsuch 21 91
Davis, Benjamin 14 Davis, Edward 53	Johnson, Humphrey 33 Johnson, Nathaniel 114	North Yarmouth 4 30 79 80 90 92
Paige, Anna 46	Scituate 33	Teney, John 60
Paige, Nicholas 46	Scottow, Joshua 28	Thayer, Richard 15
Paulling, Matthew 82	Seacomb, Richard 26 54	Thompson, Robert 18
Phippen, David 27	Sewall, Samuel 116	Turfrey, George 113
Pocasset 12	Shawomet 13	Tydye, Robert 58
Portsmouth, R. I 111	Sheppard, Thomas 32	Tyng, Edward 25
Powsland, Richard 48	Sherborn 36	Tyng, Jonathan 100
Quobeague 73	Sherman, Mary 31
	Shippen, Edward 16 69	Veazie, William 74
Randolph, Edward 103 104	Shrimpton, Samuel 101 102	Waite Thomas 12
		Wallis, John 66
Ravenscroft, Samuel 112	Simpson, Savill 105 106	Wallis, Nathaniel 80
Rice, Samuel 118	Skilling, John 63 91	Watertown 31
Ross, John 39	Slaughter, John 58	Webber, Joseph 5
Row, Anthony 58	Smith, John 41	Webber, Mary 56
Roxbury 8	Spencer, John 47	Weymesitt 100
Ruggles, Samuel 118	Spurwink 38	White, Nathaniel 83
Rumney, Marsh 46 115	Spy Pond 103	Wilcox, Daniel 10
Russell, James 110	Staniford, Robert 40	Winthrop, Ann 72
Saco 32	Stamford, Thomas 40	Worcester 17 19 20
Sakonnet 10	Stoughton, William 18 34 35 109
Scarborough 30 43–45 58–60		Yardly, John 75
	Swarton, John 4	York 67

Mr. Matthews also communicated the following paper:

THE HARVARD COLLEGE CHARTER OF 1672

The administration of Leonard Hoar,1019 though it lasted only two years and three months, presents more puzzling questions than that of any other President of Harvard College. Born in England in or about 1630, he was brought to this country at an early age, graduated at Harvard in 1650, took his A.M. in 1653, and in the same year went to England, where he became rector of Wanstead, Essex,1020 but was ejected in 1662. Shortly after the death of Chauncy, which occurred February 19, 1672, Dr. Hoar1021 came to Boston at the invitation of the Third or Old South Church, but also, apparently, with an eye to the presidency. At all events, he brought letters of recommendation for that office and, reaching here July 8, 1672,1022 was in the same month elected President. Yet the exact date of his election is unknown with certainty; we are left in some doubt as to whether he was chosen by the Corporation or by the Overseers; the date of his inauguration is variously given; the mystery surrounding his failure has never been cleared up; and the charter which was granted by the General Court in October, 1672, has been completely misunderstood by the historians of the College since 1812.

The object of this paper is not to attempt the apparently hopeless task of reconciling the discrepancies, or of elucidating the exact purpose of the charter of 1672. But there are in existence some data that have been previously overlooked, and as they throw much light on the vexed problems, particularly that of the charter, no apology is needed for presenting them. Before taking up the charter itself, let us glance at some of the other questions.

First, as to the date of Hoar’s election and inauguration. In a passage written about 1697 and published in 1702, Cotton Mather said:

After the Death of Mr. Chancey, which was at the latter End of the Year 1701.1023 The Alma Mater Academia, must look among her own Sons, to find a President for the rest of her Children; and accordingly the Fellows of the Colledge with the Approbation of the Overseers, July 13. 1672. elected Mr. Leonard Hoar, unto that Office; whereto, on the Tenth of September following he was Inaugurated.1024

At College Book I. 75 John Davis, who was Treasurer of the College from 1810 to 1827, has written: “Mem^o President Hoar was elected July 30. and inaugurated 10. Sept^r 1672. J.D.” At the right of this entry Sibley wrote in pencil: “No: it was 10 December. J.L.S.” And underneath the entry President Quincy wrote: “This mem^o was made by Treasurer Davis within the present century. His authority must have been College Book N^o. 3. P. 54. — J.Q.” That September 10 is an impossible date is made certain by the fact that on October 8 the General Court, —

hauing duely considered of the motion1025 in refference to allowance to be given to the maintenance of a præsident at the colledge, & the settlement of what may give due encouragement to that worke, doe judge meet & order, that there be allowed one hundred & fifty pounds p̄ an̄um. to be pajd in money by the country Treasurer out of such revenues as are payd in money into the treasury, provided Doctor Hoare be the man for a supply of that place, nowe vacant, & that he accept thereof, and that when this order of one hundred & fifty pounds ꝑ an̄u takes place, the former order of one hundred a yeare setled vpon the præsident, in the printed law, be made voyd, & that this allowance be continued vntill the Generall Court or ouerseers shall finde some other way for the making it good, and that the annuall allowanc be payd quarterly.1026

In a passage dated July 8, but obviously written some months later, John Hull stated in his Diary that “Dr. Leonard Hoar arrived at Boston from London, being sent for by the third church in Boston: but, the President of the College being dead, it was the earnest desire of the ministers and magistrates that they would spare him for that work; and, upon Nov. 15, they did yield him up to that service.”1027 Under the year 1672, Hull also noted: “11th, 10th. Dr. Leonard Hoar constituted President of the College.”1028 This date might be either December 11, 1672, or January 10, 1673, according as to whether the first figure stands for the month or for the day. More satisfactory is an entry in the Diary of William Adams, then a resident graduate at the College: “Anno 1672. . . . Dec. . . . 10. Leonardus Hoare, Medicinæ Doctor, . . . Collegii Harvardini Præses, Cantabr. N.A. inauguratus.”1029 In a letter to Robert Boyle dated “Cambridge, New-England, December the 13th, 1672,” Hoar himself wrote: “It hath pleased even all to assign the college for my Sparta. I desire I may adorn it; and thereby encourage the country in its utmost throws for its resuscitation from its ruins. And we still hope some helpers from our native land; of which your honoured self, Mr. A.1030 and some others have given a pledge.”1031 It is a fair assumption that he was already President. In College Book I. 75–78, are entered, in the hand of Hoar himself, the “Acts of y^e Corporation since y^e 10^th of Dccem^br 1672” — clearly indicating that he became President on that day. Finally, in his Index to College Books I–VI, which must have been compiled while he was President from 1725 to 1737, Wadsworth made this entry: “D^r Hoar Inaugurated President. 10. 10. 1672.”1032 It is certain, then, that Hoar was inaugurated on December 10, 1672; and this is the date now given in the Quinquennial Catalogue.1033

As for the date of Hoar’s election, Cotton Mather gave it as July 13, 1672. The entry at College Book III. 54, referred to by Quincy, ought, one would think, to be decisive. The entry itself, in the hand of Thomas Danforth, though when made is not known, clearly reads: “Docto^r Leonard Hoar was elected President of the Colledge. The which he accepting he was inaugurated. 10. 7. 1672.”1034 But the heading to this entry is, unfortunately, somewhat blind. It appears to read: “At a meeting of the Overseers July. 30. 1672.” But the date may not be “July 30, 1672,” though apparently both Davis and Quincy so read it, since “July” is written over another word, perhaps “June;” and “30” is written over other figures, perhaps “27.” Attention should be called to a letter written to John Winthrop, Jr., dated “Cambr. 1. 6. 1672” — that is, August 1, 1672 — in which Thomas Danforth said:

As for Dr. Hoare, He came over under some (though not severe) obligattion to y^e new church. Himselfe seems to referr y^e matter to y^r Determination: yet do not in y^e least decline y^e motion made in behalf of y^e colledge. but as his disposition of mind is thought to be y^t way, so also it is app^r hended y^t he will be a better p^rsid^t, yⁿ a pulpitt man (at least) as to vulg^r acceptation, yet I perceiue y^e church do not freely come of in y^e matter, nor do I app^rhend y^t anything will be fully concluded on before y^e Geñall court meet.1035

Finally, on this point, we may quote Hutchinson’s statement that “Doctor Leonard Hoar . . . returned [to New England] not long before he was elected July 30, 1672.”1036 Hoar’s election must have been between July 8 (the date of his arrival) and August 1.

Secondly, Was Hoar elected President by the Corporation or by the Overseers? Cotton Mather, as we have seen, states that he was elected by “the Fellows of the Colledge with the Approbation of the Overseers.” By the charter of 1650 the Corporation was empowered “to elect a new prsesident, ffellowes, or treasurer, so oft and from time to time as any of the sajd persons shall dye or be remooved.”1037 This method of election had not been established in 1672, and it is by no means certain that it was followed in the case of Hoar. “At a meeting of the Magistrates and Elders at Boston. 27. of August. 1640. The Reverend m^r Henery Dunstar was by them invited to accept the place of President of the Colledge, which he accordingly accepted.”1038 In the charter of 1650, the members of the Corporation were of course named by the General Court. Dunster’s final resignation in 1654 was made not to the Corporation but to the Overseers, who presented it to the General Court, and both the selection and the election of his successor Chauncy was placed by the General Court wholly in the hands of the Overseers.1039 The entry at College Book I. 75 ought to be decisive, but it again fails us; for though the heading appears to read “At a meeting of the Overseers,” the word “Overseers” is written over the word “Corporation” — making it impossible to say with absolute certainty by whom Hoar was elected.1040

Thirdly, it is pertinent to the discussion to ask, Who were the members of the Corporation early in the year 1672? Even this question, simple as it seems, cannot, owing to the meagreness of the early College records, be answered with absolute certainty. But apparently the make-up of the Corporation at the beginning of 1672 was as follows:

Charles Chauncy,			President
John Richards,			Treasurer
Samuel Danforth,
Alexander Nowell,
Joseph Browne,
John Richardson,

It will be observed that there were only four Fellows, instead of the five called for in the charter of 1650.1041 But for all practical purposes, there were only three Fellows, for in the early years the work of the Corporation appears to have been done chiefly by the President, the Treasurer, and the three resident Fellows who, recent graduates, were Tutors and had actual charge of the classes. Graduating in 1643, Samuel Danforth was a Tutor from about 1644 to about 1649; in 1650 he was named a Fellow in the charter; on September 24, 1650, he was ordained pastor of the church at Roxbury; he ceased to be a Fellow about 1654; and in 1668 his name again appears in the list of Fellows, though there is no record of his election. Alexander Nowell, who graduated in 1664, was elected a Fellow on November 28, 1664.1042 Joseph Browne and John Richardson, both of whom graduated in 1666, are supposed to have been elected Fellows in 1671, though, curiously enough, there is no record of their election.1043 But that they were Fellows early in 1672 is proved by a letter sent to John Winthrop, Jr., thanking him for a gift of astronomical instruments, etc., made to the College. This letter, dated February 2, 1672, is signed by Nowell, Browne, and Richardson, who say: “Our reverend President (who has been sickly of late) does present his service to your Worship, and renders you many thankes for that extraordinary care and respect manifested in this case.” And the letter is endorsed by Winthrop: “M^r Alexander Nowell & the other Fellows of the Colledge. Rec: Feb: 10:1671.”1044

In his letter to Boyle, already quoted, Hoar expressed his desire to “adorn” the College, and “thereby encourage the country in its utmost throws for its resuscitation from its ruins.” The allusion is to the low condition into which the College had fallen in the years 1671–1672 and which had given great concern to the friends of the College on both sides of the Atlantic.1045 This condition was to sink still lower, for on February 19, 1672, Chauncy died, and was buried on the 21st, when “Mr. Oakes turned his lecture into a funeral sermon on y^e 2. Kings 2. 12,” and “Mr. Nowell Soci. made a funeral oration in y^e Hall.”1046 He was soon followed by the orator, as on July 13 “Died Mr. Alexander Nowel Sen^r Fellow1047 of Harv. Coll. he lay sick of (as is conjectured) an hectic fever above a quarter of a year being most of y^e time distempered in his head, yet rational a little before his death.”1048 Thus within five days after the arrival of Hoar and on the very day when, according to Mather, Hoar was elected President by the Corporation, that body was reduced to three active members — Treasurer Richards, the two resident Fellows or Tutors Joseph Browne and John Richardson — and one nominal Fellow, Samuel Danforth.1049 Is it not highly questionable whether, in such a serious condition of affairs, three or even four men would have taken upon themselves the grave responsibility of electing a President and two Fellows? Indeed, would they have been allowed to do so? In 1654, as already stated,1050 the Corporation had no hand at all in the selection or election of Dunster’s successor; and it seems to me far more probable that in 1672 Chauncy’s successor was elected by the Overseers than by the Corporation. But however that may have been, it is certain that in the end it was the General Court which filled up the Corporation.

And thus we are brought to the charter of 1672. The allusions to this instrument are apparently so few that they may well be given practically in full. Previous to 1812 that charter was, so far as I am aware, mentioned in print only twice: by Nathan Prince in a pamphlet written in 1742 and published late in that year or early in 1743, and by Hutchinson in 1764, both of whom will be quoted later.1051 With a single exception, also to be quoted later,1052 there appears to be no mention of the charter in the College records until January 27, 1812. On January 14, 1812, the Legislature ordered the President and Fellows to lay before it “a true copy of the Charter of the College, together with all the Laws, Bye Laws, Rules and Regulations, which have at any time been made or passed and are now in force,” etc.1053 On January 27 President Kirkland laid this order before the Corporation, which “took the said request into their respective consideration and voted the following statement.”1054 In that statement occurs this passage:

It ought however to be remembered that after the two ordinances above referred to establishing the Corporation that is to say the Charter of Sixteen hundred and fifty, and the Appendix of Sixteen hundred and fifty seven, the Colonial General Court passed an Ordinance in October Sixteen hundred and seventy two, now in the Records of the Court, providing for a new Charter for the College, with very extensive and important powers, both civil and collegiate; and enacting that the Provisions of that Ordinance should be Law, any Law, Grant or Usage to the contrary notwithstanding. — But in fact there remains no evidence that the Corporation ever accepted this Charter, or exercised any of the powers therein granted; and it is not on the records of either the Overseers or Corporation.1055

There was then pending a bill for repealing the act of March 6, 1810, reorganizing the Board of Overseers, and on February 18, 1812, the Corporation voted “That the President — the Treasurer,1056 and M^r Lowell,1057 be a Committee to defend the rights of the College against any attempt of the Legislature to alter or annul the Constitution of the present Board of Overseers and for this purpose that they be authorized to prepare and present any Memorial that the said Committee may think proper and at such time as they may think best.” 1058 On February 24 the committee “appointed to defend the rights of the College &^c presented the following report which being read was accepted. In pursuance of a Vote of the Corporation passed Feb^r 18^th — the Committee preferred the following Memorial, which they procured to be printed, and distributed among the members of the General Court.” 1059 In this memorial, after alluding to the act of 1642, reorganizing the Board of Overseers, the charter of 1650, and the appendix to the charter passed in 1657, occur the words, “Your Memorialists conceive, that these are the legislative and public Acts, on which the Foundation and Government of the College rest. The Colonial General Court,” etc.,1060 the remainder of the passage being in precisely the same words as in the statement voted by the Corporation on January 27, 1812.

Notwithstanding this memorial, the act of March 6, 1810, was repealed by an act of February 29, 1812, and by a vote of the Corporation on April 151061 there was published by the College a 36-page pamphlet entitled “The Constitution of the University at Cambridge, with an Appendix.”1062 In this are printed the act of 1642, the charter of 1650, the appendix to the charter passed in 1657, the articles of the State Constitution of 1780 relating to the College, and the act of 1810 reorganizing the Board of Overseers, with the acceptances of this last act by the Corporation and by the Overseers (on March 16, April 12, 1810, respectively). The Appendix contains a sketch of what may be called the constitutional history of the College, and in it are printed various documents, among them the charter of 1672. This is preceded and followed by the following statements:

Afterwards the general court of the colony of Massachusetts Bay appear to have intended a new college charter with much larger powers, including a measure of civil jurisdiction; and passed the ordinance of 1672 — a copy of which here follows. . . . But there is no evidence that the President and Fellows ever accepted this charter, or acted under it. They never assumed the name there designated of President, Fellows, and Treasurer of Harvard College, but acted under the name by which they were originally incorporated.1063

Writing about 1831 Peirce said:

An ordinance was passed by the General Court October 8, 1672, which was intended as a substitute for the existing charter. It altered the name of the Corporation from “President and Fellows” to that of “President, Fellows, and Treasurer of Harvard College”; it modified their powers in some respects, and granted important additional ones, civil and collegiate; but the Corporation do not appear to have accepted this charter; and it is regarded as never having possessed any validity.1064

In 1840 Quincy wrote:

In the ensuing October, the General Court passed also a new College charter. By this act the name of the Corporation was changed from “The President and Fellows” to that of “The President, Fellows, and Treasurer.” The number of its members was not increased. It was permitted to hold personal property to any amount whatsoever, and real estate to the value of five hundred pounds per annum. Ten menial servants of the Corporation were exempted from all civil and military exercises, and the personal estates of the members of the Corporation and their officers, not exceeding one hundred pounds a man, were exempted from taxes; and any three of the Corporation, of which the President was to be one, had committed to them full power to fine, sconce, or otherwise correct any officer or member of said Society, according to the laws of the country; and for this purpose, taking a constable, to enter into any house licensed for public entertainment, where they should be informed, or have reason to suspect, enormities were plotting or acting by any members of said Society.

Although this charter is entered at large in the journal of the General Court, it does not appear in the records of the seminary; nor is any notice taken of it in those records, nor in the general history of the times. The probability is, that it was the work of President Hoar, and had some connexion with that evanescent influence, which he seemed, in the year 1672, to have acquired among the members of the General Court; and, in consequence of that unpopularity, which immediately followed his entering upon the government of the institution, its authority was never recognised by the Corporation. It is certain, that they never assumed the name given by the act, and there exists no evidence of their having, in a single instance, modified their proceedings according to its provisions.1065

In 1864 Palfrey, speaking of Hoar, said:

The General Court shared, or caught, the enthusiasm of the London ministers. They voted to raise the President’s annual allowance from a hundred to a hundred and fifty pounds, “provided Dr. Hoar were the man for a supply of that place now vacant, and that he accepted thereof”; and they offered to the College a new charter (which, however, did not take effect) embracing some extension of its privileges.1066

In 1874 Sibley remarked that “At the same time, probably in conformity with Hoar’s wishes, the General Court granted to the College a new charter;” and, after quoting the passage in the charter conferring on the Corporation “the ffull power of sconsing, fineing, or otherwise correcting all inferiour officers and members,” etc., declared that “This charter, however, never went into effect.”1067

Finally, in 1894 our associate Mr. Andrew McF. Davis said:

There were no other incorporations or attempts at incorporation until after the promulgation of the Province Charter, with the exception that in 1672, in President Hoar’s day, there is an alleged new charter for the College extended in the Colonial Records. Whether the act passed is not known. No recognition of it appears to have been made by the College. It does not appear in the published laws of the Colony. No stress, however, can be laid upon this omission, inasmuch as the Charter of 1650, as I have already stated, is also conspicuous in its absence from the same publications. If this Charter was actually enacted to be a law, it was at best merely a substitute for the Charter of which it was practically an amendment. . . .

The draft of a charter which, in 1672, appears in the Colony Records is so inconsistent with any theory of the needs of the College, and the total omission of reference to it in the records at Cambridge so peculiar, that I have no explanation to offer for it. If it was passed it violates my idea that there was a persistent effort to avoid cumbering the records with needless conflicts with the Crown on law points, although it may of course be said that this act being in effect a mere amendment of an existing charter, its passage would not have been regarded in the same way as the creation of a new corporation would have been.1068

It is at once obvious that all later statements, though in some cases amplified, were based on the statement voted by the Corporation on January 27, 1812. These various statements may be summarized as follows: (1) that the charter of 1672 was intended as a substitute for the charter of 1650; (2) that the charter of 1672 was never accepted by the Corporation; (3) that the charter was never recognized by the Corporation; (4) that the Corporation never assumed the name of President, Fellows, and Treasurer, designated in the charter; (5) that the Corporation never exercised any of the powers granted in the charter; (6) that no notice is taken of the charter in the general history of the times; (7) that the number of the Corporation was not increased by the charter; (8) that the charter is not on the records either of the Corporation or of the Overseers; (9) that no notice is taken of the charter in the College records; and (10) that the charter was without validity.

Before commenting on these points, let us examine Quincy’s analysis of the provisions of the charter of 1672.

(a) The Corporation, he said, “was permitted to hold personal property to any amount whatsoever.” A similar clause is in the charter of 1650: see page 397, below.

(b) The Corporation, he said, was permitted to hold “real estate to the value of five hundred pounds per annum.” A similar clause is in the charter of 1650; see page 397, below.

(c) “Ten menial servants of the Corporation,” he said, “were exempted from all civil and military exercises.” A similar clause is in the charter of 1650: see page 400, below. Quincy’s statement, however, that all ten servants belonged to the Corporation is not quite accurate. In the charter of 1650 the words are: “the servants and other necessary officers to the sajd præsident or colledge appertajning, not exceeding ten, viz., three to the præsident, and seven to the colledge belonging.” And in the charter of 1672 the words are: “the sayd President, ffellowes and Schollars together w^th their mæniall servants and other necessary officers (not exceeding the number of Ten).”1069

(d) “The personal estates of the members of the Corporation and their officers,” he said, “not exceeding one hundred pounds a man, were exempted from taxes.” A similar clause is in the charter of 1650: see page 400, below.

(e) “Any three of the Corporation,” said Quincy, “of which the President was to be one, had committed to them full power to fine, sconce, or otherwise correct any officer or member of said Society,” etc. There is no similar clause in the charter of 1650. The Court order of September 27, 1642, reorganizing the Board of Overseers, gave that body “full power & authority to make & establish all such ord^r s, statutes, & constitutions as they shall see necessary for the instituting, guiding, & furthering of the said colledge & the sev^r all memb^rs thereof from time to time in piety, morality, & learning.”1070 In the earliest code of College laws, “published to ye Scholars” in the years 1642–1646, it was provided that “If any Scholar shall trangresse any of ye Lawes of God or the House out of perversnesse or apparent negligence, after twice admonition hee shall bee liable if not adultus to correction,1071 if Adultus his name shall bee given up to ye Overseers of ye Colledge that he may be publikely dealt with after ye desert of his fault but in grosser offences such graduall proceeding shall not be expected”1072 — thus leaving to the Overseers the mode of punishment. The College laws drawn up on March 28, 1650, specified that for certain offences the scholars “shall bee punished threepence but more at the Præsidents discretion if perversnes appear.”1073 This is apparently the earliest allusion to fines. On October 14, 1656, the General Court ordered —

that the psident & fellowes of Harvard Colledge, for the time beinge, or the majo^r p̄t of them, are hereby empowred, accordinge to their best discretion, to pun̄ish all misdemeno^rs of the youth in their societie, either by fine or whippinge in the hall, openly, as the nature of the offence shall require, not exceedinge ten shillinges or ten stripes for one offence, & this law to contynue in force vntill this Court, or the oūseers of the colledge, ꝑvide some other order to punish such offences.1074

This is apparently the earliest specific allusion to whipping. The appendix to the charter of 1650 passed in 1657 ordered that —

the corporation shall haue power from tjme to tjme to make such orders & by lawes for the better ordering & carrying on of the worke of the colledge, as they shall see cawse, w^th out dépendance vpon the consent of y^e ouerseers foregoing; provided, alwajes, that the corporation shall be responsable vnto, & those orders & by lawes shallbe alterable by, the ouerseers according to theire discretion.1075

Thus the clause in the charter of 1672 committing to the Corporation “full power to fine, sconce, or otherwise correct any officer or member of said Society,” etc., was merely a reaffirmation of powers granted by the General Court between 1650 and 1672. There is some uncertainty with regard to the word “sconce.” As entered in the Court Records, IV. 708, the passage reads: “shall haue the ffull power of sconsing fineing or otherwise correcting all Inferiour office’s or membe^rs to the sajd Society;” and in the margin are the words: “Their powe^r to sconse fine &c.” And the word “sconcing” also is found in a draught of the charter.1076 But in a copy of the charter attested by Edward Rawson, the word is not “sconsing”1077 but “scourging.” If “scourging” is the word intended, then the Corporation was given full power to whip as well as to fine.

Let us now return to the ten points summarized above.

(1) Peirce said that the charter of 1672 was “intended as a substitute for” the charter of 1650. In 1723 the Corporation characterized the charter of 1672 as “for the Perpetuation of the Charter of 1650;”1078 in 1742 Nathan Prince called the charter of 1672 “the most proper Appendix to the Charter of 50;”1079 and in 1894 Mr. Davis said that the charter of 1672 was “in effect a mere amendment of an existing charter” — that is, the charter of 1650.1080

(2) “The Corporation,” said Peirce, “do not appear to have accepted this charter.” But all who were members of the Corporation in December, 1672, owed their existence as such to the charter. See also under (8), (9), and (10), below.

(3) The authority of the charter, said Quincy, “was never recognised by the Corporation.” It was recognized by the Corporation in its representation of August 23, 1723: see under (9), below; and cf. under (8) and (10), below.

(4) It may be true that the Corporation, as Quincy said, “never assumed the name given by the act;” but the fact would be difficult to prove, and the point, even if well taken, is of slight importance. At all events, the corporate name appears to have been a matter with regard to which the College officials were for many years decidedly indifferent. Though under the charter of 1650 the corporate name was “President and Fellows of Harvard College,” yet apparently that name was never once used in the headings of the Corporation meetings previous to 1708, those meetings being invariably headed (when headed at all) “At a meeting of the Corporation,” or words to that effect.1081 The heading “At a meeting of the President and Fellows of Harvard College” first occurs, apparently, on January 26, 1708,1082 and was frequently employed by Leverett, though he also often used the words “At a meeting of the Corporation of Harvard College.” Wadsworth followed Leverett’s practice of using either form of words, while Holyoke almost invariably wrote “At a meeting of the President and Fellows of Harvard College.”1083

(5) “There exists no evidence,” said Quincy, speaking of the Corporation, “of their having, in a single instance, modified their proceedings according to its provisions.” It is difficult to see wherein the charter of 1672, so closely did it resemble the charter of 1650, required a modification of the Corporation’s proceedings.

(6) “Nor is any notice taken of” the charter, said Quincy, “in the general history of the times.” Even if this statement were strictly accurate, it would amount to little, since there were so few who wrote on “the general history of the times.” But as a matter of fact, as already pointed out, the charter was mentioned in two books printed before the Revolution. The extract from Nathan Prince will be given presently.1084 “The college at Cambridge,” wrote Hutchinson in 1764, “became more and more an object of attention, and in the year 1650 was made a body corporate, by act of the general court, and received a charter under the seal of the colony.” And in a footnote he added: “Under this charter the college was governed until the year 1685, when the colony charter was vacated; saving that in 1673, by an order of the general court, some addition was made to the number of the corporation.”1085

(7) Quincy’s statement that “the number of its members was not increased” is true — that is, the Corporation still consisted of seven persons: a President, a Treasurer, and five Fellows. What Hutchinson meant when he said that “some addition was made to the number of the corporation,” was not that the total number of the Corporation was made more than seven by the charter, but merely that the charter filled the vacancies that had occurred and brought the number of the Corporation up to its full complement of seven.

(8) Admitting that “this charter is entered at large in the journal of the General Court,” Quincy yet asserted that “it does not appear in the records of the seminary.” If by “records” Quincy meant, as is probable, those of the Corporation or of the Overseers, the statement is correct. But neither was the appendix to the charter of 1650 passed in 1657 entered in the Corporation Records (though it may have been entered in the Overseers’ Records1086), yet no historian of the College has ventured to assail its validity. But if by “records” Quincy meant what are now commonly called the College archives, then the statement is inaccurate and is of interest as tending to show that many documents now in those archives were either not in the possession of the College in 1840 or were then overlooked. For to-day there are in the College archives no fewer than five copies of the charter of 1672. These will be described later.1087

(9) “Nor is any notice,” said Quincy, “taken of it in those records,” — that is, the College records, presumably meaning the records of the Corporation or of the Overseers. During the years 1721–1723 occurred the noted controversy in regard to the claim of Nicholas Sever and William Welsteed, then Tutors, to seats at the board of Corporation. The culmination came at a meeting before Lieutenant-Governor Dummer and the Council on August 23, 1723, which is described by President Leverett in his Diary. From this it appears that the Rev. Benjamin Colman, a Fellow, —

read in his Place the Representation of the Corporation, and laid it down upon the Board. After which M^r Sever read a long argum^t for the Support of the Petition he with M^r Welsted had prefer’d to the Court, and laid it upon the board. The Presid^t and all the Members of the Corporation Except M^r Flynt1088 and M^r Treasurer1089 in their turns Speak and offer’d their Answers and remarks upon the argum^ts and records offer’d by M^r Sever, and then the Corporation . . . Agreed, That The Representation to be Entred in the College Book of Records, and it is accordingly Entred, fol.1090

In the representation so entered in College Book IV. 87–92, occur these words:

That the Charter of y^e College was never Interpreted or understood, that we know of, by our Worthy Predecess^rs in the State or in the Church, to mean — That the Tut^rs & Instruct^rs in y^e College must necessariely be Fellows of the Corporacon. None of o^r Gen̄^l Courts, or Boards of Overseers have so Iudged, that we can hear of. The Charter of 1672 requires no Such thing, nor seems at all to look that way; w^ch Act is for the Perpetuation of the Charter of 1650.1091

The argument of Sever, not entered in the College records, and of which there is apparently no copy in the College archives, has since Quincy’s day come to light, and contains the following passages:

And I would observe that in the year 1650 the College was first founded upon a charter, which it subsisted upon for twenty-two years, till 1672; that in that year there was an additional grant of charter, and the College subsisted upon them both for twelve years longer, till 1684; and about that time the old country charter was vacated, and the College charter was supposed to fall of course with it. . . . And this (with submission) is the common method in the University, and the only regular and effectual method that can be taken for the service of a college in its advanced state. And this method has already been taken in this College. Witness the charter of 1672, which made out some further powers for the College than it did possess by the charter of 1650.1092

Though the only reference to the charter of 1672 in College Books I, III, and IV is in the extract dated August 23, 1723, quoted above, yet there are in the College archives several documents in which that charter is alluded to.1093

(10) Though Peirce and Quincy admitted, the former that the charter of 1672 “was passed by the General Court” and the latter that it “is entered at large in the journal of the General Court,” yet Peirce declared that it “is regarded as never having possessed any validity,” while Quincy asserted that “its authority was never recognised by the Corporation;” and even Mr. Davis writes “if it was passed,” implying that there may be some doubt on that point. In no other instance, so far as I am aware, has the validity of a law entered in the Court Records been questioned. Nor, in the present instance, will the contention that the charter of 1672 was invalid for a moment bear examination. The extracts already given or referred to under (8) and (9) prove beyond the possibility of a doubt that the charter was passed, that it was accepted by the College, and that it was recognized by the Corporation. But there is other proof of the validity of the charter. This is to be found partly in a pamphlet written by Prince in 1742, and partly in documents some of which are in the College archives and others in the Massachusetts Archives.

Prince’s pamphlet is both interesting in itself and important as being the only extended account of the government of the College printed before 1812.1094 The circumstances under which it was written were so peculiar that they may be briefly given. Graduating in 1718, Nathan Prince was chosen a Tutor on February 25, 1723,1095 and was elected a Fellow on December 30, 1728,1096 retaining that position until 1742, when, “on Account of Sundry Crimes & Misdemean^rs whereof He was Convicted before” the Overseers, he was on February 18 removed by the Overseers.1097 The Corporation on April 5 committed Prince’s pupils to Henry Flynt; on April 27 acquiesced in the action of the Overseers, electing Joseph Mayhew a Fellow and Belcher Hancock a Tutor in place of Prince; on May 10 and June 7 assigned Prince’s chamber to Hancock; on June 7 ordered Prince to “remove out of the Chamber He now Possesses” on or before June 23; and on June 24 warned Prince, who still refused to budge, to remove by June 30 on pain of having his doors broken open and his goods removed. Finally, the vote of June 24 was executed on July 2 “by the President Tut^rs & Professors all together & Mr Prince’s goods carried over to Henry Prentice’s, where a room was hired to recieve them, upon the College Acc^o at five shillings ꝑ Week.”1098 Smarting under these indignities and holding that, as a member of the Corporation, he could legally be dismissed only by the Corporation itself, Prince was naturally incensed and wrote “The Constitution and Government of Harvard-College.1099 “The subsequent Collection of Laws,” he begins, “which founded the Government of Harvard-College, was made on a late extraordinary Case, wherein the Overseers of said College assumed to themselves a sovereign Power over that College, and the sole Right to judge and censure and dismiss the President or any Member of the Corporation of said College, without the Consent or any Act of that Corporation for the same.”1100 After quoting the act of 1642 reorganizing the Board of Overseers, the College charter of 1650, and the appendix to the charter passed in 1657, Prince goes on to say:

This APPENDIX, or the greater Part of it, seems to be NULLED by a succeeding Law of the Colony (called the College Charter of 1672) which ends with this Sanction of the Court. “All and every of which Premsies we do ordain and enact to be fully established for Law; any Law, Grant, or Usage to the contrary, in any wise notwithstanding.” Now the greater Part of said Appendix is contrary to this posteriour Law of 72. And indeed this latter Law is the most proper Appendix to the Charter of 50; for in express Terms ’tis grounded on said Charter as on its Foundation; nor does it alter any Thing in that Charter but in some few Cases. So there is no Occasion to insert it here, Reference being had thereto in the Court Records. The greatest Alteration it makes in said Charter of 50 is that in some Things it gives more Power to the Corporation of said College, and less to the Overseers, than the Charter of 50 does. Which may be one Reason why this Law of 72 was not entered in due Form into some College Records, as the said Appendix of 50 has been.1101. . .

The four preceeding Laws of 42, 50, 57, 72, were all the standing Laws, on which the Government of said College was founded, in old Charter Times. . . .

After the vacating the old Colony Charter of the Massachusets in 1684, there were some new Laws or College-Charters made by the general Court of this Province. But these Laws (as all others made under our present Province-Charter) were of Course to be sent Home for the Royal Approbation; And they all were sent Home accordingly, and have been disallowed. So that no Laws whatever remain, but the four preceeding Laws of 42, 50, 57 and 72, as the Foundation on which the Government of the said College now stands. And all or some of these Laws are valid to this Day on the following Grounds. 1. These Laws were made in old Charter Times, when it was not requisite to send them Home for Approbation; and so they never were disapproved at Home. 2. As they never were disapproved at Home, so they never were repealed by the General Court who made them; Only so far as the succeeding do interfere with, supersede or repeal the Preceeding, or any Clauses in the Preceeding, and in such a Case the succeeding take Place; and particularly the Charter of 50, and the last of these Laws made in the Year 1672 which is properly an Appendix to the said Charter of 50. And 3. What of those Laws remained valid, in old Charter Times, was virtually and implicitely confirm’d by a Clause in our present Province-Charter and by a declarative Order of the General Court in 1707 respecting the College Charter of 50; both of which here follow as the last Regulation made of the Constitution and Government of said College. . . .

2. It appears in particular that the Overseers and Corporation of said College owe their Being and all the standing Powers They now have, or ever had over the said College, To Four Laws of the General Court which were made in the Year 1642, 1650, 1657 and 1672. The First of which Laws originally constituted Overseers of said College; The Second incorporated the said College, and is called the Charter of 50; The Third is called an Appendix to said Charter; And the Fourth confirmed, added to or altered, some or all of these preceeding Laws. So that no Powers can now belong to the Overseers and Corporation of said College but those Powers which the Court granted to them in some or all of these four Laws. 3. That in the two latter Laws of 57 and 72, the Court gave to the Overseers of College no1102 New Powers of any Importance over the said Corporation; And so there is no Occasion to consider any of these four Laws, but the two First, in order to determine whether the Overseers of said College have an Independent and Sovereign Power over the said Corporation.1103

Prince had been a Tutor for six months before the controversy over Sever and Welsteed was finally decided in August, 1723, and consequently was thoroughly conversant with all the details of that dispute; for fourteen years he was himself a member of the Corporation; and had there been the slightest doubt as to the validity of the charter in the mind of any College official at that period, Prince certainly would have recorded it. But apart from Prince’s failure to record such a doubt, the documents already alluded to furnish irrefragable proof that the charter was regarded as valid by the officials of the Colony when the charter was passed, by the officials of the Province when the Sever-Welsteed controversy was raging, and by the officials of the College during the same period. These documents consist of no less than ten copies of the charter: five now in the College archives, three now in the Massachusetts Archives, and two which formerly must have existed but are not now known to be extant. For the sake of convenience these will be lettered from (A) to (J).

(A) This copy, in the College archives, is in an unknown but contemporary hand and is preceded and followed by these entries, both in the hand of Edward Rawson, who was Secretary of the Colony in 1672: “At A Generall Court held at Boston, the 8^th of octob^er 1672. . . . That this is A true Copie taken out of the Courts Records. Attests. Edward Rawson Secr̄e^ty.”1104

(B) This copy was entered in his Diary by President Leverett. The copy begins, “At the Second Sessions of the Gen̄^l Court for Elections held at Boston 8^th of Octob^r 1672 On their Adjournment;” and at the end Leverett has written: “This is Transcribed here from A True Copy as of Record. Attested ⅌ J Willard Seer Vid. Countrey Records p. 707.” 1105 Leverett’s Diary, which is really a book of College records and was sometimes referred to by Prsident Wadsworth as “College Book V in Quarto,” was given to the College in 17971106 and was well known to Quincy;1107 hence it is singular that the copy of the charter entered by Leverett should have been overlooked by all the College historians.

Draught of the Harvard college Charter of 1672

Engraved for The Colonial Society of Massachusetts from the Original in the Massachusetts Archives

(C) This copy, in the College archives, is wholly in the hand of Benjamin Wadsworth, then a member of the Corporation. It begins, “At the second sessions of y^e General Court for Elections, held at Boston 8^th of oct. 1672. on their Adjournment;” and at the end Wadsworth has written: “Apr. 15. 1722. I transcrib’d y^e above Instrument or Law, from a writing I borrow’d of y^e Rev^nd President Leverett, wch writing was thus subscrib’d, viz. a true Copy as of Record, P^r J. Willard Secretary. Page. 707.”1108

(D) This copy, in the College archives, is in an unknown and modern hand and has written at the end: “Page 707. J Willard Sec’y,” though these words are not in Willard’s hand.1109

(E) This copy, in the College archives, is in an unknown hand and has at the end: “A true Copy as of Record ⅌ J Willard Secr^y” (though these words are not in the hand of Willard); and is endorsed, “Act of 1672 Coll. charter, in. 1672,” the words “Act of 1672” being in the same hand as that of the copy, and the words “Coll. charter, in. 1672” being in the hand of Wadsworth.1110

(F) This copy is in the Court Records, IV. 707–709, where it was entered by Rawson himself.1111

(G) This copy, made by Rawson, is hypothetical since it is not known to be extant; but that such a copy must once have existed seems pretty certain from what is said under (I), below.

(H) This copy, made by Josiah Willard (who was Secretary of the Province from 1717 to 1756), is not known to be extant: but that it once existed is proved by what is said under (B–E) above, and under (I) below.

(I) This copy, in the Massachusetts Archives, LVIII. 86–87, is wholly in the hand of Nathan Prince, and presumably was made by him either in 1723 (when the Sever-Welsteed controversy was at its height) or in 1742 (when Prince was writing his pamphlet). In making this copy, Prince used (F), (G), and (H), for he has collated all three. In the margin he notes certain variations and generally labels these “W.” (H), though one is labelled “Rec.” (F), and several are not labelled at all. Prince’s copy (I) begins:

At the Second Sessions of the General Court for Elections held at Boston Oct. 8. 1672. on their Adjournment. J.W.

At a General Court held at Boston Oct. 8^th 1672. E.R. {p. 550.

The second heading appears to indicate that Rawson’s copy (G) was entered on page 550 of some volume, though what that volume was is not known as it apparently no longer exists.1112 Prince’s copy (I) ends:

That This is a true Copy taken out of the Court Records, Attests Edward Rawson Secretary

A True copy as of Record ⅌ J. Willard Secretary Pag. 7071113

(J) This, in the Massachusetts Archives, LVIII. 82–85, is not a copy of the completed instrument, but is a draught of the charter. For that reason it has particular value. It is written, in an unknown hand, on a folio sheet, the main portion of the charter filling the first and second pages. In this, however, there are notable omissions, and these are supplied on the third and fourth pages. Thus, the members of the Corporation are not named on the first page, but their names are given on the fourth page. There are throughout various; interlineations, some of which appear to be in a hand different from that in which the main portion of the charter is written. It is possible that these interlineations were made by Hoar. An entry on the third page reads: “Mem̄ whatever materiall passage is newly inserted is lined underneath.” Probably this and three other entries on the same page were also written by Hoar.1114 The memorandum appears to show one of two things: either that, in drawing up the draught, the charter of 1650 was used as a basis and certain passages not in that charter were underscored to show exactly what was “newly inserted;” or else that the present document is a revised draught, the underlined passages not being in the original draught. Not all the passages “newly inserted” were accepted by the General Court, for a good many words have been crossed out. On an attached slip of paper (numbered 84a in Volume LVIII in the Massachusetts Archives), Rawson has given the names of all the members of the Corporation except those of Joseph Browne and John Richardson, the two Tutors; and it also bears the entry, “21 1672 past E R S” — thus giving us the exact date (October 21, 1672), not hitherto known, of the passing of the charter.

In view of the evidence presented in the present paper, it may be wondered how the historians of the College could have gone so far astray about the charter of 1672. Perhaps the following explanation will account for this. As already pointed out, the historians have all relied on the statement adopted by the Corporation on January 27, 1812, and on the pamphlet published three months later. College Books I, III, and IV, as printed in Volumes XV–XVI of our Publications, will fill 864 pages. It is not surprising that a single allusion to the charter in such an extensive amount of material should have eluded the committees which drew up that statement and prepared that pamphlet. As for the numerous copies of the charter here described, it cannot be said with certainty that more than one of them was in the possession of the College in 1812. That was the one entered by Leverett in his Diary. This is a small volume, not one of the regular books of College records, and 262 pages must be turned over before the charter can be found. The members of the 1812 committees, even if they knew of the existence of the Diary, might well be excused for thinking that it could contain nothing to their purpose. Nor would it, had it not been for the Sever-Welsteed controversy, for no doubt it was solely on that account that Leverett copied into his Diary the charter of 1650, the appendix to the charter passed in 1657, and the charter of 1672. As for the four other copies of the charter of 1672 now in the College archives, one (E) was certainly there in 1852, but how long it had then been in the possession of the College cannot be determined.1115 The remaining three copies — (A), (C), and (D) — were apparently acquired by the College after 1852.1116

Draught of the Harvard College Charter of 1672

Finally, a word as to the purpose of the charter of 1672. Mr. Davis thinks that it is “inconsistent with any theory of the needs of the College.” It seems to me that the historians, in considering this charter, have had in mind too much the nineteenth century and too little the seventeenth century. The unquestionable right of the Corporation, under the charter of 1650, to elect a new President is now so well established that it is taken as a matter of course; yet that right was not established until the election of Leverett in 1707. Not only was Dunster’s successor not elected by the Corporation, but apparently the Corporation was not even consulted in the matter. In the numerous charters either actually passed or proposed between 1692 and 1700, in every case the members of the Corporation were appointed by the General Court. And when the election of Leverett was consented to by the General Court and the College was once more placed on the charter of 1650, the number of the Corporation, which under the proposed charter of 1700 consisted of a President, a Vice President, and fifteen Fellows, was reduced to the seven called for in the charter of 1650 by Governor Dudley himself.

The situation with which Hoar found himself confronted on his arrival in July, 1672, was a difficult one. The College had sunk so low that at the Commencement on August 13 not a single candidate for the degree of A.B. presented himself. The Corporation was reduced to a Treasurer (Richards), two Tutors (Browne and Richardson), and a nominal Fellow (Danforth); and, in addition, the powers granted to the Corporation by the charter of 1650 had been repeatedly infringed on by the Overseers. Is it surprising that Hoar desired a new charter which should confirm the powers granted to the Corporation by the charter of 1650 and by laws passed between 1650 and 1672; or that the filling up of the Corporation to its full complement of seven was imperative? The charter of 1672 accomplished both of those objects. One was emphasized by the Corporation in 1723, when it declared that the charter of 1672 was “for the perpetuation” of the charter of 1650; and the other by Hutchinson in 1764, when he said that the charter of 1672 made “some addition to the number of the corporation.”

A consideration of the causes which led to the failure of President Hoar’s administration does not come within the scope of this paper, which may fittingly conclude with the reproduction in parallel columns, for purposes of comparison, of the charter of 1650, of the draught of the charter of 1672, and of the completed charter of 1672. As, owing to interlineations, erasures, etc., the draught is difficult to reproduce in type, it is also reproduced in facsimile.

Charter, May 31, 1650	Draught of Charter, October 8, 1672	Charter, October 21, 1672
Whereas, through the good hand of God, many well devoted persons have binn, and dajly are, mooved and stirred vp to give and bestowe sundry guifts, legacies, lands, and revenewes for the advancement of all good litterature, arts, and sciences in Harvard Colledge, in Cambridge, in the county of Midlesex, and to the maintenance of the præsident and ffellowes, and for all accom̄odac͞ons of buildings, and all other necessary provisions that may conduce to the education of the English and Indjan youth of this country in knowledge and godliness, itt is therefore ordered and enacted by this Court and the authoritje thereof, that for the furthering of so good a worke, and for the purposes aforesaid, ffrom henceforth that the sajd Colledge in Cambridge, in Midlesex, in New England, shall be a corporac͞on consisting of seven persons, viz., a præsident, five fellowes, and a treasurer or burser; and that Henry Dunster shall be the first præsident, Samuell Mather, Samuell Danford, m^rs of art, Jonathan Michell, Comfort Starr, and Samuell Eaton, (batchelors of art,) shall be the five fellowes, and Thomas Danford to be present treasurer, all of them being inhabitants in the Bay, and shall be the first seven persons of which the sajd corporac͞on shall consist; and that the sajd seven persons, or the greater noumber of them, procuring the presence of the oucrseers of the College, and by their counsell and consent, shall have power, and are hereby authorised, at any time or times, to elect a new president, ffellowes, or treasurer, so oft and from time to time as any of the sajd persons shall dye or be remooved, which sajd president and fellowes for the time being shall foreuer heereafter, in name and fact, be one body polliticke and corporate, in lawe, to all intents and purposes, and shall have perpetuall succession, and shall be called by the name of Præsident and Fellowes of Harvard Colledge, and shall from time to time be eligible as aforesajd, and by that name they and their successors shall and may purchase and acquire to themselves, or take and receave, vppon free guift and donac͞on, any lands, tennements, or hæredittaments, w^th in this jurisdicc͞on of the Massatusetts, not exceeding five hundred pounds ꝑ annum, and any goods and sumes of money whatsoeuer, to the vse and behoofe of the sajd president, ffellowes, and and schollers of the sajd colledge, and also may sue and pleade, or be sued and impleaded, by the name aforesajd, in all Courts and places of judicature w^th in the jurisdicc͞on afforesajd; and that the sajd præsident, w^th any three of the fellowes, shall have power and are hereby authorized, when they shall think fitt, to make and appoint a com̄on seale for the vse of the sajd corporac͞on; and the præsident and ffellowes, or major part of them, from time to time, may meete and choose such officers and servants for the colledge, and make such allowance to them, and them also to remoove, and after death or remoovall to choose such others, and to make from time to time such orders and bylawes for the better ordering and carrying on the worke of the colledge, as they shall thinke fitt, provided the sajd orders be allowed by the ouerseers; and, also, that the president and fellowes, or major part of them, w^th the treasurer, shall have power to make conclusive bargajnes for lands and tennements, to be purchased by the sajd corporac͞on for valuable considerac͞on. And, for the better ordering of the gouernment of the sajd colledge and corporac͞on, bee it enacted by the authority aforesajd, that the præsident and three more of the fellowes shall and may, from time to time, vpon dew warning or notice, given by the præsident to the rest, hould a meeting for the debateing and concludoing of affaires concerning the ꝑffittes and revennewes of any lands, and disposing of their goods; provided, that all the sajd disposings be acording to the will of the doners, and for direction in all emergent occations, execution of all orders and by-lawes, and for the procuring of a gennerall meeting of all the ouerseers and society in great and difficult cases, and in case of nonagreement, in all which cases aforesajd the conclucon shall be made by the major parte, the sajd præsident having a casting vojce, the ouerseers consenting therevnto; and that all the aforesajd transactions shall tend to and for the vse and behoofe of the præsident, fellowes, schollers, and officers of the sajd colledge, and for all accom̄odac͞ons of buildings, books, and all other necessary provic͞ons and furnitures as may be for the advauncement and educacon of youth in all manner of good litterature, arts, and scyences. And further, be it ordered by this Court and the authority thereof, that all the lands, tennements, and hæredittaments, howses, or revennewes w^th in this jurisdiccon, to the aforesajd præsident or colledge apertajning, not exceeding the valew of five hundred pounds ꝑ an̄um, shall from henceforth be freed from all civill imposic͞ons, taxes, and rates; all goods to the sajd corporac͞on, or to any schollers thereof, appertaining, shall be exempt from all manner of toulle, customes, excise, whatsoeuer; and that the præsident, fellowes, and schollers, together w^th the servants and other necessary officers to the sajd præsident or colledge appertaining, not exceeding ten, viz., three to the præsident, and seven to the colledge belonging, shall be exempted from all personall, civill offices, millitary exercise, or services, watchings, and wordings; and such of their estates, not exceeding one hundred pounds a man, shall be freed from all country taxes and rates whatsoeuer, and no other.1117	Whereas by the good hand of God, there hath been erected1118 and continued a colledge in Cambridg, in the County of Middlesex, called by the name of Harvard-Colledg; and that by an instrument or Charter, dated the thirty first day of May in the year one thousand six hundred and fifty, the President and & treasuer and fellows thereof were established to be one body corporate by the Authority of this1119 Court, and whereas severall gifts and donations have been made and are still making, by many well devoted ꝑsons, inhabitants of this Country, as also strangers, for the maintainance of the Govern Govern^rs and Goverm^t thereof; and for all the accommodations of the scholars thereof in bookes, buildings, lectures, scholarships and all other necessary and fitting provissions, that may conduce to the education of English and Indian1120 youth there residing: in all good literature and Godlynes. Now for the ꝑpetuation,1121 and further advancem^t of so good a work, and for the better incouragement of all ꝑsons, therein concerned, or to be concerned; It is ordered and enacted by this Court, and the Authority thereof * that the said President, and fellows & Treasurer of the said Colledg, or the fellows alone when there is no President established, and their successors bee1122 the immediate Governors thereof, and shall in name and fact, for ever hereafter be one body pollitiq, and corporate in Law to all intents and purposes; and shall have ꝑpetuall succession, having power and Authority by these p^rsents, procuring a meeting of the Overseers, and by their councell and consent to elect successors into the place of any one or more of them, which shall be (by death or removall) made vacant. Be it also hereby authorized, and enacted that the said Corporation and their successors, shall have the power, of constituting, and again at their pleasure, removing all inferior Officers to the said society appertaining, and all the next and immedi^ate Goverm^t of every member of the said Society; according to such orders and lawes as are or shall be established by the said Corporation, the Overseers of y^e s^d Colledge allowing or not contradicting the said Lawes, upon notice of them, given to them, at their next meeting. And also the said corporation and their Successors may purchase and acquire unto themselves, or take and receive upon free gift any Lands, tenem^ts, hæridatam^ts, annuityes, services, goods, monyes or other emoluments whatsoever, or from whomsoever, and (observing straitly the will of the Donors) dispose of the same to the use and behoofe of the said Colledg, or any members thereof. And that the President may warn a gener^ƚƚ meeting of the said corporation for debating any of the affaires aforesd. In all which cases the conclusion shall be made by the major ꝑt præsent, The Presiden[t] having a casting voice. And that the sd Corporation, with their distinct Treasurer (if any such be chosen) by the name of the Presiden[t] Fellows and Treasurer of Harvard-Colledg may sue and plead or be sued or impleaded in all Courts and places of Jurisdiction Judicature within this Jurisdiction of the Massachuset-Collony. [83] to all intents and purposes in Law and with effect as may any private ꝑson or body incorporate.^[a] Also that the said corporation or any three of them the præsident being one and every one of them in all^(b) crimes not capitall shall have the power Personally with such aid of the society as the shall think meet the full power sconcing, cor fining or otherwise correcting all inferior officers or members to the sd society^[c] belonging^[c], and for that end any of the said corporation shall and hereby have power ꝑsonally with such aid of the Society as they shall think meet taking the Constable along with them to enter into any publiq ^(d)houses, where they shall be inform’d or may be suspitious of any ennormityes to be plotting or perpetrating acting by any members of their society; And all Constables and all other, inferior1123 cvvill1124 officers in that place are hereby authorized and commanded to be readily aiding and assisting to them or any of them in the premmises some magistrate being first consulted if the circumstance of the case ꝑmitt. Neither shall ꝑsons legally expelled the Society abide Colledg above ten days in the Town-ship of Cambridge. without the licens of the Corporation or of the next Magistrate to the sd Colledge And be it also ordered and enacted by this Court and the Authority thereof that all the Lands, tenem^ts hæridatam^ts or annuityes within this Jurisdiction to the sd Corporation appertaining, not exceeding the value of five hundred pounds ꝑ Ann̄: shallbe henceforth freed of all ordinary civill impositions, taxes and rates; and all goods to the said corporations or to any scholars thereof apptaining shall be exempt from all manner of toll, customes and excise, whatsoever. And moreover that the said Præsident, Fellows, and scholars togeather with their mæniall servants, and other necessary officers, (not exceeding the number of ten) shall be utterly exempted from all ꝑsonall and civill officers offices, millitary exercises, watchings and wardings or the like publiq servises; also their houses and Lands, from all quarteringe of souldiers, their Horses Carriages & Furnitures or ꝑvisions from all publiq impresses or servises And the ꝑsonall estates of the sd corporations and their officers (not exceeding an hundred pounds a man) shall be also freed from the like Country taxes for ever. All and every of which p^rmmises wee do ordain and enact to be fully established for Law, any Law, grant or usage to the Countrary in any wise notwithstanding. [84] [b.] by Lawes of this countrey punishable by one Magistrate.1125 [c.] as the Lawes of the countrey provide in such cases or the Lawes of the Colledg not repugnant unto them.1126 (a) only the estate to the Corporation, and not that which belongs proper to any member of said Corporation being lyable to such impleadm^ts (b) In all Crimes not civil or capitall but of an inferior nature and usually corrected by the lawes of other universityes shall &c. (d) any houses licensed for publiq intertainm^t or other houses. [U]nlesse their parents live in the sd Township.1127 × excep^t in cases of war or extraordinary exigence of the Countrey Mem̄ whatever materiall passage is newly inserted is lined1128 underneath,1129 [84a] That Leonard Hoar D^r in Physick the p^rsent President mr Samuel Danforth fellow of the syd Colledge mr Urian Oakes Pastor of the ch: of the Cambr: mr Tho: Sheph: Pastor &c: mr 21 past ERS1130 [85] * that Leonard Hoare D^r in Physick be now established be now established be the p^rsent1131 Præsident ^ Sam̄ Danforth ^ Urian Oakes Thomas Shepeard Joseph Brown and John Richardson1132 Masters of Art be established Be the Fellows and Mr John Richards M^r of Art be Treasurer the Treasurer of the said Colledg and Corporation, for the time being. And that the President &c. as on the other side [Endorsed] Copy of Colledg Charter p^rsented to Gen^ƚƚ Court Oc^t 16721133	At a Generall Court held at Boston the 8^th of octobe^r 1672.1134 Whereas, By the good hand of God, there hath bin erected and continued a Colledge in Cambridge in the Countie of Midlesex, called by the name of Harvard Colledge, & that by an Instrument or Charter Dated y^e 31^th of May in the yeare 1650 The President & ffellows thereof were established to be one body Corporate by the Authority of this Court, & Whereas severall gifts & donations have bin made & are still makeing by many well Devoted Persons inhabitants of this Countrie, as also strangers, for the maintainance of the Governours and Goverment thereof and for all the accommodations of the Schollars thereof1135 in Books, Buildings, Lectures, Schollarships, & all other necessary & fitting provisions that may Conduce to the Education of English & Indian youth there resideing in all good literature & godlynes. Now for the perpetuation & further advancem^t of so good a work & for the better incouragem^t of all ꝑsons therein concerned, or to be concerned, It is Ordered & Enacted by this Court & the Autheritie thereof, That Leonard Hoare Doctor in Phisick be the p^rsent President of said Harvard Colledge M^r Samuell Danforth fellow of y^esaid Colledge1136 M^r Vrian Oakes Pastor of the Church of Cambridge, M^r Thomas Shepard1137 Teacher of y^e Church of Charlstowne, M^r Joseph Browne & M^r John Richardson Masters of Art, be the ffellowes & M^r John Richards the Treasurer of the said Colledge & Corporation for the time being. And that the said President, ffellows & treasurer of the said Colledge or the ffellowes alone, when there is no President established, & their Successors from time, to time, be the immediate Governours thereof, & shall in name & fact for ever hereafter be one Body Pollitick & Corporate in Law, to all intents & purposes, & shall haue ꝑpettuall Succession, Haveing power and Authoritie by these presents, Procureing a meeting of the Overseers, & by their cornisell and consent, to Elect Successors into the place of any one or more of them w^ch shall be (by death or removeall) made vacant. Be it also hereby Authorized & Enacted, That the said Corporation & their Successours, shall haue the power of constituting & againe at their Pleasure removeing all inferiour Officers to the said societie apꝑtaineing, & all the next & immediate1138 Goverm^t of every member of the said Societie, according to such Orders & Lawes as are or shalbe establisht by the said Corporation, The Overseers of the said Colledge Allowing or not contradicting the said Lawes upon Notice of them given to them, at their next meeting. And also the said Corporation & their Successours, may purchase & acquire to themselves, or take and receive upon ffree gift any Lands, Tenem^ts hereditam^ts, Annuities, Services, goods, moneys, or other emoluments whatsoever, or from whomsoever, and (observing straitly y^e will of y^e Donours) Dispose of the same to the use & behoofe of the said Colledge or any members thereof. And that the President may warn a generall meeting of the said Corporac̄on for debateing any of the affaires aforesaid, in all which cases the conclusion shall be made by the Majo^r ꝑ^t p^rsent,1139 The President haveing a casting Voyce. And that the said Corporac̄on with their Distinct Treasurer, (if any Such be chosen) by y^e name of y^e President, ffellowes & Treasurer of Harvard Colledge, may Sue and Plead, or be Sued or impleaded in all, Courts and places of judicature w^thin this Jurisdiction of the Massathusets Colony to all intents & purposes in Law and with effect as may any private ꝑson or body Incorporate, onely the estate to the Corporation belonging, & not that which belongs ꝑꝑ to any member of y^e sd Corporation, being lyable to Such impleadm^ts. Also that the said Corporation or any three of them the President being one,1140 in all Crymes by the Laws Crymes by the Laws of this Countrie punishable by one Magistrate, shall have y^e full power of Sconcing1141 fineing or otherwise correcting all inferiour Officers or members to the said Society belonging, as the Laws of the Countrie provide in Such cases, or the Lawes of the Colledge not repugnant unto them: And for y^t end any of the sd Corporation shall, and hereby have power ꝑsonally, w^th such ayde of y^e Society as they shall think meet takeing the Constable along w^th them, to enter into any houses lycensed for Publick entertainem^t where they shall be informed, or may be Suspicious of any Enormities to be plotting or acting by any members of their Societie, And all Constables & all other Inferiour Civill Officers in that place are hereby Authorized & commanded to be readyly Ayding & Assisting to y^m or any of them in the p^rmisses. Neither shall any person or ꝑsons Legally expelled y^e Colledge abide above ten dayes in y^e Township of Cambridge unless their parents live in y^e said Township, And be it also Ordered & Enacted by this Court & the Authority thereof, That all the Lands, Tenements hereditam^ts or annuities within this Jurisdiction to the said Corporation apꝑtaineing, not exceeding the value of five hundred pounds p Annum shalbe hence forth freed from all Ordinary civill impositions Taxes & Rates, and all goods to the said Corporation, or to any schollars thereof apꝑtaineing shall be exempt from all manner toll, customes, & Excise whatsoever except in cases of Warre or extraordinary Exigences of the Countrey And moreover that the sayd President, ffellowes and Schollars together w^ththeir mæniall servants and other necessary officers (not exceeding the number of Ten) shall be utterly exempted from all ꝑsonall & Civill Offices Millitary Exercises watchings and wardings or the like publike services And the personall Estates of the said Corporation & their Officers not exceeding one hundred pounds a man shall bee also freed from the like Countrey Taxes for ever. All and every of which p^rmisses Wee doe Ordaiyne and Enact to be ffully Established for Law any Law Grant or usage to the Contrary Notw^thstanding. That this is A true Copie taken out of the Courts Records. Attests. Edward Rawson Sec͞re^ty1142

Draught of the Harvard College Charter of 1672

1 The date of Child’s birth is inferred from his age (22) when he entered the University of Leyden on May 23, 1635 (see note 5, below). His county (Kent) is mentioned in the record of his admission to Corpus Christi (List appended to Part i of Robert Masters’s History of the College of Corpus Christi, 1753, p. 12), and he describes himself in an agreement of August 23, 1650, as “Robert Child of Northfleet in the County of Kent Doctor in Physicke” (Suffolk Deeds, i. 216). His (presumably elder) brother, Major John Child, was also of Northfleet (see p. 94, below). His father’s name is given in the Padua record (see p. 5 note 4, below).

2 The name of Child (Peter de la Child) occurs in Kent as early as 1262 (Archæologia Cantiana, iii. 252; cf. x. 40; xiii. 209, 305, 308, 426; xviii. 355, 364; xxvii. 45–47, 221). I suspect that Robert Child belonged to that branch of the family that in the sixteenth century held the manor of Parrocks (Porrocks, Paddocks) in the parish of Milton-juxta-Gravesend (John Harris, History of Kent, 1719, pp. 136–137; Hasted’s Kent, 2d ed., iii. 339–341 [1797]; Cruden, History of the Town of Gravesend, 1843, pp. 284, 387). The John Child who, on April 27, 1637, was appointed administrator of the estate of Thomas Child, his brother, of “Milton next Gravesend” (Archæologia Cantiana, xx. 26) may have been Robert Child’s brother the Major. The John Childe of Kent who, about 1626, was reported by the Commissioners for the Loan as conformable and as having given assurance to pay (Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1625–1626, p. 521), may have been the father. The persons mentioned by Waters, Gleanings, i. 762, seem to belong to quite a different family, but, as Kentishmen, may have been related.

3 Winthrop, ii. 358 (294).

4 Savage, 3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, viii. 247; Venn, Book of Matriculations and Degrees, i. 147 (in the record of matriculation the name is spelled Chiles). The county (Kent), which identifies this student as our man, is given in the List printed by Masters (see note 1, above).

5 Album Studiosorum Academiae Lugduno Batavae, Hague, 1875, col. 271 (“Robertus Child Anglus”).

6 Cf. note 1, above. Major John Child calls him “my Brother Robert Child Doctor of Physick” (New-Englands Jonas, p. 1).

7 Hutchinson Papers (Prince Society), i. 239.

8 History of Massachusetts, 2d ed., 1765, i. 145.

9 New-Englands Salamander, p. 7.

10 University Archives, vol. cclxxv, p. 179. Some years ago, I asked Mr. William C. Lane, who was writing to Padua, to ask the University Librarian if he could find any entries relating to Robert Child, George Stirk, or Nathaniel Eaton. In his reply (January 12, 1914), the Head of the University Library, Dr. Gaetano Buryada, wrote: “Ho fatto le ricerche da Lei desiderate, ma posso dir Le che solo di Robertus Child, anglus filius Johannis, qui si trova notizia. Nel nostro archivio universitario, nel volume 275 che si riferisce ai Dottori e licenziati in chirurgia dal 1629 al 1640, a p. 179 e proprio nell’ anno 1638, mese di agosto, giomo di Venerdl, 13, dava gli esami il Child per addottorarsi in medicina. Di Nat. Eaton e dello Stirk non trovo ricosdo alcuno, ma debbo pure aggiungere che i nostri atti di archivio hanno molte lacune.”

11 “There are two wayes of making Cider and Perry: one, by bruising and beating them, and then presently to put them into a vessel to ferment or work (as it is usually called) of themselves: The other way is to boil the juice with some good spices, by which the rawnesse is taken away, and then to ferment it with some yest, if it work not of it self, this is the best way: and I have tasted Cider thus made of an excellent delicate taste. Neither let any complaine of the windinesse; for it is onely want of use: When I had for 2 or 3 years continually drunk wine beyond Sea, the strongest beer for 2 or 3 weeks was as windy to me, as Cider will be to any; and afterwards when I went to Paris, the wine of that place was as troublesome as English beer for a little time” (2d ed., 1652, p. 20; 3d ed., 1655, p. 20). As to Child’s authorship of this Large Letter, see p. 107, below.

12 See the passage quoted in p. 5 note 5, and cf. p. 9, below.

13 Legacie, 2d ed., 1652, p. 23; 3d ed., 1655, p. 23.

14 Legacie, 2d ed., pp. 1–3, 5, 14, 26, 28, 47; 3d ed., pp. 1–3, 5, 14, 26, 28, 48.

15 Legacie, 2d ed., p. 44; 3d ed., p. 45.

16 Legacie, 2d ed., p. 45, 47; 3d ed., p. 46, 48.

17 Legacie, 2d ed., pp. 29, 51; 3d ed., pp. 29, 52. Cf. p. 102 note 1, below.

18 Legacie, 2d ed., pp. 5, 27, 28, 51, 52; 3d ed., pp. 5, 27, 28, 52, 53.

19 New-Englands Salamander, p. 7. Cf. p. 102 note 1, below.

20 An Answer to the Animadversor on the Letter to Mr. Samuel Hartlib of Husbandry (in Samuel Hartlib his Legacy of Husbandry, 3d ed., 1655, p. 168).

21 See p. 61, below.

22 Cf. p. 30, below.

23 It is noted by Felt (Ecclesiastical History of New England, i. 583) and by W. T. R. Marvin, New-England’s Jonas, 1869 (Introduction, p. xxiv note 41).

24 A list of the books given to Harvard College by Digby is on record in College Book i. 259, but this remark appears to be the only allusion to Child’s benefaction.

25 New-Englands Salamander, pp. 7–8.

26 Winthrop Papers, iii. 148–151. This letter must have been written between May 8 and 12, for, in a brief budget of “good newes,” Child informs Winthrop that “y^e deputy [Strafford] in cōdem̄ed by both houses,” but does not mention his execution. What he says of a fine of £100,000 on canons to help toward the payment to the Scots sounds like an incorrect rumor based on the debate of May 11 in the House of Commons (W. A. Shaw, History of the English Church during the Civil Wars and under the Commonwealth, i. 59).

27 “I intend when I returne to you (god willing) to prosecute y^e planting of vines throwly” (Winthrop Papers, iii. 150).

28 March 1, 1644[–5] (iii. 155). In quoting the Winthrop Papers, I have in almost every instance gone back to the manuscripts. This will explain a number of divergences from the printed text.

29 Drake, History and Antiquities of Boston, 1856, pp. 292, 299; Marvin, with a “probably,” in his edition of New-Englands Jonas, 1869, p. xxii note 40; Whittier, 1 Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, xviii. 390, 392; C. E. Banks in his edition of Henry Gardener’s New-Englands Vindication, p. 32 note 34 (Gorges Society, No. 1, 1884); Augustine Jones, Life and Work of Thomas Dudley, 1899, p. 337.

30 Winthrop Papers, iii. 150, 151.

31 Pierre Jean Fabre, the celebrated French physician and chemist, who died in 1650 (see Ferguson, Bibliotheca Chemica, i. 259–260). He was a correspondent of the younger Winthrop (Cromwell Mortimer, dedication of vol. xl of the Philosophical Transactions, 1741).

32 Cf. Child’s essay on the Defects of English Husbandry: “Yet I counsell to get a Vigneron from France, where there are plenty, and at cheaper rates than ordinary servants here, and who will be serviceable also for Gardening” (Samuel Hartlib his Legacie, 2d ed., 1652, p. 28; 3d ed., 1655, p. 28).

33 Winthrop Papers, iii. 150.

34 See p. 109, below.

35 Samuel Hartlib his Legacy, 3d ed., 1655, p. 148.

36 Winthrop, ii. 38 (31).

37 John Winthrop, Jr., to his wife, October 8, 1641 (Winthrop Papers, iv. 35).

38 Sir William Boswell to De Vic, November 1, 1642 (Winthrop Papers, iii. 323). We learn from this letter that Winthrop was travelling under the style of “Student in Physic.”

39 Under 1645 Winthrop notes that “Mr. John Winthrop, the younger, coming from England two years since, brought with him 1000 pounds stock and divers workmen to begin an iron work” (ii. 261 [212]). One concrete trace of the collection of English capital for this project remains in the form of a receipt given by Winthrop, Emanuel Downing, and Hugh Peter to Nicholas Bond for £100 “for the Iron worke,” March 23, 1642[–3] (Winthrop Papers, i. 516).

40 See pp. 11, 60–61, 65, below.

41 See pp. 11, 14–15, 92, 99, 112–115, below.

42 Child to Winthrop, March 1, 1644[–5] (Winthrop Papers, iii. 153–155).

43 Winthrop’s draught of a petition to Parliament, perhaps never presented (Winthrop Papers, iv. 36–37; cf. 2 Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, viii. 13, 14 note). He alleged that he was damnified above £1000 for delay and for wear and tear of workmen. Emanuel Downing, who was also interested in the iron works, seems to have been on the same ship (iii. 152).

44 Winthrop Papers, iii. 151–152.

45 Winthrop Papers, i. 60. Downing had left Massachusetts again late in 1644 or early in 1645 (id., i. 89), bringing a letter from Winthrop to Child, to which Child’s letter of March 1, 1644[–5], is a reply.

46 Winthrop Papers, iii. 153.

47 Emanuel Downing (from London) to John Winthrop, Jr., February 25, 1644–[5] (Winthrop Papers, i. 61; cf. i. 62–64, and 2 Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, iii. 190–197).

48 2 Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, viii. 13–14

49 Town Records (Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, ii. 77; cf. pp. 91–92, 127); Suffolk Deeds, i. 73.

50 Lewis and Newhall, History of Lynn, index, s. v. iron works; Pattee, History of Old Braintree and Quincy, pp. 450–472; E. P. Robinson, Essex Institute Historical Collections, xviii. 241–254; N. M. Hawkes, Register of the Lynn Historical Society for 1902, pp. 46–60.

51 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 61–62; Winthrop, ii. 261 (212–213). The Company’s privileges were afterwards extended or otherwise modified in their favor (Records, ii. 81–82, 125–128, 185–186).

52 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 81–82.

53 On June 4, 1645, nine persons (including Robert Child), adventurers for the iron works, wrote to Winthrop introducing “our agent,” Mr. Richard Leader, now sent over (2 Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, viii. 15–16). Emanuel Downing, writing to Winthrop from England on February 25, March 3, and May 5, 1645, has many suggestions as to what compensation Winthrop should receive for his past services (Winthrop Papers, i. 61–64).

54 Records and Files of the Quarterly Courts of Essex County, Essex Institute, i. 294. Emanuel Downing wrote from Salem to John Winthrop, Jr., February 24, 1650[–1]: “I suppose you haue heard how Mr. Leddar hath left the Iron works . . . Here is one Jeffries come in Mr. Leddars place” (Winthrop Papers, i. 76). In 1651 Leader was in trouble for “threatening and slandering the courts, magistrates, and government” of Massachusetts, and for “affronting” the constable in the execution of his duty. He made his peace by means of an apology in writing (Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 227–228). There is a good brief sketch of him by Dr. Charles E. Banks in Tuttle and Dean, Captain John Mason (Prince Society, 1887), p. 92 note 180; but it is comical to read that his severing his connection with the iron works before the expiration of his contract was “a change which had its beginning, doubtless, in a lack of sympathy with the religious views of his employers.” William Awbrey of London, merchant, was engaged by the adventurers as their agent on August 23, 1650, and soon came to Massachusetts (Suffolk Deeds, i. 216–218). He was acting in this capacity in January, 1651[–2], and for some time thereafter (Suffolk Deeds, i. 178–180, 227, 232). Apparently he coöperated with Gifford. One Mr. Dawes, “a grave man of good fashion,” had come over in 1648 “to oversee Mr. Leader,” but “they could not agree” and he returned before September 30 (John Winthrop to his son John, August 14 and September 30, 1648, in Savage’s Winthrop, 1853, ii. 434–435).

55 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 103–104; cf. iii. 31.

56 See Beex’s letter to the committee, September 28, 1652, and Webb’s letters to Beex, November 6 and December 14, 1653; letter from John Beex and Thomas Foley to Josias Winslow and Captain Keayne, December 26, 1654 (Records and Files of the Quarterly Courts of Essex County, i. 400–401, ii. 75–91).

57 Suffolk Deeds, i. 306.

58 Records and Files, i. 284, 286, 289–295, 300, 309–310, 319, 332, 335, 336, 347–348, 372–374, 378, 385–386, 393–394, 398–402, 417, 425–426; ii. 130, 193; Suffolk Deeds, ii. 266, 271–272; iii. 3, 30, 137; Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 351, 369–372, 379, 381, 406; iv. i. 155–156, 188, 194–195, 216–220, 237, 241–244, 251–254, 268, 330–331.

59 Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 406, iv. i. 268.

60 Suffolk Deeds, iii. 155–161.

61 Massachusetts Colony Records, iv. i. 311.

62 Records and Files, ii. 71–72, 74–97, 116. Cf. Lords’ Journals, xi. 38, 41; Historical Manuscripts Commission, Seventh Report, Appendix, p. 87.

63 Records and Files, ii. 389.

64 Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies, 1661–1668, p. 17.

65 Wonder-working Providence, 1654, bk. iii. chap. 6, p. 207.

66 Winthrop Papers, iii. 153–155.

67 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 75 (after May 29). Child mentions the Nashaway mine in his Answer to Boot (see p. 112, below).

68 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 71; Winthrop Papers, i. 517–518. Cf. Winthrop’s 1661 will (Waters, Sketch of the Life of John Winthrop the Younger, p. 70).

69 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 60; Winthrop, ii. 193–194 (160–161), 218 219 (178–179), 229 (187). The adventurers were Valentine Hill, Robert Sedgwick, William Tinge, Francis Norton, Thomas Clarke, Joshua Hewes, and William Aspinwall.

70 Winthrop, ii. 82 (68).

71 See his letter of November 23, 1632 (Winthrop Papers, i. 480–481), and a note in Howes’s hand in a copy of Sir Dudley Digges’s essay Of the Circumference of the Earth, or A Treatise of the North-east-passage (1612) which Howes sent to Winthrop in 1632 and which is in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society (Winthrop Papers, i. 480 note): see Ford, Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, lii. 278. In a letter of September 3, 1636, Howes asks “What newes of the Lake?” (Winthrop Papers, i. 503).

72 Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 53–54. The original petition of the adventurers (Richard Saltonstall, Simon Bradstreet, Samuel Symonds, Richard Dummer, William Hubbard, William Hathorne, and William Payne) is in the Massachusetts Archives, cxix. 5.

73 I. e., utilize.

74 Winthrop Papers, i. 108.

75 James Graham in his report of title, 1688, declares: “I do Also find that . . . Richard, Vines by his Certaine Writing under his hand and Seale Bearing Date y^e Last Day of September one thousand Six hundred fourty five did convey and Selljunto Robert Child Phisicion his heires and Assignes all that Parcell of Land on y^e South Side of y^e River Swackadock Alias Saco in the Province of Maine as is Said in the Above Graunt but find No Conveyance from said Child or from any Vnder him” (Documentary History of the State of Maine, iv. 443). For the Vines patent see Documentary History of the State of Maine, vii. 121–125. “I Richard Vines of Saco gen haue barganed and Sould the patent aboue Specified vnto Robert Childe Esq^r Doct°: of phisick and given him livery and seasin. Vpon the [ ] day of 8^ber 1645 in the presence of M^r Addam Winthorpeand Mr Beniamin Gillam” (York Deeds, i. ii. 9; Folsom, History of Saco and Biddeford, 1830, pp. 74, 319). On October 22, 1645, William Aspinwall “attested a Copie” of Vines’s deed to Child (Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxxii. 10).

76 The fullest account of the whole affair is that by W. T. R. Marvin in his reprint of New-Englands Jonas (Boston, 1869). This is so detailed, and — in the main — so clear and accurate, that my review of the facts may seem a work of supererogation. Still, there are a good many points in which Marvin’s narrative needs correction or supplement, and some of them are of much significance. It was impossible to indicate these points and to enforce their bearing on the subject without telling the whole story. Palfrey’s treatment of the episode (History of New England, book ii, chapter 4) is admirable, especially for the lucidity with which the relations of the Remonstrance to English politics are brought out; but it is not quite full enough for my purpose. Besides, his arguments have been treated so cavalierly by some recent writers that a reopening of the case is at least excusable. Bancroft (History of the United States, 19th ed., 1862, chap. x., i. 437–444) is also excellent, but his plan does not call for details. Most or all of the other important accounts are cited in the course of this paper. Winthrop is naturally our chief authority; he is supplemented by John Child’s New-Englands Jonas, Winslow’s New-Englands Salamander, and Johnson’s Wonder-working Providence. Hubbard depends entirely upon Winthrop, but does not always follow him with due care (chap. 55, ed. 1848, pp. 500, 512–518). Hutchinson is of some use, since he apparently had access to documents now lost (see p. 41 note 1, below), but he unfortunately confused the Remonstrants with the Hingham petitioners (see p. 25, below) — an error found also in Old-mixon’s British Empire in America (2d ed., 1741, i. 88–90), in Neal’s History of New-England, 1720, i. 213–218, and in Chalmers’s Political Annals of the Present United Colonies, 1780, i. 179–181. From one of these sources it has made its way into Grahame’s History of the Rise and Progress of the United States, 1827, i. 320–325.

77 New-Englands Jonas, p. 13.

78 Winthrop, ii. 320–321 (261–262). The Court convened on May 6 (Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 61; Winthrop, ii. 316 [258]) and “lasted near three weeks” (Winthrop, ibid.).

79 New-Englands Jonas, p. 14.

80 The text of the Remonstrance may be found in New-Englands Jonas, pp. 6–13, and in the Hutchinson Papers, i. 214–223. There is a very brief abstract, summing up the main complaints and demands, in the Massachusetts Archives, cvi. 6 (printed by Sumner, History of East Boston, pp. 101–102).

81 See Winthrop, ii. 319, 340, 391 (260–261, 278, 321); Winslow, New-Englands Salamander, pp. i. 16–18, 23. The history of Vassall’s activity is obscure. It is certain, however, that he carried to England certain petitions against the colonial government (one apparently from the Bay and another from Plymouth) by the Supply, which sailed from Boston November 9, 1646 (see p. 33, below), and that he had been occupied with these before Child’s Remonstrance was presented. On Yassall’s character, see the defence of him in 1 Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, vi. 471–479.

82 See p. 44, below.

83 Winslow, New-Englands Salamander, p. 6.

84 Winthrop Papers, i. 182.

85 I. e., “are well advanced.”

86 See Winthrop, ii. 332 (272).

87 Winthrop, ii. 342–344 (280–282).

88 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 154–156; iii. 70–73; Winthrop, ii. 323–324 (264–265).

89 Palfrey, History of New England, 1860, ii. 170; Marvin, New-Englands Jonas, pp. xxvii–xxviii.

90 John Child, New-Englands Jonas, p. 13.

91 Winthrop, ii. 323 (264).

92 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 109, 128, 157, 196; iii. 26–27, 46–47, 74–75, 84–85, 87–88.

93 Winthrop, ii. 321 (262).

94 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 197; iii. 109–110.

95 Bk. iii. chap. 3, p. 202.

96 Perhaps the Governor (Winthrop) or the Deputy Governor (Thomas Dudley).

97 This was the famous preacher whose book justifying the trial of Charles I (Ὑβριστοδίκαι. The Obstructours of Justice. Or A Defence of the Honourable Sentence passed upon the late King, by the High Court of Justice. London, 1649) had the honor to be burned by the common hangman in 1660 along with Milton’s Defensio pro Populo Anglicano and Εἰκονοκλάστης (Chalmers, Supplemental Apology, 1799, pp. 7–9; Masson, Life of Milton, vi. 181–182, 193). He became Vicar of St. Stephen’s, Coleman Street, London, December 18, 1633, succeeding John Davenport, who had resigned (Newcourt, Repertorium, i. 537; Hennessy, Novum Repertorium, p.385), and he was sequestered May 22, 1645 (Hennessy, p. cliv note u 1; cf. p. 470), by the Committee for Plundered Ministers (Freshfield, Some Remarks upon the Book of Records, etc., from Archæologia, vol. 1. p. 8) but was reinstated by Parliament in 1649 (Freshfield, pp. 10–11). Meantime he had been minister of a private congregation, which was now received very hospitably by the vestry: the details of the arrangement are extremely curious (Freshfield, pp. 11–12; W. A. Shaw, History of the English Church during the Civil Wars and under the Commonwealth, 1900, ii. 134–136). Neal describes him succinctly as “a learned Divine, and a quick Disputant, but of a peculiar Mould, being a Republican, an Independant, and a thorough Arminian” (History of the Puritans, iii. 391, ed. 1736); cf. Burnet, Own Time, ed. Airy, 1897, i. 283–284. See also Baylie, Dissuasive, 1645, p. 56; Cotton, The Way of Congregational Churches Cleared, 1648, pt. i. pp. 23–28.

98 New-Englands Salamander, p. 3.

99 Declaration, November, 1646 (Hutchinson Papers, i. 240).

100 Neal, History of the Puritans, iii. 391–392 (1736). The New England Independents, the Remonstrants complained, would not admit sober and godly members of the [Presbyterated] Church of England to the Lord’s table (or their children to baptism) without their previous assent to the covenant of some local church (Hutchinson Papers, pp. 193–194, Prince Society, i. 220–221). As to baptizing the children of non-church-members (in the New England sense), there was, as a matter of fact, great diversity of practice. This is clearly set forth in the resolutions of the General Court in May, 1646, recommending the Cambridge assembly or synod of 1646 (Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 70–73; cf. Winthrop, ii. 323–324 [264–265], 329–332 [269–271]). As to communion, it seems clear (from a kind of agreement discernible in the gingerly-conducted debate on this point in Hypocrisie Unmasked, New-Englands Jonas, and New-Englands Salamander) that Presbyterians were sometimes allowed to communicate without actually joining a New England church. We should note, further, that to extend the right of communion to all parishioners indiscriminately was no more a principle of Presbyterian than of Congregational discipline. On the contrary, the Presbyterian system required that only such parishioners should communicate as had passed a catechetical test and were also certified by the elders as of moral and godly conduct. This principle, indeed, was regarded as so vital by the Presbyterian clergy in England that, when a parish declined to assent to it, they in many instances refused to administer the sacrament at all. On the whole subject see the excellent discussion in Dr. William A. Shaw’s History of the English Church during the Civil Wars and under the Commonwealth, London, 1900, ii. 142–164.

101 “A freeman, but no member of any church, and the reason hath beene his professed affection to the hierarchie” (Declaration of the General Court, November, 1646, Hutchinson Papers, i. 239).

102 Declaration of November, 1646 (Hutchinson Papers, i. 239). It is he, undoubtedly to whom the same document refers in the following sentence: “These remonstrants are now come to the church doore, when one of theire companie gives them the slipp, not dareing (it seemes) to enter for feare of an admonition” (i. 241). This accords with what Winslow says of his approving the New England church system.

103 Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 51; cf. iii. 64. Emanuel Downing wasone of the petitioners. Cf. p. 29 note 1, below. The counter-petition of 1646 — “that such Lawes or orders as are in force amongst vs against Anabaptists orother erronious persones . . . may not be abrogated . . . nor any waies weakned” — is in the Massachusetts Archives, x. 210–211.

104 Hutchinson Papers, i. 239–240.

105 Samuel, xv. 11.

106 Declaration of the General Court, November session, 1646, Hutchinson Papers, i. 239.

107 History of Hingham, ii. 112, iii. 101–102.

108 ii. 112.

109 “Hee refuseth to baptize no children that are tendred to him (although this liberty stands not upon a Presbyterian bottom)” writes Winslow, Hypocrisie Unmasked, p. 100. Major Child thus challenges Winslow: “Dares Mr. Winslow say that Mr. Hubard was not punished neither directly nor indirectly, for baptizing some children whose parents were not members of their Churches, and that his sharp fines & disgracefull being bound to the good behaviour, had no influence from the baptism of those children?” (New-Englands Jonas, p. [22]). Winslow replies: “For answer, I doe and dare affirme in my conscience, that I am firmly perswaded hee was not” (New-Englands Salamander, p. 28). If, as it would seem, Burton’s children were among those for whose baptism Hobart was blamed, Burton’s impulse to join the Remonstrants would have been especially powerful.

110 Winthrop, ii. 288 (235); Hypocrisie Unmasked, p. 99.

111 Winthrop, ii. 367 (302), justifies such an inference.

112 From the official Relation (New-Englands Jonas, p. 4); Winthrop, ii. 271–288, 312–313 (221–236, 255–256). Cf. New-Englands Salamander, pp. 4–6, 28.

113 Cf. New-Englands Salamander, p. 5.

114 Winthrop, ii. 340 (278–279).

115 New-Englands Jonas, pp. 3–5.

116 Winthrop, ii. 367–368 (302).

117 History of Hingham, ii. 112.

118 Winthrop, ii. 367 (302). John Otis, Burton’s father-in-law, died on May 31, 1657, and in his will, dated May 30, left “to my daughter Margaret Burtonand her three children twenty shillings amongst them, a small brasse pot, and a canvass skillet” (History of Hingham, iii. 102).

119 New Haven Colony Records, i. 27, 50, 91; F. B. Dexter, Papers of the New Haven Colony Historical Society, iii. 227; Lechford’s Note Book, p. 224 (cf. p. 232), in American Antiquarian Society Transactions and Collections, vii. 414 (cf. p. 426); Winthrop, i. 272 (228).

120 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, ix. 17, 20, 33; Du Gard’s MS., excerpted in 2 Notes and Queries, ix. 101, and New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xiv. 201; Dexter, as above, iii. 228–232. Cf. Waters, Gleanings, i. 65. On July 17, 1644, Israel Stoughton in his will, drawn up in England, made David Yale one of his overseers (New England Historical and Genealogical Register, iv. 52).

121 Suffolk Deeds, ii. 47. Cf. our Publications, xx. 264.

122 Suffolk Deeds, i. 192.

123 Winthrop Papers, ii. 501.

124 Suffolk Deeds, ii. 48.

125 Dexter, as above, iii. 231–232.

126 Her daughter, the wife of Governor Edward Hopkins, was insane for many years (Waters, Gleanings, p. 64; Winthrop, ii. 265–266 [216–217]).

127 The report of the trial, from the Church Records, is in the Papers of the New Haven Colony Historical Society, v. 133–148; cf. Leonard Bacon, Thirteen Historical Discourses, 1839, pp. 296–306; F. B. Dexter, Historical Catalogue of the Members of the First Church in New Haven, 1914, pp. 2–3.

128 Maverick, whatever his wrongs and his virtues, was not always law-abiding. Witness his punishment for “confederacy” with Thomas Owen in the latter’s escape from prison in 1641 (Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 335; Winthrop, ii. 61–62 [51–52]). In that same year he was also thought to be “privey to the flight of one Bell,” who had jumped his bail (Maverick to Winthrop, March 1, 1640[–1], Winthrop Papers, ii. 308–309); nor was this the first time that he had been suspected of harboring shady characters (Massachusetts Colony Records, i 140, cf. i. 159). The administration had another ground of offence against him of very recent date. In 1644 Madame la Tour had got judgment in £2000 damages in a Massachusetts court against Alderman Barclay of London; and in the next year Barclay had attached Thomas Fowle’s ship and had brought suit against Stephen Winthrop, Recorder of the court that found for Madame la Tour, and Captain John Weld, one of the jurymen (Winthrop, ii. 244–248 [198–202]; letters of Stephen Winthrop, March 1, 1644[–5], and March 27, 1646, Winthrop Papers, iv. 200, 205). A mainstay of his case was “a certificate of the proceedings of the [Massachusetts] court under the hands of divers persons of good credit here, who although they reported truth for the most part, yet not the whole truth, being somewhat prejudiced in the case.” “These persons,” adds Winthrop, “were called in question about it after, for the offence was great, and they had been censured for it, if proof could have been had for a legal conviction.” Who they were, he does not inform us, but we learn from another source that one of them was Maverick, for Stephen Winthrop writes to his brother John from London, March 1, 1644[–5]: “Major Sedgwick, M^r Rusell, M^r Maverick & Trerise were they y^t did informe ag^t y^e country vnder theire hands” (Winthrop Papers, iv. 200). Barclay’s efforts were in vain, but he put Fowle, Weld, and Stephen Winthrop to considerable expense, and their petitions to the General Court in 1645 for reimbursement were unavailing (Massachusetts Colony Records, ii 135, iii. 49–50). The original petitions are in the Massachusetts Archives, ii. 489 (Winthrop and Weld), lx. 142 (Fowle). See also Lords’ Journals, vii. 352, 366, 400; Historical Manuscripts Commission, Sixth Report, Appendix, pp. 58, 59, 61, 63; 3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, vii. 98–99, 105–106.

129 Fowle and Yale (and apparently Dand) were merchants and as such were doubtless influenced by the feeling that the severity of the colonial government discouraged immigration and was damaging to trade. Thus their wish for greater freedom in religious matters may have rested in part (by no means discreditably) on a sound commercial basis. If so, they were under a singular misapprehension in supposing that the establishment of a Presbyterian régime would foster liberty. There is plenty of evidence that friends of New England felt that the harshness toward the Anabaptists and other sectaries was bad for the Colony. On March 1, 1644[–5], Stephen Winthrop wrote from London to his brother John: “Heere is great complaint ag^t vs for o^r severetye ag^t Anabaptist. It doth diseourag any people from coming to vs for fear they should be banished if they disent from vs in opinion” (Winthrop Papers, iv. 200). On September 4, [1646,] Hugh Peter wrote to the younger Winthrop: “None will come to you because you persecute” (Winthrop Papers, i. 109), and Coddingtonrefers to this remark in a letter of November 11, 1646, to the elder Winthrop: “M^r Petters writes in y^t yo^w sent to yo^r sonn, y^t yo^w ꝑsecute” (Charles Deane, Some Notices of Samuel Gorton, Boston, 1850, p. 41). Again, on May 5, 1647, Peter writes to John Winthrop, Senior: “Ah sweet New England! & yet sweeter if diuisions bee not among you, if you will giue any incouragement to those that are godly and shall differ etc. I pray doe what you can herin, & know that your example swayse here” (Winthrop Papers, i. 111; cf. 1 Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, x. 19). Giles Firmin writes to the elder Winthrop on July 1, 1646, with regard to Hugh Peter: “I could wish hee did not too much countenance the Opinionists, which wee did so cast out in N. England. I know he abhorrs them in his heart, but hee hath many hang vpon him, being a man of such vse. I hope God will preserue him spottlesse, notwithstanding vile aspersions cast vpon him, but I perceiue it is by the Presbyterians, against whom sometime hee lets dropp a sharp word” (Winthrop Papers, ii. 277). Cotton, in The Way of Congregational Churches Cleared (London, 1648), pt. i. p. 22, remarks: “Surely the way which is practised in New-England cannot justly be taxed for too much connivence to all kinde of Sects: wee here doe rather heare ill for too much rigour.”

130 Dr. H. M. Dexter describes the Remonstrants accurately enough as “a little cabal of Presbyterians and others in Massachusetts — undertaking to work with the aid of the very large number who by this time were in the country resident, who were not members of the churches, and so were debarred from the privileges of freemen” (Congregationalism, New York, 1880, p. 435).

131 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 162; Winthrop, ii. 346 (283).

132 See p. 8, above.

133 Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 79.

134 Winthrop, ii. 347 (284).

135 Winthrop, ii. 346 (284).

136 Hutchinson Papers, i. 223–247. The manuscript is in the Massachusetts Archives, x. 321–337.

137 Winthrop, ii. 346 (284).

138 New-Englands Jonas, p. 2; Winslow, New-Englands Salamander, p. 3.

139 Cf. the language of Henry Gardener, New-Englands Vindication, 1660: “What Law can we have or expect that be of the Church of England, they Independents, so our Antagonists, incompetent Judges, being parties in action, and opposite in Religion [?]” (pp. 6–7; p. 36, ed. Banks, Gorges Society).

140 Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 88–89 (session of November 4, 1646).

The exact date cannot be determined, but it was between November 4, when the Court came in, and November 9, when the Supply sailed.

141 See p. 38, below.

142 Winthrop, ii. 347–348 (284–285); cf. New-Englands Salamander, p. 12.

143 It will be noted that the Record testifies that there was an intermission in the hearing or examination of Smith and Fowle. Doubtless it was caused by the time it took to summon Child and the others.

144 The allusion is to the Declaration of the General Court, session of November 4, 1646 (see p. 31, above).

145 John Winthrop to John Winthrop, Jr., November 16, 1646, printed in the Appendix to Savage’s Winthrop, ii. 430.

146 John Winthrop to John Winthrop, Jr., May 14, 1647: “Captain Harding arrived at Bristol 19 (10). They went from here 9 (9), and had a very tempestuous voyage, and were carried among the rocks at Scilly, where never ship came” (Savage’s Winthrop, ii. 432). Cf. Winslow, New-Englands Salamander, pp. 4, 19.

147 Winslow is our authority for the names that follow (New-Englands Salamander, pp. 17, 18, 20).

148 Winthrop Papers, ii. 138–139. The petition of Herbert Pelham and Richard Saltonstall (who also wished to be relieved of this duty) is dated November 17, 1646, and must have been presented to the court by the latter, since Pelham sailed on the 9th. Yet it is all in Pelham’s hand (date included) except Saltonstall’s signature. For Saltonstall’s appointment (1645), see Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 48.

149 See the Rev. Patrick Copland’s letter to John Winthrop, September 30, 1647 (Winthrop Papers, iii. 351).

150 Winthrop’s letter (p. 33 note 3 above); New Englands Salamander, pp. 4, 18–20 (cf. New-Englands Jonas, pp. [18–19]). Cf. Copland to Winthrop, September 30, 1647: “Our friends [Sayles and Golding] write they had a miserable voyage from you to old England, but at last they safely arrived at their native Country;” he is giving news contained in their letters of March 15, 1647 (Winthrop Papers, iii. 351–352).

151 New-Englands Salamander, pp. 14–17. The petition was Vassall’s.

152 So he told Winslow in London, with permission to print the fact in his New-Englands Salamander (p. 18), John Winthrop, in a letter to John Winthrop, Jr., November 16, 1646, says that “M^r Peters is resolued to goe by Malago, w^th Cap^t Hawkins” (Savage’s Winthrop, 2d ed., Appendix, ii. 430). This ship “loosed fro Nantasket” on December 19, 1646, and arrived at Malaga on January 19, 1647 (Thomas Peters to Governor Winthrop, from Malaga Road, February 17, 1646[–7], Winthrop Papers, ii. 428). Peters was in London as early as April 27, 1647 (ii. 431).

153 I have followed Winslow’s account of this Jonah incident, which is based on inquiries made among the passengers — particularly on information furnished by Captains Sayles, Leverett, and Harding, and Mr. Richard Sadler. The account in New-Englands Jonas does not differ in any essential respect, but is less careful and less circumstantial.

154 See Winthrop, ii. 340, 391 (279, 321).

155 New-Englands Jonas, p. [19].

156 See Lefroy, Bermudas, i. 569–587, 594–595, 600–633, 711–713; Winthrop, ii 408–409 (334–336); Sibley, Harvard Graduates, i. 137–140; Winthrop Papers, iii. 340–342, 350–354; unpublished letter of the Rev. Patrick Copland to Winthrop, August 25, 1646, Davis Papers, fol. 7 (Massachusetts Historical Society, O. 12, 3); Colonial Society Publications, xiii. 53–55; A declaration of the Right Honourable Robert, Earle of Warwick, . . . Governour of the Company of London for the Plantation of the Summer Islands; And of the said Company: To the Colony and Plantation there. October 23, 1644 (Harvard College Library). What might have happened in Massachusetts, had Child’s conspiracy not been frustrated, Winthrop was able to read in the Bermuda case in a letter from William Rener (March 31, 1647) which he may have received before Child was sentenced: “The Honr^ll Companye in London for o^r Ilands, hathe sent a newe Gouernor. At his Arriuall called an Assemblye, and by multiplicitye of vote chose suche Burgesses as serued for the ende p^r tended, the greatest p̃te of the Counscell were independants (as they call them) but by this Assemblye to be caste of, ipso facto; haueinge not else against them; Our Elders not suffered to teache the worde, nor anye of that (soe called) independant waye to beare anye office in Com̄onwealthe” (Winthrop Papers, iii. 340).

157 Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 86.

158 Winthrop, ii. 372 (305).

159 Winthrop, ii. 288 (235). Cf. Hypocrisie Unmasked, p. 99.

160 The Record says expressly that Fowle was “at sea” when judgment was passed (iii. 94).

161 Winthrop, ii. 348–350 (285–287); Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 90–91.

162 Winthrop, ii. 350–355 (287–291).

163 Winthrop’s words (ii. 354 [290]), “they make an apology for their appeal,” must not be misconstrued: apology is used in its original meaning, “defence.”

164 Winthrop, ii. 354 (290).

165 Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 94; Winthrop, ii. 355–356 (291–292).

166 Winthrop, ii. 356 (292).

167 Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 94 (Richard Russell, Henry Bartholmew, Bozon Allen, Joshua Hubbard, Edward Carleton). Allen and Hubbard (Hobart) were the Hingham men, and the latter was the minister’s brother.

168 Ibid.; Winthrop, ii. 355 (291).

169 Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 94.

170 Winthrop, ii. 356 (292).

171 This may be inferred not only from its place in the record, but also from the words of Winthrop, ii. 356 (292): “So the court was dissolved.”

172 On November 16, 1646, John Winthrop wrote to his son John, respecting the Remonstrants: “We are like to proceed to some Censure [i. e., judgment] for their appeal, if not for the Petition” (letter in Savage’s Winthrop, ii. 430).

173 Contrast the language of the sentence imposed in May, 1647, when it was expressly provided that the defendants should be imprisoned until their fines were paid or security given (Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 113).

174 Winslow says: “Though they were fined, yet the fines were not levied” (New-Englands Salamander, p. 2). Child’s letter to John Winthrop, Jr., May 14, 1647, shows that none of the fines had been paid at that date: “I am in some measure streightned for things necessary, esp. if o^r fines be demaunded” (Winthrop Papers, iii. 158).

175 He writes to John Winthrop, Jr., May 14, 1647: “I neglected to write to my freinds for a supply [of money] this yeare, because my Intentions were for England” (Winthrop Papers, iii. 157–158).

176 Winthrop, ii. 356 (292). I suppose this was Major Nehemiah Bourne’s ship, which, on November 16, 1646, was expected to be ready to sail within “this 14 dayes” (John Winthrop to John Winthrop, Jr., in the Appendix to Savage’s Winthrop, 2d ed., ii. 430). Marvin says inadvertently that Child “was hastily preparing to return to England with Vassal and Fowle” (New-Englands Jonas, Introduction, p. xxxix).

177 Winthrop, ii. 356–357 (292–293). Winthrop, ii. 358 (294), says that “the writings” were in Child’s hand. Winslow says that one of the “Coppies” was in Child’s hand, another in Dand’s (New-Englands Salamander, p. 13). A document in the Massachusetts Archives, cvi. 6 a (printed below, p. 55), says that “the foule draughts both of Petition & Queris are like his [Child’s] hand.”

178 Emancipation of Massachusetts, Boston, 1887 [really 1886], p. 92.

179 Winthrop, ii. 357–358 (293). Hutchinson (2d ed., 1765, i. 147–149), gives the fullest account of the contents of the seized documents, but he speaks of only one petition, a portion of which was the request for the answers to certain queries. Winthrop, ii. 359 (295), says that the “petitions and queries intended for England” are in the records of “that court,” but they are not now to be found there nor have the originals been discovered.

180 Winthrop Papers, i. 381. Pynchon goes on to suggest certain measures which the Colony may well take to obviate criticisms made by the Remonstrants.

181 Winthrop, ii. 358 (294).

182 So I understand the combined testimony of Child’s letter to the younger Winthrop, March 15, 1646[–7] (Winthrop Papers, iii. 156), and of New-Englands Jonas, p. [22], Winthrop, ii. 358 (294), says merely: “Yet, upon tender of sufficient bail, he was set at liberty, but confined to his house, and to appear at the next court of assistants.”

183 Winthrop, ii. 358–359 (294–295); cf. New Englands Salamander, p. 13.

184 Winthrop, ii. 367 (301).

185 I. e., three months more (in reality, about two months).

186 Winthrop Papers, iii. 156. I infer from this letter that Child had for three months been under bonds not to leave the town limits, and that he refused to renew his bond and went to prison.

187 See Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 148.

188 Our associate Mr. Samuel C. Clough states that this house was on the westerly side of the prison land, fronting Court Street, now covered in part by the annex to the City Hall.

189 Winthrop, ii. 374–375 (307).

190 Winthrop Papers, iii. 157.

191 Gorton and his comrades left Rhode Island for “the Dutch plantation” about the middle of August, 1645; there they “lay long,” waiting for a ship, then sailed to Holland, where they “lay long” again before they could get passage for England. These details (but not the date) come from the letter of August 22, 1661, from the inhabitants of Warwick to the General Court of Massachusetts (Rhode Island Historical Society Collections, ii. 228). The best criterion for the date of Gorton’s departure from Rhode Island is the letter of J[ohn]. W[arner]., November 20, 1645, printed in Simplicities Defence, pp. 93–94. In telling Gorton the news from America, Warner begins by informing him that the Bay authorities had provided an army against the Narragansetts, but that, upon Captain Harding’s warning them of the difficulty of the enterprise, they had sent Harding and Wylbour to deal with the savages, associating with them Benedict Arnold as interpreter. Now these events took place in August, 1645 (Plymouth Colony Records, ix. 32 ff, ii. 90), and the commission of Harding, “Welborne,” and Arnold is dated August 18 (ix. 41–42).

192 Winthrop gives both orders in full, ii. 333, 342–344 (272–273, 280–282); see also Rhode Island Colonial Records, i. 367–369.

193 Winthrop, ii. 333–334, 342 (273, 280).

194 “Imprimatur August 3, 1646.” Thomason bought his copy on November 7 (Thomason Catalogue, i. 473).

195 New-Englands Salamander, p. 20; Winthrop, ii. 387 (317). Seccombe (Dictionary of National Biography, lxii. 202) says that “Winslow sailed from Boston in October 1646,” apparently following Jacob B. Moore’s statement (“about the middle of October”) in his Memoirs of American Governors, i. 123. Moore was no doubt misled by Winthrop’s “10ber”, thinking that he should count January as the first month instead of March. The error would not deserve a word if it had not passed from Seccombe into a note in the fine edition of Bradford published by the Massachusetts Historical Society, ii. 394 note 1.

196 On May 5, 1647, Herbert Pelham wrote from London to Winthrop: “For the Busines of the Countrie yow will be more fully informed by my Cosen Winslow, who takes great payns, but as yet can not come to a hearing” (Winthrop Papers, ii. 140). On the same day Hugh Peter wrote to Winthrop: “Appeales will hardly bee ouerthrowne nor doe I mynd it much as a thing you should bee troubled about” (Winthrop Papers, i. 111). Cf. p. 64, below.

197 The date in the title-page, 1646, proves that the book was printed before March 25, 1647, and it was certainly written after Winslow’s arrival, which must have taken place in January. It was entered in the Stationers’ Register on February 22, 1646[–7] (Stationers’ Register, 1640–1708, Roxburghe Club, i. 263). Winslow himself dates it (p. 77) “not much above two moneths” after his departure from New England. Thomason dated it October 2 (Thomason Catalogue, i. 467), which is manifestly wrong, for Winslow did not leave New England until about the middle of December, and he states expressly that he first saw Gorton’s book in England: “When I came over, I found that Gorton had enlarged his complaint by publishing a booke called Simplicities defence against Seven-headed Policy” (New-Englands Salamander, p. 22; cf. Hypocrisie Unmasked, p. 63).

198 Major Child speaks of 1646 as “this year” (p. [18]). This is in the body of his tract. His reply to Hypocrisie Unmasked is in the form of a “Post-Script,” which may have been written after the rest of the book was in type. New-Englands Jonas is reprinted in part in 2 Massachusetts Historical Collections, iv. 107–120, and in its entirety by W. T. R. Marvin (Boston, 1869) with a good introduction. It may also be found in Force’s Tracts, iv, no. 3. I have used a copy of the original in the Boston Athenæum.

199 Thomason Catalogue, i. 504.

200 This is Thomason’s date (Catalogue, i. 513) and must be close to the day of publication. When Winslow wrote, he had not yet been heard by the Commissioners, for he says that he has been sent over by “the government of the Massachusets” to “render a reason” to the Commissioners with reference to the Gorton business, “which I still attend till their more weighty occasions will permit them to heare” (Salamander, p. 22). This passage, then, was certainly written before May 25, the date of their preliminary answer, which was so favorable that Winslow could hardly have refrained from alluding to it if it had already been given when he wrote. The tract is reprinted in 3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, ii. 110–145. I have used the copy of the original in the Harvard College Library.

201 See p. 87, below.

202 New-Englands Jonas, p. 13 [i. e., 21].

203 See Winslow’s Epistle Dedicatory to Hypocrisie Unmasked.

204 Hypocrisie Unmasked, pp. 99–100.

205 In the title-page of New-Englands Salamander, Winslow describes New-Englands Jonas as “an irreligious and scornefull Pamphlet, . . . Owned by Major Iohn Childe, but not probable to be written by him.” He ascribes the book to “New-Englands Salamander,” that is, as we learn from Winthrop (ii. 391 [321]), to William Vassall. At all events, he is convinced that Vassall was Major Child’s “chief animator to this undertaking” (p. 1), and the Post-Script he “verily beleeves” the Salamander “penned every word” (p. 13). In fact, Child’s tract (except for this Post-Script) is mostly occupied by copies of documents (the Hingham Petition, with the record of subsequent proceedings in that affair; the Remonstrance; the Capital Laws of Massachusetts; the Oath of a Freeman) and by the story of throwing the petition overboard, which he says (p. 2) is given “verbatim, as it was delivered to me in writing by a Gentleman that was then a passenger in the Ship.” Vassall was a passenger.

206 See pp. 42–44, above.

207 See Winslow’s letter to Winthrop, November 24, 1645 (Hutchinson Papers, i. 172–175). This letter is generally, and doubtless rightly, thought to refer to Vassall (Palfrey, History of New England, ii. 167 note 4). The proposition which Winslow says was brought before the Plymouth Court was “to allow and maintaine full and free tollerance of religion to all men that would preserve the civill peace and submit unto government; and there was no limitation or exception against Turke, Jew, Papist, Arian, Socinian, Nicholaytan, Familist, or any other.” Cf. 1 Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, vi. 476–479.

208 No copy of Vassall’s petition or petitions is known. See Winthrop, ii. 319–320, 340, 391 (260–261, 278–279, 321); New-Englands Jonas, p. 12 [error for 18]; New-Englands Salamander, pp. 16, 18, 23.

209 New-Englands Jonas, p. 13 [error for 19].

210 Winthrop, ii. 360–364 (295–298).

211 As Winthrop, ii. 391 (321), puts it, “Mr. Vassall, finding no entertainment for his petitions, went to Barbados.” This news seems to have reached Boston in May, 1648.

212 See p. 44, above.

213 I. e., the Commissioners’ order of May 15, 1646, printed in Winthrop, ii. 342–344 (280–282).

214 Winthrop, ii. 389–390 (319–320).

215 Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 97 (session of November 4, 1646); Winthrop, ii. 362–363 (297).

216 Winthrop, ii. 357 (293).

217 See pp. 53–55, 56, below.

218 Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 113.

219 Winthrop, ii. 367 (301).

220 Felt, Annals of Salem, 1827, p. 166. The General Court of November, 1646, granted him a license at the rate of £15 a year (Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 173).

221 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 133 (cf. ii. 110).

222 Records and Files of the Quarterly Courts of Essex County, i. 91. He was not, as Felt (p. 172) asserts, fined, for the law against playing “shovelboard” in public houses was not passed until the May 26 session of the General Court, 1647 (Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 195).

223 He had other troubles, for on August 4, 1646, he was “discharged of his presentment for affronting the constable, having confessed publicly.” It appears that he had twice affronted this officer, once when the latter had visited his house on an errand about a “hew and crye,” and again when he demanded Clark’s “measure” to compare it with the town standard, thinking the landlord’s measure too small (Records and Files of the Quarterly Courts of Essex County, i. 101). He had lawsuits in 1640, 1642, and 1643 (i. 20, 22, 49, 55), but anyhow our forefathers were a litigious lot.

224 Felt, Annals of Salem, p. 175; Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 193. The inventory of his estate (sworn to by his widow, Katherine Clark) is dated June 25, 1647 (Records and Files, as above, i. 119).

225 Winthrop, ii. 359 (295) says that the trial was in June — “(4) 47.” See p. 58, below.

226 On June 9, 1647, Mr. Ezekiel Rogers of Rowley preached at the Cambridge Synod, the Magistrates and Deputies being present, and he “took occasion to speak of the petitioners, (then in question before the court,) and exhorted the court to do justice upon them, yet with desire of favor to such as had been drawn in, etc., and should submit” (Winthrop, ii. 376 [308]).

227 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 195–196.

228 The second word is very indistinct, but seems to be meant for “motions” or “Notions.”

229 Massachusetts Archives, cvi. 6 a.

230 Error for Petitions.

231 Foy and Barlow were apparently sea-captains engaged in the carrying trade between England and the Colony, who testified that Dand had given them copies of both of the seized petitions to take to England. When this delivery was made — whether before or after the raid on Dand’s study — does not appear, nor is it clear whether the petitions were actually taken to England by Foy and Barlow. The Foy mentioned can hardly have been the Captain John Foy (e) so well-known in Boston from 1672 (Suffolk Deeds, vii. 317) till his death in 1715 (Sewall’s Diary, iii. 68), but may have been an older relative. Captain John Foy bought a house here in 1673 (Suffolk Deeds, viii. 133), took the oath of allegiance in 1678 (Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxix. 165), and had by his wife Dorothy (died 1724: Sewall’s Diary, iii. 328) nine children born in Boston 1672–1689 (Record Commissioners’ Reports, ix. 123, 132, 145, 151, 157, 165, 174, 184). He is often mentioned in Sewall’s Diary and Letter-Book and elsewhere (Massachusetts Colony Records, v. 267, 382, 391, 497; Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1693, p. 428; Hinckley Papers, p. 206; Lawrence Hammond’s Diary, 2 Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, vii. 157, 159, 168; our Publications, x. 112, xiv. 143; indexes to Toppan’s Edward Randolph, iii, iv, vi; Suffolk Deeds, x–xiv; Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, i; Mather Papers; Winthrop Papers, iv, vi); but is easily confused with his son, the younger Captain John Foy (1674–1730), who was of Charlestown (Wyman, Genealogies and Estates of Charlestown, i. 372–373; Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, iii. 210, 211, ix. 250; Sewall’s Diary, i. 480, 493, ii. 279, 327; Sewall’s Letter-Book, i. 193, 203; Winthrop Papers, iv. 527, 545, v. 515; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxiv. 7, 131, 132).

232 This was the petition “from some non-freeman,” in getting signatures to which Maverick had been! “very active.” See Winthrop, ii. 358, 367 (293–294, 301). This memorandum is the only evidence we have that it was actually “sent for England.” One copy was seized in Dand’s study — perhaps the “foule draught” mentioned below. It appears, however, that the authorities had a copy with twenty-five signatures that was seized in the raid on Dand (Winthrop, as above), and this can hardly have been the foul draught. What “owninge of it from Bushnel” means is a puzzle. The word owninge is very clear in the MS. It was first written owinge and the n is above the line with a caret. Perhaps “from Bushnel” belongs in sense with “appears,” — i. e. that Maverick countenanced the petition appears from Bushnel’s testimony that he acknowledged it (as a document that he approved).

233 I. e., contrary to his oath as a freeman.

234 This outburst on Smith’s part gave particular offence in those days as being gross disrespect to authority. Times have changed. See Winthrop, ii. 357 (293): “But at Dand’s study they [the officers] found Mr. Smith, who catched up some papers, and when the officer took them from him, he brake out into these speeches, viz. we hope shortly we shall have commission to search the governour’s closet.”

235 Hole in the paper.

236 This seems to mean the Remonstrance. It cannot refer to Vassall’s petition, for Vassall took that over with him on the Supply (see p. 34, above), nor does Burton seem to have had anything to do with it. As to the Remonstrance, it is clear that two copies were on board the Supply. One of them was thrown overboard, the other was used for the text printed in New-Englands Jonas (see pp. 35, 45, above).

237 I. e., apparently “would quiet it.” The passage seems to mean that Child, in conversation, had been heard to say that certain queries that were to be sent to England would put an end to his grievances. This remark was thought to refer to the queries afterwards seized in Dand’s study.

238 If the text is right, the phrase must mean “exerting all our abilities.” In that case, we have an example of the verb to through (to “carry through,” “carry out”), hitherto known only as a Scottish word. Perhaps, however, throughing is a scribe’s error for through and the phrase means “to the best of our ability.”

239 Dummer was deputy from Salisbury; Gibbons from Boston; Pendleton from Watertown; Payne from Ipswich; Carlton from Rowley; Clements from Haverhill; Bartholomew from Ipswich; Barney from Salem; Kinsley from Braintree; Bruen (or Brewen) from Gloucester; Pelham from Sudbury; Lothrop from Salem; English from Hampton; Fiske from Wenham (see Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 42, 62, 121–122, 147, 202, 297). Their names all appear in the list of Deputies for 1647 (Records, ii. 186, iii. 105). Four of the persons who were contradicentes in the previous sentence, 1646 — Richard Russell, now Treasurer, Bozon Allen, Joshua Hobart (Hubbard), and Edward Carlton (see p. 38, above) — were members of the 1647 Court, but only one of them (Carlton) now appeared as an objector.

240 Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 114. Lothrop, however, agreed with the Court as to Child and Dand.

241 The formula, in each case, is: “Doctor Child he could not ꝑceed to sentence besids his imprisonment.”

242 See pp. 67, 81–82, below.

243 That is, earlier in this same session. The judgment is not recorded.

244 Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 113.

245 Winthrop, ii. 359 (295).

246 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 205.

247 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 241, iii. 125–126; cf. Winthrop, ii. 359 (295).

248 Samuel Maverick’s petition, May 8, 1649 (Massachusetts Archives, B xxxviii. 228, printed by Sumner, History of East Boston, p. 110).

249 Petition of Mary, the wife of Francis Hooke, of Kittery, Maine, “Daughter and Heiresse of Samuel Mavericke, deceased” (Massachusetts Archives, cxxviii. 45; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, viii. 334; Sumner, History of East Boston, p. 107). Mary Maverick married (1) John Palsgrave, February 8, 1655–6, and (2) Francis Hooke, September 20, 1660 (Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, ix. 53, 76). There are several errors in the petition, but there seems to be no reason to doubt the execution of the deed of gift, which is consistent with the fact that, in 1650, Samuel Maverick and his wife, conjointly with their son Nathaniel, conveyed the island to Captain George Briggs of Barbados for 40,000 lbs. of good white sugar (Suffolk Deeds, i. 122–123; Sumner, History of East Boston, p. 178).

250 Samuel Maverick’s petition, May 8, 1649 (Massachusetts Archives, B xxxviii. 228, printed by Sumner, History of East Boston, p. 110).

251 The plural is used because two fines were imposed in June, 1647, £100 for conspiracy and £50 for perjury (see p. 56, above).

252 So Maverick recites in a petition submitted in October, 1648 (Massachusetts Archives, B xxxviii. 227). No copy of the 1647 petition has been found, nor is it mentioned in the Court records.

253 The original of this 1648 petition is in the Massachusetts Archives, B xxxviii. 227; and the approval of a rehearing (signed by William Torrey) and the consent of the Magistrates (in Governor Winthrop’s hand, signed) are appended on the same sheet. The only date given is that noted by Winthrop after his signature: “25 (8) 48”.

254 This note of the Deputies (in William Torrey’s hand, signed) is preserved on a scrap of paper in the Archives (B xxxviii. 227 a) which is docketed “M^r S: Mavericks Petition 1648.” The same scrap shows a memorandum in Winthrop’s hand: “An Answr to this Petⁿ will appear in the Record of the Court holden Nov: 19;” but nothing is to be found in the Court Records.

255 Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 153.

256 Massachusetts Archives, B xxxviii. 228 (Sumner, History of East Boston, p. 110).

257 Massachusetts Archives, B xxxviii. 228 a. I append this memorial (hitherto unprinted) since it furnishes some curious details of the prosecution:

Errors (as I conceiue, in the Coppie of those reco^rds I receiued from m^r Secretarie)

First yo^r whole ꝑceeding ag͞s͞t vs seemes to depend on o^r refusall to answer Intergato^ries vpon oath, whereas the Comittie of mag^rts and deputies, had sate diȗse dayes & made returne to the Co^rte before eu wee were called as appeares by the reco^rds.

Further whereas it is declared in the recco^r ds that at o^r appearance when wee were sentenced wee had nothinge further to aleage to hinder the Co^rts ꝑceedings against vs vnder fauo^r wee all then desired to see those testimonies vpon w^ch o^r sentence was grounded And I in my ꝑticuler answer to the charge against mee desired to haue libertie to make additionall answers for the further Clearing vp of my inocencie w^ch I could not obtaine

Further where as it is affirm̄ed in the recco^rds that wee brought in to the Co^rte o^r seȗall answers to o^r seuerall Charges (vnder fauo^r) It was not soe neither was it in the publique meeting howse, but o^r answ^rs were sent for to vs by the marshall, by whom after oure deniall the second time wee sent them

Further the last clawse now on recco^rd of o^r sentence Concerning the keepeing of one o^r twoe in Irons was noe ꝑte of o^r publique sentence as will appeare by a Coppie of the sentence vnder the Secretaries hand w^ch I had six dayes after the Co^rte was ended and affirmed vnder his hand to bee a true Coppie fiue weekes after

Diȗse other both materiall & Circumstantiall erro^rs I conceuie there are W^ch for want of time I omitt

Samuell Mauerick

The 8. of the 3d m° 1649

The “last clawse” to which Maverick refers seems to have embodied the substance of the order printed on p. 52, above.

258 Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 166–167.

259 iii. 200; iv. i. 18.

260 Egerton MS. 2395, fols. 397–411 (British Museum).

261 2 Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, i. 240; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxxix. 41.

262 Child to John Winthrop, Jr., from Gravesend, May 13, 1648 (Winthrop Papers, iii. 159).

263 See pp. 10–14, above.

264 See p. 92 note 2, below.

265 Winthrop Papers, iii. 162.

266 iii. 156, 157, 159.

267 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 199.

268 Leader’s receipt is preserved among the Winthrop MSS., xiv. 104:

Rec of John Winthrop Jn^r Esq^r the sume of forty pounds by the order & for the vse of doc Robt Childs witnes my hand the 12th day of September 1647

Ꝑ Richard Leader.

An order to Winthrop from Leader in favor of Goodman Arnold for any sum not exceeding £6, dated Boston, July 16, 1646, is also preserved among these manuscripts (xiv. 124). On the back Winthrop has written: “M^r leaders note for G Arnold 6^li — w^ch accordingly M^r Leader paid D^r Child in full of all y^e mony I re[c]ived of him in England &c.”

269 Petition printed by Waters, A Sketch of the Life of John Winthrop the Younger, pp. 31–32.

270 Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 219.

271 iii. 256, iv. i. 65.

272 Emancipation of Massachusetts, p. 95.

273 “I freely imparted to you the Countries colorable grounds of suspecting his agency for the great Incendiaries of Europe, . . . yea that the very yeare hee came over, a gentleman in the country (Mr. Peters by name) was advised by letters from a forraign part that the Jesuits had an agent that Sommer in New-England. And that the Countrey comparing his practise with the intelligence were more jealous of him then any; (though to mee he was a meere stranger)” (New-Englands Salamander, p. 2). Cf. p. 7: “Hee is a Gentleman that hath travelled other parts before hee came to us, namely Italy; confesseth hee was twice at Rome, speaketh sometimes highly as I have heard reported in favour of the Jesuites.” In his first extant letter to the younger Winthrop, 1641, Child reveals his reading of the Jesuit Relations, but he certainly does not express approval: “From myne owne library I likewise send you to ꝑvse till I come to New England, D^r Dauisons workes; y^e French Jesuits voyages in Canada in 3 Volūes, that you may see how they proceede in the c̃version of those Heathen, and how little the Lord hath blessed them in there proceeding” (Winthrop Papers, iii. 150). Cf. p. 103 note 1, below.

274 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxxiii. 65.

275 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 193, iii. 112. Felt thinks that “one inducement for the passage of such an act was probably the strong suspicion that Dr. Child . . . was on his second tour in this country as a spy from the Jesuits of Europe” (Ecclesiastical History of New England, i. 597).

276 The Way of Congregational Churches Cleared, London, 1648 (imprimatur, January 1, 1647–[8]), part i. pp. 21–22.

277 Winthrop, ii. 111 (92).

278 See, for example, Gardiner, History of the Great Civil War, ed. 1893, ii. 170–176, 258–260, 285–286; ii. 1–57, 62–63, 70–76.

279 York Deeds, i. i. 40; Folsom, History of Saco and Biddeford, p. 74. Folsom quotes an undated letter from Vines to Child concerning a hundred-acre lot purchased by Joseph Bowles.

280 P. 60, above. William White, an expert miner, seems to have been left stranded by Child’s withdrawal: see White’s confused letter to Governor Winthrop, July 24, 1648 (2 Massachusetts Historical Collections, iv. 199): “I was promised 5s a day by Doctor Child for myselfe and my sonn.”

281 See Leader’s receipt of that date (p. 61 note 1, above). John Winthrop, Jr., wrote to Child, apparently to England, on October 25, 1647 (Winthrop Papers, iii. 158).

282 Samuel Hartlib his Legacie of Husbandry, 2d ed., 1652, p. 62 (3d ed., 1655, p. 71). On Child’s authorship of a large portion of this volume, see p. 107, below.

283 Legacie, p. 112 (3d ed., 1655, p. 127). See p. 108, below.

284 Legacie, 3d ed., 1655, p. 168. See p. 109, below.

285 Winthrop, ii. 387–390 (318–320).

286 Winthrop, ii. 391–392 (321–322).

287 In 1659 the lands included in this patent were conveyed to Lt. William Phillips of Boston, vintner, by William Hathorne of Salem as attorney for John Jeffard (Gifford) in behalf of Mr. Beex and Company (York Deeds, i. i. 82; Folsom, History of Saco and Biddeford, p. 103). Child had purchased the patent in 1645 (see p. 16, above). James Graham, who reported on the title in 1688, could find no record of any conveyance from Child or “from any under him” (p. 16 note 4, above).

288 Child as one of the proprietors of the iron works joins with Becx and others in an agreement with John Gifford, August 23, 1650 (Suffolk Deeds, i. 216).

289 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxxiii. 238.

290 History of Plimmoth Plantation, 1912, ii. 391–393.

291 Winthrop Papers, ii. 144–145.

292 The proverb was familiar to our forefathers. It is used with dignified indulgence in the Court’s letter to the adventurers for the iron works, 1646: “Wee find yo^r stile more sharpe & your concluco͠ns more peremptory then rationall, (as wee conceave,) but wee consider yow have binn hitherto loosers, & therefore may take leave to speake” (Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 91).

293 This indicates that there was an appeal after the second trial.

294 Egerton MS. 2395, British Museum (2 Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, i. 240; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxxix. 41).

295 Gifford at this same time was full of projects. He was trying to convince the English authorities that copper and precious stones might be found in New England (Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies, 1661–1668, pp. 25–26).

296 Pp. 16–17.

297 P. 15.

298 P. 16. On the 14th this order is repeated for the 18th as to Godfrey, Gifford, Maverick, Breedon, and Leverett, and Leverett is to bring a copy of the “patent for New England” (p. 16).

299 Calendar, as above, p. 151.

300 P. 157.

301 P. 204.

302 P. 67, above.

303 New York Colonial Documents, iii. 92.

304 Calendar, as above, p. 302.

305 The Remonstrance practically accuses the colonial authorities of having violated the Charter (whence it was an unavoidable inference that they had forfeited it), and with having broken their oath of allegiance (Hutchinson Papers, 217, lines 27–28). The signers express in set terms their objection to that measure of independence which the Colony arrogates, maintaining that it should reduce itself to its proper position, which is not that of a “free state,” but that of “a colonie or corporation of England” (i. 219, lines 13–14). They hope for such changes as may bring the Colony under the immediate and minutely exercised control of the Parliament (i. 222, lines 19–20). And, if the colonial authorities do not voluntarily undertake such measures as shall bring about these ends, they threaten to endeavor to force the changes by an appeal to Parliament itself (i. 221, lines 28–30).

It may be held, perhaps, that the danger from Child was not so great as the colonists imagined, but that consideration, even if it is sound — as by no means appears — neither alters the fact of his revolutionary purposes nor renders the magistrates blameworthy for resisting them with all their strength. If they were nervous, they had every reason to be nervous. The autonomy of the Colony had been continually attacked, and they knew that their enemies were numerous in England and elsewhere. When we read Maverick’s Briefe Description, drawn up ca. 1661, and note his bitter assault upon the Bay (2 Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, i. 239–242), we are apt to think that his enmity resulted from the treatment he had experienced in the matter of the Remonstrance. This may be true in part, but what seems to have eluded the observation of some scholars is the fact that what Maverick was alleging and what he was attempting in 1661–1665 accord perfectly with what we know of the allegations and attempts of the Remonstrants in 1646 and 1647.

306 That is, to “be suffered to exercise their Presbyteriall government amongst us.”

307 Hypocrisie Unmasked, p. 100.

308 New-Englands Jonas, p. [22].

309 New-Englands Salamander, p. 3.

310 New-Englands Salamander, pp. 12–13.

311 I. e., “their liberty in the exercise of the Presbyterian government.”

312 New-Englands Salamander, p. 28.

313 See p. 87, below.

314 Commons’ Journals, iv. 463–465.

315 Lords’ Journals, viii. 209. As Gardiner points out (Great Civil War, ed. 1893, iii. 77), the Lords had amended the ordinance, and it therefore had to go back to the Commons; but that was a mere detail: nobody doubted any longer that the Church of England was to be Presbyterian.

316 Hypocrisie Unmasked, p. 100.

317 Winthrop, ii. 91–92 (76), 304 (248). Cf. Cotton, The Way of Congregational Churches Cleared, 1648, pt. i. p. 68: “If none of us have been willing to reply to the Books written against us, how come it to passe that Mr. Hooker hath written a large answer to Mr. Rutherford, Mr. Davenport to Mr. Paget, Mr. Mader to Mr. Rathbone, Mr. Shepard and Mr. Allen to Mr. Ball, Mr. Norton in Latine to Mr. Appollonii; my self to Mr. Williams, both to his examination of my Letter, and to his bloody Tenent?”

318 In 1645 Stephen Winthrop wrote to his brother John: “Only the presbeterian Goverm^t is resolved on & y^e other are at a Losse: & cannot tell where they shall find rest” (Winthrop Papers, iv. 202).

319 Dr. C. E. Banks, in his edition of Henry Gardener’s New Englands Vindication, avers that the Remonstrants, whom he calls Episcopalians, “were heavily fined for presuming to petition for freedom of worship” (Gorges Society, 1884, p. 32, n. 34). Whittier remarks that the colonial authorities “imprisoned Dr. Child, an Episcopalian, for petitioning the General Court for toleration” (1 Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, xviii. 390).

320 Winthrop, ii. 347 (284).

321 New-Englands Salamander, p. 9.

322 Chief Justice Marshall, in his brief account of the affair, brings out this point, as might be expected, with proper emphasis: “Their plea that the right to petition government was sacred, was answered by saying that they were not accused for petitioning, but for using contemptuous and seditious expressions” (History of the Colonies, Philadelphia, 1824, pp. 119–120).

323 The Charge, in Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 91; Winthrop, ii. 350 (287).

324 In Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 97; Winthrop, ii. 362 (297).

325 There was, of course, some difference of opinion, and therefore a certain sentiment favoring a petition to Parliament for a new charter with enlarged powers; but wiser counsels prevailed, for it was feared that Parliament might reduce rather than increase the local authority (Winthrop, ii. 341–342 [280]). The elders gave their opinion that there was no appeal (ii. 345 [282–283]).

326 Winthrop, i. 119, 122 (100, 102–103).

327 One notes that Winthrop, while recording with obvious relief the action of the House of Lords in 1641 in reviving the Charter, takes care to add that the petition which resulted in this action, though presented by “some of our people being then in London,” was “preferred without warrant from our court” (ii. 50 [42]).

328 Winthrop, ii. 29–30 (25).

329 Savage’s note, ibid. The passage is in Trumbull’s letter to Van der Capellan, August 31, 1779 (1 Massachusetts Historical Collections, vi. 156).

330 Winthrop, i. 119, 122–123 (100, 102–103); Hutchinson Papers, i. 57–59; Bradford, ii. 141–145; Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial Series, i. 183; C. F. Adams, 1 Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, xx. 81–85.

331 Winthrop, i. 161, 163 (135, 137); ii. 233–234 (180–191).

332 Brought in Trinity Term, 11 Charles I (Hutchinson Papers, i. 114–116); decree, Michaelmas Term (i. 116–118).

333 Winthrop, i. 163 (137).

334 Hutchinson Papers, i. 118–119; Winthrop, i. 323–324 (269), 329–330 (274); Hubbard, ch. 36, ed. 1848, pp. 268–271.

335 Winthrop, i. 359–360 (298–299), 367 (305).

336 Winthrop, i. 50 (42).

337 Winthrop, i. 171, 183, 280–281 (143–144, 154, 234–235). As to the first of these occasions, see Laud’s commission of 1634 in American Antiquarian Society Proceedings, xiii. 213–220. These signs of promptitude in resistance were, soon after the Restoration, made a ground of attack on the Colony by Samuel Maverick in his Briefe Description of New England preserved in Egerton MS. 2395 (2 Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, i. 240–241; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxxix. 41–42).

338 Winthrop, i. 205 (172).

339 Winthrop, ii. 222–225 (180–183).

340 Winthrop, ii. 332–334, 340–340, 359–367 (272–273, 278–284, 295–301).

341 Hypocrisie Unmasked, pp. 28–36. Two specimens of the diction of this document will suffice: “Out of the abovesaid principles, which is the kingdome of darknesse and of the devill; you have writ another Note unto us, to adde to your former pride and folly.” “But we know our course, professing the kingdome of God and his righteousnesse, renouncing that of darknesse and the devill, wherein you delight to trust . . . O yee generation of vipers, who hath fore-warned you, or fore-stalled your mindes with this, but Satan himselfe.”

342 Three Episodes of Massachusetts History, pp. 349–350

343 In Verrem, Actio ii. lib. v, 61–66.

344 There was probably an appeal after the second trial also (see pp. 67, 81, 84). If so, Maverick’s sentence (p. 54, above) may apply to this occasion; but, in any event, Child was punished for no appeal except that at the November hearing in 1646.

345 It is printed in New-Englands Jonas, p. [17], to show that the Colony was setting up a commonwealth independent of the mother country.

346 It passes my comprehension how anybody who had read this passage could straightway characterize Child as a champion of religious liberty or freedom of conscience. Perhaps nobody who has read the passage has ever so characterized him.

347 This particular passage was read to the Remonstrants by the Court at the first hearing as a specimen of the offensiveness of the document (Winthrop, ii. 347 [284]).

348 Hutchinson Papers, i. 214–223.

349 See pp. 7–8, above.

350 Captain Edward Johnson, who is a good witness as to contemporary opinion in the Bay, was in no doubt on this point (Wonder-working Providence, 1654, bk. iii. chap. 3, p. 202). Bancroft states the facts in brief and trenchant terms: “An entire revolution was demanded.” “The document was written in a spirit of wanton insult” and “was evidently designed for English ears.” Child “desired only an excuse for appealing to England” (History of the United States, chap, x, 19th ed., 1862, i. 438, 439). Chalmers writes amusingly: “A petition, which would now appear so humble and so reasonable, we ought naturally to infer, met with the most gracious attention. But no conclusion however would be more erroneous” (Political Annals, 1780, i. 179).

351 Grahame makes a pretty keen observation: “The discovery of the intolerance meditated by these persons served to exasperate the intolerance which they themselves were experiencing from the society of which they formed but an insignificant fraction” (History of the Rise and Progress of the United States, London, 1827, i. 324).

352 Winthrop, ii. 357 (293).

353 Whether one petitioned the Parliament or the Commissioners was a mere detail of procedure, for any petition to the Parliament from the colonies was sure to be referred to the Commissioners for advice, if not for final action.

354 Cf. the Remonstrance: “Whence issue forth . . . also jealousies of too much unwarranted power and dominion on the one side, and of perpetual slavery and bondage on the other” (Hutchinson Papers, i. 218).

355 Winthrop, ii. 347 (285).

356 New-Englands Jonas, p. [22].

357 P. 12 [error for 20].

358 Robert Baylie, A Dissuasive from the Errours of the Time, London, 1645, pp. 60–61.

359 I. e., the establishment of the complete Presbyterian system, including the inquisitorial power over manners and morals in private life.

360 P. 90.

361 Chap. x. pp. 196–223.

362 Epistle Dedicatory, p. [iv].

363 Among writers who think or seem to think that Robert Child was an advocate of toleration or of liberty of conscience may be mentioned Whittier (Preface to Snow-Bound; 1 Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, xviii. 390); C. F. Adams, Massachusetts its Historians and its History, p. 60, and Three Episodes of Massachusetts History, i. 333; Brooks Adams, Emancipation of Massachusetts, p. 95; W. T. R. Marvin, New-Englands Jonas, p. 1; Peter Oliver, Puritan Commonwealth, p. 420; C. E. Banks, reprint of Henry Gardener’s New-Englands Vindication, p. 32, n. 34; Sumner, History of East Boston, p. 99; Barry, History of Massachusetts, 1855, i. 339.

It must be admitted that one of the petitions to the Commissioners seized in Dand’s study (signed by a number of non-freemen) did ask for “liberty of conscience” as well as for a General Governor (p. 40, above). How Child meant to utilize such a paper, which was glaringly inconsistent with his own request for the imposition of the Covenant and the establishment of Presbyterianism, does not appear: probably, however, merely as evidence of general discontent, for only so could it serve his turn and back up the requests that he had draughted to submit to the Commissioners. Such discontent, if proved, might encourage the Presbyterian party in England to attempt the overthrow of the Massachusetts regime, and, if that were once abolished, the Presbyterian régime would of course be decreed as its successor, no matter what wishes these non-freemen might cherish for universal toleration.

364 Errours and Induration, are the Great Sins and the Great Judgements of the Time. Preached in a Sermon Before the . . . House of Peers, . . . July 30. 1645 (London, 1645).

365 Preface.

366 P. 26.

367 Pp. 22–23.

368 P. 26.

369 P. 17.

370 The Way of Congregational Churches Cleared. London, 1648 (Imprimatur, January 1, 1647[–8]).

371 Winthrop, ii. 304–305 (248–249); Palfrey, History of New England, 1860, ii. 84–92, 173, n. 1.

372 New-Englands Jonas, p. 1.

373 The Remonstrance itself ascribes to New England Congregationalism “an ocean of inconveniences, dishonor to God and to his ordinances, little profit by the ministry, encrease of anabaptisme, and of those that totally contemn all ordinances as vaine, fading of Christian graces, decrease of brotherly love, heresies, schismes, &c.” (Hutchinson Papers, i. 221).

374 Winthrop is mentioned in the list of those present at the opening of the spring session of the General Court on May 6, 1646 (Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 146). It was at this session (on May 19) that the Remonstrance was presented, but it was not taken up until November (see p. 30, above), when he was in Connecticut (John Winthrop to John Winthrop, Jr., October 26, November 16 and 19, 1646, in Savage’s Winthrop, 2d ed., Appendix, ii. 429–431). He was also in Connecticut in May, 1647 (Winthrop Papers, iii. 157–158, iv. 222–223), and probably also in June, when the second trial of the Remonstrants took place. However, he attended meetings of the Commissioners of the United Colonies, at Boston, perhaps in July and certainly in August, 1647 (Acts of the Commissioners, i. 96–97, 101), and may therefore have seen Child before the latter sailed for England (see p. 63, above). Winthrop was an uncommonly charming person and never quarrelled with anybody, even with Samuel Gorton (Winthrop Papers, ii. 627); his success in dealing with the English government after the Restoration has astonished all students of our early history.

375 I. e., [black] lead.

376 Winthrop Papers, iii. 158–161. On August 21, 1648, Richard Leader writes to Winthrop on the same subject: “I have lately received from the Doc, whoe remembers his love to you and hath ordered me to see if his fine can be remitted; which he will venture in your black lead myne, in case you approve of it” (2 Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, iii. 192).

377 This may be a kind of excuse for having nothing to say about the fines.

378 Winthrop Papers, iv. 41. The sheet is endorsed “Letter intended to D^r Child.” We cannot be sure, therefore, whether this letter was ever sent, but Child’s letter of August 26, 1650, shows that Winthrop had written.

379 “He remembers his love to you, he hath not bin Idle, these many yeares, yet I can̄ot see he had done much in this great busines” (Winthrop Papers, iii. 160).

380 On the whole matter see A Perfect Diurnall, no. 253 (May 29–June 5, 1648), pp. 2034–2040; Rushworth, Historical Collections, vii. 1133–1137, 1130 bis–1131 bis; Clarendon, bk. xi (ed. 1826, vi. 25–31, 38–41, 56–62); Heath, Brief Chronicle, 2d impression, 1663, pp. 314–317; C. R. Markham, Life of Fairfax, pp. 305–309; Archæologia Cantiana, ix. 31–49; Gardiner, History of the Great Civil War, chap, lxii (ed. 1893, iv. 132–142). The Rev. Thomas Peters (Hugh’s younger brother), writing from Falmouth, England, on June 26, 1648, gives his friend John Winthrop, Jr., a brief account of the revolt (Winthrop Papers, ii. 432). Nehemiah Bourne mentions “the rebellion of Kent, Essex, and other parts” in a letter to Governor Winthrop, August 12, 1648 (Winthrop Papers, ii. 303). Winthrop mentions the affair in a letter to his son John, September 30, 1648 (Savage’s Winthrop, 2d ed., Appendix, ii. 434).

381 Fairfax

382 Azariah Husbands, a well-known officer in the Parliamentary army (see Clarke Papers, ed. by C. H. Firth, Camden Society, i. 57, ii. 274).

383 The Lord Generals Letter In Answer to the Message of the Kentish-men, May 31, 1648. Imprimatur June 1, 1648. London, Printed June 2, 1648 (Harvard College Library), pp. 6–7. The extract is not from Fairfax’s letter, but from another letter dated Mapham, 1 June, 1648, and printed in the tract. The same letter, with slight variations, is included in A Perfect Diurnall for May 29–June 5, 1648, no. 253, pp. 2037–2038 (Harvard College Library).

384 Letter dated Maidstone, June 2, 1648, in A Perfect Diurnall, as above, p. 2039; also in Rushworth, vii. 1137.

385 A Narrative of the Great Victory obtained by the Lord Generali in Kent (London, 1648), p. 6 (Harvard College Library).

386 The Christian name of Major Child is not mentioned in any of the contemporary accounts of the skirmish, but it is given, with his place of residence, in the “information” brought by John Bulfinch against “Major John Childe, or Chiles, Northfleet, Kent,” on November 2, 1650, which declares that “he was a commissioned officer in arms against Parliament in the Kentish insurrection of 1648” (Calendar of the Proceedings of the Committee for Advance of Money, iii. 1274). The Doctor’s brother, the Major John Child of New-Englands Jonas, was (as Winthrop tells us) “a Major of a regiment in Kent” (ii. 391 [321]), and Northfleet was undoubtedly his home.

387 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1644–1645, p. 407 (cf. p. 406).

388 London, 1648 (Harvard College Library).

389 According to this writer the county was loyal to Parliament but had been driven to revolt by the oppressive acts of the Committee for Kent. It was, he alleges, “a plaine Committee-war, without the least premeditate designe or plot against the Parliament, or their present peace and security” (p. 8). “On the one side you have a whole County, represented by all the Knights, Gentlemen, and Yeomen thereof, by many of the Deputy Lieutenants themselves, the Captaines and other Officers of Horse and Foot ever wel-affected to the Parliament. . .On the other side, you have about six or seven, or few more busie pragmaticall Committee-men, having neither honour nor honesty, patronizing the Separatists and Sectaries of the Country, by them alone had in veneration, as favourers of conscientious Professours; and elsewhere by persons of greater power and place held to be zealous members of the Independant Churches. . .six or seven Committee-men with so many hundred perhaps of their schismaticall Adherents” (pp. 12–13).

390 Calendar of the Proceedings of the Committee for Advance of Money, iii. 1274.

391 Calendar of the Proceedings of the Committee for Advance of Money, iii. 1274. Perhaps these charges were part of the same Bulfinch case

392 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1651, p. 211 (cf. p. 208).

393 Calendar, Committee for Advance of Money, iii. 1274.

394 Id., ii. 870.

395 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1655–1656, p. 94.

396 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1659–1660, pp. 67, 580

397 Id., 1659–1660, p. 75.

398 Winthrop Papers, iii. 159.

399 The Epistle Dedicatory, signed “W. P.,” is dated “London the 8. January. 164⅞.” The title-page bears the date 1647, obviously Old Style. There is a copy in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society which may have been a present from Hartlib to the younger Winthrop. Some copies appeal’ to be dated 1648 (see Dircks, Biographical Memoir of Samuel Hartlib, p. 60). The tract is reprinted in Oldys, Harleian Miscellany, vi. 1–13 (1745), ed. Park, 4to, vi. 1–14 (1810), with the later date. On the pentograph, which proved a disappointment, see Hartlib to Boyle, May 8, 1654 (Boyle’s Works, v. 264); Fitzmaurice, Life of Sir William Petty, 1895, pp. 10–11, 13. Hartlib, writing to Boyle, November 16, 1647, speaks of “one Petty, of twenty four years of age, not altogether a very dear Worsley, but a perfect Frenchman,” etc. (Boyle’s Works, ed. Birch, 1744, v. 256). Benjamin Worsley and Robert Boyle were doubtless friends of Child’s at this time, as we know they were a little later.

400 P. 129, below.

401 Winthrop Papers, ii. 161–164.

402 Coddington went to England in January, 1648–9 (Roger Williams to John Winthrop, Jr., January 29, 1648[–9], in 3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, ix. 280, and Letters of Roger Williams, ed. by J. R. Bartlett, p. 169, 1 Narragansett Club Publications, vi). His commission was on the stocks from March 6, 1650, — when the Council of State referred his petition to the Committee of the Admiralty for report, — until April 3, 1651, when it was granted (Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, 1574–1660, pp. 335–338, 354; Edward Winslow’s letter of April 17, 1651, in Plymouth Colony Records, ix. 197, and Hutchinson Papers, i. 258). Coddington seems to have reached his home at Newport in August, 1651 (see William Arnold’s letter of September 1, 1651, in Hutchinson Papers, i. 267; cf. Roger Williams to John Winthrop, Jr., October 6, 1651, in 3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, ix. 294, and Letters of Roger Williams, p. 228).

403 Winthrop Papers, ii. 282.

404 Cf. p. 166 note 5, below

405 Lives of Ashmole and Lilly, ed. by Charles Burman, 1774, p. 313.

406 See our Publications, xiii. 16–59.

407 Copland to Winthrop, December 4, 1639 (Winthrop Papers, iii. 279).

408 “In the Year of Our Lord 1644. I first began the studie of Chemical Philosophic” (Stirk, Pyrotechny Asserted, London, 1658, p. 76).

409 Stirk to John Winthrop, Jr., [from Boston], August 2, 1648 (Winthrop Papers, iii. 359–360).

410 Copland to Winthrop, September 30, 1647 (Winthrop Papers, iii. 353).

411 These dates appear from an entry in William Aspinwall’s Notarial Records (Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxxii. 304).

412 The exact dates are not determinable, but we know that Stirk was in this country as late as May 31, 1650 (Massachusetts Colony Records, iv. i. 15), and there is every reason to believe that he went to England with his maternal grandfather, Stephen Painter, who arrived in Boston, en route for London, on August 6, 1650 (Increase Mather, in the Dunster MS., M. H. S.; our Publications, xiii. 53–55). Painter was in London before July 19, 1651 (Lefroy, Bermudas, ii. 24), and that Stirk was there in 1652 is proved by an entry in his own hand in Sloane MS. 3708, fob 78 a. Boyle went to Ireland in 1652 (Life, by Birch, in Boyle’s Works, i. 30), and in January, 1653, his letter to John Mallet shows that he had already been there for some time (Works, i. 31). In either 1651 or 1652 Stirk collaborated with Boyle in an experiment in medical chemistry: by a misprint the date is given both ways in his tract entitled George Starkey’s Pill Vindicated, and Boyle does not give it at all (Works, i. 510–511, 563–565). Child may have gone to Ireland in the latter part of 1651, and he certainly was there in 1652 (see p. 119 note 5, below). On the whole, it is safe to infer that Stirk went to England in the latter part of 1650, and that in 1651 he was introduced to Boyle.

413 Three Books of Occult Philosophy, written by Henry Cornelius Agrippa . . . Translated out of the Latin into the English Tongue, By J. F. London, 1651. As to the identity of the translator, see Ferguson (Bibliotheca Chemica i. 293); the question is settled definitely by two entries (unknown to Ferguson) in the Stationers’ Register (Roxburghe Club, i. 341, 342). The same J. F. translated Sendivogius (London, 1650). Child speaks of both translations in a letter to Winthrop (p. 125, below), but says nothing about J. F. and does not mention the dedication. Some account of Dr. French (1616?–1657) may be found in the Dictionary of National Biography, xx. 251–252.

Dr. French’s dedication of his translation of Agrippa’s Occult Philosophy has just been transcribed for me from a copy in the British Museum. It is so interesting that I append it entire. The volume is dated 1651 in the imprint, but Thomason bought it on November 24, 1650 (Thomason’s Catalogue, i. 818). The book was entered in the Stationers’ Register on April 23, 1650 (Roxburghe Club, i. 342), and Child mentions it in a letter of August 26, 1650, as “coming out” (Winthrop Papers, iii. 162).

To my most honorable, and no less learned Friend, Robert Childe, Doctor of Physick.

Sir! Great men decline, mighty men may fall, but an honest Philosopher keeps his Station for ever. To your self therefore I crave leave to present, what I know you are able to protect; not with sword, but by reason; & not that only, but what by your acceptance you are able to give a lustre to. I see it is not in vain that you have compassed Sea and Land, for thereby you have made a Proselyte, not of another, but of your self, by being converted from vulgar, and irrational incredulities to the rational embracing of the Sublime, Hermeticall, and Theomagicall truths. You are skilled in the one as if Hermes had been your Tutor; have insight in the other, as if Agrippa your Master. Many transmarine Philosophers, which we only read, you have conversed with: many Countries, rarities, and antiquities, which we have only heard of, and admire, you have seen. Nay you have not only heard of, but seen, not in Maps, but in Rome it self the manners of Rome. There you have seen much Ceremony, and little Religion; and in the wilderness of New England, you have seen amongst some, much Religion, and little Ceremony; and amongst others, I mean the Natives thereof, neither Ceremony, nor Religion, but what nature dictates to them. In this there is no small variety, and your observation not little. In your passage thither by Sea, you have seen the wonders of God in the Deep; and by Land, you have seen the astonishing works of God in the unaccessible Mountains. You have left no stone unturned, that the turning thereof might conduce to the discovery of what was Occult, and worthy to be known. It is part of my ambition to let the world know that I honor such as your self, & my learned friend, & your experienced fellow-traveller, Doctor Charlet, who have, like true Philosophers neglected your worldly advantages to become masters of that which hath now rendered you both truly honorable. If I had as many languages as your selves, the rhetoricall and patheticall expressions thereof would fail to signifie my estimation of, and affections towards you both. Now Sir! as in reference to this my translation, if your judgement shall finde a deficiency therein, let your candor make a supply thereof. Let this Treatise of Occult Philosophy, coming as a stranger amongst the English, be patronized by you, remembering that your self was once a stranger in the Country of its Nativity. This stranger I have dressed in an English garb; but if it be not according to the fashion, and therefore ungrateful to any, let your approbation make it the mode; you know strangers most commonly induce a fashion, especially if any once begin to approve of their habit. Your approbation is that which it will stand in need of, and which will render me,

SIR,

Most obligedly yours,

J. F.

414 Samuel Hartlib his Legacie: or An Enlargement of the Discourse of Husbandry used in Brabant & Flaunders, London, 1651. In my references I have used the second and third editions, 1652, 1655 (which are in the Harvard College Library), but I have examined the New York Public Library’s copy of the first edition (1651). Except for the Appendix (added in the second edition), the contents of the first and the second edition are identical, and there is only one trifling difference in arrangement: the errata and the brief advertisement about clover, which in the first edition come at the end of the front matter, are in the second edition transferred to the penultimate page of the volume. As to the Appendix in the second edition, see p. 108, below. The Large Letter is on pp. 1–108 in the first edition, pp. 1–81 in the second, pp. 1–96 in the third. The subtitle (An Enlargement, etc.), dropped in the third edition, is a little misleading. It means that this book was issued as an addition to the material on this practical art contained in a tract already published by Hartlib in 1650 — A Discours of Husbandrie used in Brabant and Flanders (of which a second edition appeared in 1652 and a third in 1654). Of this earlier tract the author was Sir Richard Weston, as Hartlib informs us in the preface to the Legacie, as well as in the second and third editions of the Discours itself. When he first published the Discours, he was ignorant of the author’s name.

The Large Letter in the third edition of the Legacy shows a few additions. I have noted the following: P. 38 of ed. 3 (a philosophical discussion of “the true causes of Fertility”) is not in ed. 2; “Instructions for the increase and planting of Mulberry-trees,” pp. 63–68, ed. 3, is not in ed. 2 (this is reprinted from a tract “printed by Eliaz. Edgar, in the year 1609:” see p. 55); there is a slight addition in ed. 3, p. 82, as against ed. 2, p. 72; most of pp. 91–92 in ed. 3 is new; the passage beginning “Lastly, for a Corollary,” on p. 93 of ed. 3, and ending “I leave to them at the Helme of the State,” p. 95, is not in ed. 2. The total increase amounts to about eleven pages, six of which (63–68) are reprinted from the Edgar tract.

415 Samuel Hartlib his Legacie, 2d ed., 1652, p. 54. The 3d ed. (1655) adds (after “Ratcliffe-Crosse”) “yea, even in Cheshire at Duckenfield, they thrive & prosper” (p. 55).

416 A Rare and New Discovery of A speedy way, and easie means, found, out by a young Lady in England, she having made full proof thereof in May, Anno 1652. For the feeding of Silk-Worms in the woods, on the Mulberry-Treeleaves in Virginia (London, 1652: Boston Public Library). Child refers to this tract in his answer to Boot (Samuel Hartlib his Legacy, 3d ed., 1655, pp. 151–152): “Moreover, a Lady (Virginia F.) as I have lately seen in print, hath hatched worms in England, and then turned them forth to the Mulberry-trees, exposed to the cold and moysture of the Air, and yet they have done well, yea better then those within doors.”

417 Essay i, p. 129 (also in the ed. of 1770).

418 In the copy of the 1764 edition which he gave to the library of Harvard College.

419 P. 5, above.

420 2d ed., p. 49; 3d ed., p. 50.

421 2d ed., pp. 68–69; 3d ed., p. 78

422 2d ed., p. 68; 3d ed., pp. 77–78.

423 2d ed., p. 10; 3d ed., p. 10. The parenthetical clause about New England is added in the third edition

424 Winthrop, ii. 327 (267–268); William Pynchon to Winthrop, July 7, 1646 (Winthrop Papers, i. 378); John Eliot, Records of First Church in Roxbury (New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxxiii. 65).

425 2d ed., p. 67; 3d ed., p. 76.

426 Freeman, History of Cape Cod, ii. 545.

427 2d ed., p. 72; 3d ed., p. 82.

428 American Antiquarian Society Proceedings, xxvi. 37.

429 2d ed., pp. 35–36; 3d ed., pp. 35–36.

430 Misprinted “sail” in ed. 2.

431 In distinction from “the Southern Plantations, as Barbadoes, Antego, Saint Croix[,] Christopher, Mevis, Monferate” (ed. 2, p. 60; ed. 3, p. 69).

432 See our Publications, xiv. 151, 183–184; American Antiquarian Society Proceedings, xxv. 359, xxvi. 23–24, 42.

433 The 3d ed. reads (correctly) March.

434 2d ed., pp. 60–61; 3d ed., pp. 69–70.

435 P. 108.

436 P. 81

437 P. 96.

438 Boyle’s Works, v. 262. Harte, Essays on Husbandry, 1764 (also in the edition of 1770), speaks of “Robert Child, the true author of the famous Treatise on Husbandry, commonly called Hartlib’s Legacy” (Essay, i. p. 129; cf. Essay i., p. 23; Essay ii., p. 54), and Sir Egerton Brydges (Censura Literaria, 2d ed., v. 117) quotes Harte. Dircks (Biographical Memoir of Samuel Hartlib, p. 69) is disposed to credit the Large Letter to Cressy Dymock, though he was aware of its ascription to Child by Harte and in the Gentleman’s Magazine, lxxii. 12; but Dircks had overlooked both Hartlib’s letter to Boyle and the plain signature in the third edition of the Legacy. The paper in the Gentleman’s Magazine (signed “Ferd. Stanley”) is by Brydges (see Censura Literaria, ed. 2, vii. 201).

439 This is proved by what Hartlib says in a letter “To his worthy and very much Honoured Friend, the Author of the large Letter of Husbandry,” prefixed to the Appendix that appears in the second edition of the Legacie, 1652.

440 Besides the general title-page (Samuel Hartlib his Legacie . . . The second Edition augmented with an Appendix) there is a title-page for the Appendix (An Appendix To The Legacie of Husbandry: or, A Seed-plot of Annotations upon the Legacie aforesaid. With an Interrogatorie, Relating more particularly to the Husbandry, and Naturall History of Ireland) and another for the Interrogatory. Each of the three title-pages bears the date 1652.

441 P. [102].

442 Legacy, 3d ed., pp. 132–172. This Answer is neither signed nor dated, but no signature is needed to assure us that it is the work of the writer of the Large Letter. The author uses the first personal pronoun continually in referring to statements made in that essay.

443 They are on pp. 118–132. In the second edition (1652), when Boot’s annotations first saw the light (pp. 103–118), their author’s name is not given.

444 Both Dr. Arnold Boot and his brother Dr. Gerard (see p. 116, below) used this spelling of their name (Boate) when writing English, to preclude the otherwise inevitable mispronunciation. See, for example, Arnold Boot’s letters to Ussher in Ussher’s Whole Works, ed. Elrington and Todd, vol. xvi

445 These two kinds of forage, then much in favor in France, were just beginning to interest agriculturalists in England and Ireland. See Samuel Hartlib his Legacie, 2d ed., 1652, pp. 1–4, 84–89; 3d ed., 1655, pp. 1–4, 98–104, 250–255.

446 Boyle’s Works, v. 262.

447 See also Legacy, 3d ed. (1655), pp. 140, 154, 157, 163, 168. Child also mentions things he has seen in Ireland (pp. 163, 164, 166, 169; cf. p. 152). In the Large Letter in this 3d ed. are two mentions of Ireland (pp. 82, 91) not found in the 2d ed.

448 I have not found this in Bacon.

449 Cf. our Publications, xiv. 151, 185–186; American Antiquarian Society Proceedings, xxvi, 42.

450 P. 138

451 Winthrop, ii. 315–316 (258).

452 Hutchinson Papers, i. 215.

453 P. 142.

454 The Lord Bacons Relation of the Sweating-Sickness Examined, in a Reply to George Thomson, Pretender to Physicke and Chymistry (London, 1671), p. 117 (Harvard College Library).

455 P. 16, above.

456 Legacy, 3d ed., 1655, p. 153

457 Sassafras

458 Pp. 153–154.

459 P. 156.

460 See p. 106, above.

461 P. 155.

462 Namely, “Master Bolton and Master Bret, who live in Cornhil nigh the Exchange, and sell Colours” (p. 132).

463 Child is referring to the treatise De Metallicis by Andreas Cæsalpinus (Cesalpino). Plumbago is treated in book iii, chap. 22 (Nürnberg edition, 1602 pp. 211–212), where much is said about silver, though I do not find the phrase “mater argenti.” In his letter of March 1, 1644[–5], in a little excursus on this same subject (see p. 14, above), Child also refers to Cæsalpinus, having his eye apparently on book i, chap. 9, pp. 28–29, and book iii, chap. 8, pp. 186–187, as well as on the passage just cited.

464 Samuel Hartlib his Legacy, 3d ed., 1655, pp. 133–134.

465 See pp. 10, 11, 14–15, 92, 99, above.

466 See Child’s letter of June 27, 1643 (Winthrop Papers, iii. 152).

467 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 82. This action was in general though not exact accord with a policy adopted at the session of June 2, 1641: “For incuragment of such as will adventure for the discovery of mines, it is ordered, that whosoever shalbee at the charge for discovery of any mine w^thin this iurisdiction shall enioy the same, w^th a fit portion of land to the same, for 21 years to their ꝑꝑ. use” (i. 327).

468 Winthrop Papers, iii. 153–155.

469 Stephen Winthrop writes to his brother John from London on March 1, 1644[–5]: “We are inquiring a chapm̄ for yo^r black lead. There is some of it sent into France for triall. We hope we shall setle al yo^r busines & o^r returne in y^e Cambridg shipp a month after this” (Winthrop Papers, iv. 200–201).

470 Winthrop Papers, iii. 336.

471 Winthrop Papers, iii. 162 (cf. pp. 156–157, 159).

472 See p. 92, above.

473 William Paine’s letters to John Winthrop, Jr. (Winthrop Papers, ii. 404–410). In 1662 at a meeting of the Royal Society (December 31) “Mr. Winthrop remarked that there was no right black-lead any where except in England and New England” (Birch, History of the Royal Society, i. 167).

474 “The Tale of Tantiusques,” American Antiquarian Society Proceedings xiv. 471–497.

475 Samuel Hartlib his Legacy, 3d ed., 1655, p. 154.

476 Memoirs of Ann Lady Fanshawe, London, 1907, p. 50.

477 Southwell to Boyle, Rome, March 30, 1661 (Boyle’s Works, v. 405). In the same year (April 3) Dr. William Petty was desired by the Royal Society “to inquire in Ireland concerning the petrification of wood, the bernacles,” etc. (Birch, History of the Royal Society, i. 20).

478 Worthington to Hartlib, October 7, 1661 (Diary and Correspondence of Dr. John Worthington, ed. Crossley, Chetham Society, ii. 51).

479 Pp. 98–122, International Fisheries Exhibition, London, 1883, Literature, vol. iii.

480. Rev. Daniel O’Connor, St. Patrick’s Purgatory, Lough Derg (Dublin, 1895), pp. 132–140. Cf. the Earl of Cork’s Diary, September 8, 1632 (Lismore Papers, ed. by A. B. Grosart, 1st Series, iii. 159); Dorothea Townshend, Life and Letters of the Great Earl of Cork, 1904, pp. 192–193.

481 Van der Aa, Biographisch Woordenboek der Nederlanden, ii. (iii.) 892.

482 The Leyden Album Studiosorum registers his admission as a student of medicine (aged 25) on June 21, 1628 (col. 211), describing him as “Gorckomiensis.” See also note 6, below.

483 Van der Aa, ii. (iii.) 892.

484 Letter from Arnold Boot (Boate) to Ussher, March 5, 1648 (Ussher’s Whole Works, ed. by Elrington and Todd, xvi. 554).

485 November 6, 1646 (Munk, Roll of the Royal College of Physicians of London, i. 243–244). Munk says he was “entered in the physic line at Leyden, 21st June, 1628, being then twenty-five years of age, and graduated a doctor of medicine there, the 3rd July, 1628.”

486 Arnold Boot’s prefatory letter. Cf. Calendar of State Papers, Ireland, Adventurers for Land, 1642–1659, p. 129; Calendar of State Papers, Ireland, 1647–1660, pp. 410, 416, 535.

487 “And the Adventurers after 10 years being out of their Principal Mony, which now ought to be double by its Interest, they sold their Adventures for under 10 s. per l. anno 1652, in open and free Market” (Sir William Petty, Political Survey of Ireland, 2d ed., 1719, p. 23).

488 Gerard was born in 1604, Arnold in 1606 (van der Aa, ii. [iii.] 892, 893). The Leyden Album Studiosorum registers the admission of “Arnoldus Boot Gorichomiensis,” aged 22, as a student of medicine on April 23, 1620 (col. 217).

489 Gerard Boot, Irelands Naturall History, chap, xxiii, section 4 (Collection of Tracts and Treatises, i. 143); Arnold Boot’s prefatory letter. His earliest extant letter to Ussher is dated Dublin, October 30, 1638 (Ussher’s Whole Works, xvi. 39–40).

490 The Rev. Alexander Clogie, writing of Ussher, says: “The speech of his own physitian, D. Bootius, a learned Dutchman (who was also physitian to the e. of Strafford), is very remarkable; Si Armachanus noster esset,” etc. (Speculum Episcoporum, § 49, printed in Two Biographies of William Bedell, Bishop of Kilmore, ed. by E. E. Shuckburgh, 1902, p. 118).

491 Van der Aa, ii. (iii.) 893. We can locate him in Paris, on the evidence of his correspondence with Ussher and Hartlib, from April ¹⁵/₂₅, 1648, to October 18, 1653 (Uasher’s Whole Works, xvi. 126–130, 581–582, and passim; Samuel Hartlib his Legacie, 2d ed., 1652, pp. 103–118, 3d ed., 1655, pp. 118–132; Boyle’s Works, v. 258). On December 22, 1650, Evelyn, then in Paris, notes in his Diary: “Came the learned Dr. Boet to visite me” (ed. Wheatley, 1906, ii. 20).

492 In the House of Commons, April 25, 1644, “the humble Petition of Dr. Arnold Boole and Mr. Ben. Worseley, in the Behalf of themselves, and other poor Protestant Passengers, taken by some Ships in the Parliament’s Service, in their Passage upon a Vessel of Dover, was this Day read; and referred, and in an especial Manner recommended unto the Consideration of the Adventurers, that set forth the Ships that took the said Passengers; to inquire into the Condition and Affection of the said Passengers; and to do therein as they shall think fit; and to report their Doings therein to the House” (Commons’ Journals, iii. 469).

493 Arnold Boot’s prefatory letter in Irelands Naturall History.

494 Arnold Boot’s prefatory letter.

495 Commons’ Journals, v. 247. Benjamin Worsley was named as General Surgeon to the Army in Ireland in the same order.

496 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1649–1650, pp. 66, 588; Arnold. Boot’s prefatory letter.

497 Arnold Boot’s prefatory letter in Irelands Naturall History.

498 His last letter to Hartlib from Paris (October 18, 1653) expressed his intention of bringing a book to Boyle, who was then in Ireland (Hartlib to Boyle, February 28, 1653–4, Boyle’s Works, v. 258).

499 Hartlib to Boyle, February 28, 1653–4 (Boyle’s Works, v. 258).

500 His son-in-law Clod (Clodius, Claudius) was a fashionable London practitioner of the chemical persuasion (see Hartlib to John Pell, April 1, 1658, in Robert Vaughan, Protectorate of Oliver Cromwell, ii. 454).

501 Van der Aa says 1653 (p. 893). The author of Boot’s life in the Dictionary of National Biography (J. T. Gilbert) says the date of his death has not been ascertained (v. 284), but gives it as 1653 with a query. Neither of them knows of the passage in Hartlib’s letter.

502 Boyle’s Works, v. 259.

503 We know that he was still in England during a good part of 1651 (see pp. 100–103, 107–108, above), and that he was in Ireland when, in 1652, the second edition of Samuel Hartlib his Legacie was published (see p. 108, above).

504 Birch’s Life of Boyle in Boyle’s Works, i. 30; cf. Boyle’s letter to John Mallet, January, 1652–3 (Works, i. 31).

505 Child was certainly acquainted with Petty (p. 98, above), and it may be assumed that he also knew Worsley, who was an intimate friend of both Boyle and Hartlib. Petty and Worsley went over on the same ship, arriving at Waterford on September 10, 1652 (Petty, History of the Down Survey, ed. Larcom, Dublin, 1851, p. 2; Petty’s will, Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy, vol. xxiv, Antiquities, p. 110). Worsley was Secretary to the Commissioners for the Affairs of Ireland as early as February 4, 1653 (Calendar of State Papers, Ireland, 1647–1660, p. 391), and I assume that he had this appointment before he left England.

506 Worsley was “Chirurgeon-General of the whole Army” in Ireland from 1641 to 1645 (Calendar of State Papers, Ireland, 1633–1647, pp. 776, 780, 787; Manuscripts of the Marquess of Ormonde, Historical Manuscripts Commission, New Series, ii. 256–257, 284; Lords’ Journals, vii. 401, 424; Historical Manuscripts Commission, 6th Report, Appendix, pp. 61, 63).

507 See pp. 41, 71, above. On August 26, 1650, Child wrote to the younger Winthrop: “M^r Leader hath more curious booke[s] than I; especially about Divinity businesses; where you may see them” (Winthrop Papers, iii. 162). I am indebted to Mr. Clough for the following note:

Although Richard Leader’s place of residence was chiefly at Lynn, he was the owner of at least two parcels of real estate in Boston. One of these, the one referred, to in the text, he sold, October 10, 1655, for £200, to Mr. William Paine: “all that my Mansion house (now in possession of Mr. Robert Patershall, merchant) at Boston, togither with ye Orchard, gardens, tymber yeards, wharfes wayes, water courses, Grounds,” etc. (Suffolk Deeds, ii. 210.) The site of this property is in part now numbered 350–360 on the west side of North Street, between Harris Street and Hanover Avenue. In Leader’s time, this estate included also the corresponding frontage on the easterly side of North Street to the water’s edge. Cf. Savage, Genealogical Dictionary, iii. 67, 68; Aspinwall, Notarial Records, p. 367.

508 Leader to John Winthrop, Jr., January 16, 1659–60 (2 Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, iii. 196).

509 Hartlib to Boyle, May 8, 1654 (Boyle’s Works, v. 262).

510 See p. 123, below.

511 Letter from Major George Rawdon to Lord Conway, November 20, 1651 (Calendar of State Papers, Ireland, 1647–1660, p. 383); R. Dunlop, Ireland under the Commonwealth, vol. i. pp. cxxvii. 40 note (cf. i. 71–73, 127, 131; ii. 329. 339, 655, 658, 670).

512 Burke’s Peerage, under Downshire. The head of the family was created Viscount Hillsborough in 1717, Earl of Hillsborough in 1751, and Marquess of Downshire in 1789.

513 Complete Peerage, by G. E. C., iv. 461 (1916).

514 Sir William Brereton’s Travels, Chetham Society, 1844, pp. 128–129.

515 There is a possible trace of Child in this part of Ireland in a passage in his Answer to Boot (Samuel Hartlib his Legacy, 3d ed., 1655, p. 164): “I have seen long pices of yellow transparent Stone, or Amber found in a Fountain nigh Lake Neagh, about six miles from Antrims which the Irish say (though vainly) that it is found only there on May-day, and doe use it superstitiously about divers things.” Cf. Birch, History of the Royal Society, ii. 60.

516 Calendar of State Papers, Ireland, Adventurers for Land, 1642–1659, p. 92; cf. pp. 91, 352.

517 Calendar of State Papers, Ireland, 1647–1660, p. 405

518 Boyle’s Works, v. 259. In the same letter Hartlib remarks: “Sir, you complain of that barbarous (for the present) country, wherein you live; but if you would but make a right use of yourself, from the place where you live, towards Dr. Child, Mr. Worsley, Dr. Petty, major Morgan (not to mention others) they would abundantly cherish in you many philosophical thoughts, and encourage you, perhaps more vigorously than I can do at this distance and uncertainties, to venture even upon divers choice chemical experiments, for the advancement both of health and wealth.” The letter was written in reply to a letter from Boyle dated Youghal, January 10, 1653–4.

519 Boyle’s Works, v. 262. In this same letter (v. 264) Hartlib writes: “I am intending . . . to write to the possessors of the late Dr. Boate’s papers, to publish those in print beyond the seas, which contain the Natural History of Ireland, written in Low-Dutch originally, as he told me in his life-time.” This must refer to Dr. Arnold Boot, but no such publication is known.

520 Hartlib to Winthrop, September 3, 1661 (1 Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, xvi. 213). It will be noted that Hartlib underestimates the lapse of time.

521 Declaration of the General Court, November, 1646 (Hutchinson Papers, i. 239).

522 Lowell devotes a few pages to the subject in his essay on New England Two Centuries Ago, 1865 (Works, Standard Library edition, ii. 46–56).

523 For Munson (1734–1826) see Stiles, Literary Diary, ed. F. B. Dexter, iii. 345, 471, 472; Henry Bronson, Papers of the New Haven Colony Historical Society, ii. 263–274.

524 Brewster was at a trading post at Manheken (Monhegen), afterwards a part of Norwich, Connecticut. See his letters to the younger Winthrop, January, 1656[–7] (Winthrop Papers, ii. 72–75, 77–81). He writes: “It is 5 yeares wanting two monthes befor the red Elixer be ꝑfected, and 4. yeares before the white, soe that my worke will be yet till December next, befor the coullers bee & 5 monthes after before the white apeare, and after the white standee a working till ꝑfected by the hott fyerey imbibitiones, one whole year after till September. I ffeare I shall not live to see it finished, in regard ꝑtly of the Indianes who I feare will raise warres: as also I haue a conceite yt God sees me not worthy of such a blessing, by reason of my manifold miscariadges” (ii. 79).

525 See William Avery’s two letters to Boyle (November 9, 1682, and May 1, 1684), printed in Boyle’s Works, v. 614–617; cf. our Publications, xiv. 147, 162–165.

526 Winthrop Papers, iii. 148–151.

527 iii. 161–164.

528 See p. 102, above.

529 A New Light of Alchymie . . . Written by Micheel Sendivogius . . . Translated . . . by J. F. M.D. London, 1650. On Sendivogius see Ferguson, Bibliotheca Chemica, ii. 364–370. As to the translator, see p. 102, above.

530 Exercitationes de Generatione Animalium, London, 1651

531 Francis Glisson, George Bate, and Ahasuerus Regemorter, De Rachitide . . . Tractatus, London, 1651.

532 Anthroposophia Theomagica: Or A Discourse of the Nature of Man and his state after death; Grounded on his Creator’s Proto-Chimistry, and verifi’d by a practicall Examination of Principles in the Great World. By Eugenius Philalethes. London, 1650. Magia Adamica: or The Antiquitie of Magic, and The Descent thereof from Adam downwards, proved. Whereunto is added a perfect, and full Discoverie of the true Cœlum Terræ, or the Magician’s Heavenly Chaos, and first Matter of all Things. By Eugenius Philalethes. London, 1650.

533 See p. 142, below.

534 “Although our self is not of the Theomagical Order of the Holy Rosie Cross; yet we have been very studious and curious in searching out their secret Mysterious Learning near twenty years: besides, we have served as a Clerk five years in Cliffords-Inne, and now in Terme-time we follow the practice of an Atturney in the Kings-bench at Westminster. But this is our Vacation-Recreation, and it is profitable to our Practice in the Law; and by these Arts we gain credit: for we will undertake no cause that shall go against us; let the Plaintiff or Defendant pretend what they will, we know before-hand what good or evil will end the business; and so we (contrary to others) endeavour peace, save money and trouble; yet we do not profess our self a Scholar, but a Gentleman, and that very few Artists can do” (John Heydon, Theomagia: or, The Temple of Wisdome, Spiritual, Ccelestial, and Elemental, bk. iii. chap. 19, p. 125, London, 1663, 1664).

535 “Interspersed among my miscellaneous Writings may perhaps be found Things respecting the Rosacrucian Philosophy, which may induce some to imagine that I have more Knowledge of that matter than I really have. I have no Knowledge of it at all; I never saw Transmutation, the aurific Powder, nor the Philosophers Stone; nor did I ever converse with an Adept knowing him to be such. The only Man that I ever suspected as a real & true Adept was Rabbi Tobias of Poland, but he evaded my Interrogatories & communicated to me nothing — I believe he was only a conjectural speculative Philosopher. I have known 2 or 3 Persons (as Judge Danforth & Rev. Mr. West) who believed the reality of the Philosophers Stone, but neither of them ever obtained it. They are only conjectural & speculative Philosophers — and of such, D^r Franklin told me there were several at Philad^a &c. who were loosing their Time in chemical Experiments to no Effect. I never had, or made an Exp^t with, a Furnace or Alembic in all my Life. I am not versed in the Books of the Adepts; I have seen but few of those authors, & read less — perhaps all the little I have read collectively would not equal a common Octavo Volume. I am infinitely less acquainted with that than any other of the Sciences in the whole Encyclopaedia of Literature. I never absorbed the extracted Sulpher of Gold in Terra: I have no practical Knowl. of the Matter: the few Ideas I have about it are only imaginary, conjectural & speculative. Coram Deo Veritas” (Stiles, Literary Diary, July 1, 1777, ii. 173–174; cf. ii. 183, 216; iii. 345, 348, 471–472)

536 3 Massachusetta Historical Collections, ix. 240–245, 252–258; Winthrop Papers, i. 467–513.

537 So runs the inscription on his tombstone in Roxbury (Hazard, 5 Massachusetts Historical Collections, ii. 19).

538 A black-letter broadside, reprinted by Waters, Sketch of the Life of John Winthrop the Younger, p. 75; cf. S. A. Green, John Foster, p. 127; 2 Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, x. 270–271.

539 Magnalia, 1702, bk. ii. chap. 11, p. 33.

540 P. 43.

541 Literary Diary, iii. 266.

542 Winthrop, ii. 24 (20).

543 There is an imperfect fist of that portion of them that went to this corporation in the Alphabetical and Analytical Catalogue of the New York Society Library, 1850, pp. 491–505.

544 Antimonii Mysteria Gemina. Alexandra von Suchten. Das ist: Von den grossen Geheimnussen des Antimonij . . . Durch Johann Thölden, Leipzig, 1604 (Society Library, No. 240). On von Suchten, see Ferguson, Bibliotheca Chemica, ii. 415–417. Antimony in Winthrop’s time was an equally enthralling subject to the would-be adept and to the physician. Dr. William Douglass, in recording the death of the younger Winthrop, April 5, 1676, remarks: “He was much given to experimental Philosophy and Medicine; several of his Recipe’s are still used by that Family in Charity to the Poor; some of his Pieces are to be found amongst the first Philosophical Transactions of the London Royal Society; he was a great Admirer of Van Helmont, and dealt much in Antimonials” (Summary, Boston, 1751, ii. 159 note †).

545 I. e., “silver into gold.”

546 Winthrop Papers, iii. 159–160.

547 Howes to Winthrop, November 24, 1632 (Winthrop Papers, i. 483–485; cf. i. 496, 497, and 3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, ix. 255).

548 Howes to Winthrop, August 21, 1635 (Winthrop Papers, i. 499). See also Howes’s letters of August 4, 1636, and March 21, 1637[–8] (i. 501–502, 504–505), which are in a strain of exalted mysticism. The earliest of all Howes’s letters to Winthrop (January 22, 1628) has a distinctly mystical tinge (Winthrop Papers 467–468).

549 Cf. Winthrop Papers, i. 500, 502, 507.

550 The medal is figured in J. J. Becher, Oedipus Chemicus, Frankfurt, 1664, ad p. 168; J. F. Helvetius, Vitulus Aureus, Amsterdam, 1667 (2d ed., Hague, 1702), frontispiece; Johann Zwelfer, Mantissa Spagyrica, pt. i. cap. 1 (Pharmacopeia Augustana Reformata cum eius Mantissa & Appendice, Dordrecht, 1672, p. 796; cf. Gabriel Clauder, Dissertatio de Tinctura Universali, Altenburg, 1678, pp. 84–88); W[illiam]. C[ooper]., A Philosophicall Epitaph, London, 1673, opposite pp. 34, 41; Musaeum Hermeticum, Frankfort, 1677, p. 830 (The Hermetic Museum, London, 1893, ii. 281); J. J. Manget, Bibliotheca Chemica Curiosa, Geneva, 1702, i. 200; J. F. Buddeus, Exercitatio Politica An Alchemistae sint in Republica Tolerandi (in his Commentatio Aeademica de Concordia Religionis Christianae Statusque Civilis, etc., Halle, 1712), fig. iv. ad p. 549 (German translation, Historischund Politische Untersuchung von der Alchemie, in Friedrich Roth-Scholtz, Deutsches Theatrum Chemicum, Nürnberg, 1727, i. 78, fig. iv); Lenglet-Dufresnoy, Histoire de la Philosophie Hermetique, Paris, 1742, 36–37; Kiesewetter, Geschichte des Occultismus, Leipzig, 1895, ii. 135. See also Ioumal des Voyages de Monsieur de Monconys, 2^e Partie, Lyons, 1666, pp. 378–380 (Voyage d’Allemagne); D. G. Morhof, De Metallorum Transmutatione, Hamburg, 1673, p. 164; Wilhelm Freiherr von Schröder, Nothwendiger Unterrichtvom Goldmachen, 1684 (Roth-Scholtz, Deutsches Theatrum Chemicum, 1727, i. 232–233); G. W. Wedel, Introductio in Alchimiam, Jena, 1705, p. 14; K. C. Schmieder, Geachichte der Alchemie, Halle, 1832, pp. 397–401; Louis Figuier, L’Alchemie et les Alchemistes, 3d ed., Paris, 1860, pp. 247–248; A. Bauer, Chemieund Alchymie in Oesterreich, Vienna, 1883, pp. 35–36; H. Kopp, Die Alchemie in älterer und neuerer Zeit, Heidelberg, 1886, i. 89–90, 195 n.; A. E. Wnite, Lives of Alcheinystical Philosophers, London, 1888, pp. 182–183; H. C. Bolt, on, Contributions of Alchemy to Numismatics, New York, 1890, pp. 19–20 (also in American Journal of Numismatics, xxiv. 82); Ferguson, Bibliotheca Chemica, ii. 572; J. C. Creiling, Die Edelgeborne Jungfer Alchyrnia, Tübingen, 1730, pp. 84–92 (with figure).

551 Among the letters addressed to John Winthrop, Jr., still remaining in the hands of his grandson, John Winthrop, F. R. S. (H. C. 1700) in 1741, there was at least one from “Fred. Princeps Holsatiæ & D. Slesvic” (Cromwell Mortimer’s dedication to vol. xl of the Philosophical Transactions). The Harvard College copy of the volume was given to the library by this John Winthrop and contains an inscription in his beautiful handwriting:

Presented,

To the publick Library of Harvard College, at Cambridge in New-England; by their very Affectionate and most Obedient, humble Servant

J: Winthrop.

Like his grandfather, many of whose alchemical books he inherited, this John Winthrop was a spagyric philosopher. “The extraordinary Knowledge,” writes Mortimer in the dedication, “you have in the deep Mysteries of the most secret Hermetic Science, will always make you esteemed and courted by learned and good Men.”

552 See Malachi, iv. 5–6; Matthew, xi. 14, xvii. 10–12; Mark, ix. 11–13; John, i. 21, 25.

553 Divine Dialogues, 1668, ii. 361 (2d ed., 1713, p. 473).

554 See the references in Hermann Kopp, Die Alchemie in älterer und neuerer Zeit, Heidelberg, 1886, i. 250–251

555 P. 5

556 See Ferguson, Bibliotheca Chemica, i. 236–237.

557 Vitulus Aureus, Quem Mundus adorat & orat. Amsterdam, 1667 (2d ed., the Hague, 1702).

558 Circulus Pisanus Claudii Berigardi (Utini, 1643), chap. xxv. p. 154.

559 Morgenbesser’s letter dated Wahlau, October 14, 1672, as quoted from the original by Samuel Reyher, Dissertatio de Nummis quibusdam ex Chymico Metallo factis (Kiel, 1692), pp. 138–140.

560 Gross’s own account, as communicated by him to J. J. Manget and reported by the latter in his Bibliotheca Chemica Curiosa, Geneva, 1702, Preface, pp. [iv–v].

561 The Marrow of Alchemy, Being an Experimental Treatise, Discovering the secret and most hidden Mystery of the Philosophers Elixer. . . . By Eiræneus Philoponos Philalethes. London, Printed by A. M. for Edw. Brewster . . . 1654. The Second Part appeared in 1655.

562 The complete evidence for this acknowledgment is too long and complicated to be given here. One decisive fact, however, may be cited. Stirk prefixed a Latin poem, with an English translation, to John Heydon’s Idea of the Law, 1660, and another Latin poem (dated May 4, 1663) to the same author’s Theomagia, 1664, and on both occasions he added his pseudonym “Eirenæus Philoponus Philalethes” to his own signature — George (in the second case Georgius) Starkey.

563. See p. 101, above.

564 Miscellanea Curiosa, sive Ephemerides Medico-Physicæ Germanicæ Academia Naturæ Curiosorum, for 1677, Breslau, 1678, viii. 384–386. This was the official journal of the Breslau Academia Naturæ Curiosorum (later the Leopoldina), of which Hertodt was a Fellow.

565 Miscellanea Curiosa, as above, viii. 389.

566 Fols. 2–6, 11b–13b, 23–24.

567 Johann Jakob Manget, Bibliotheca Chemica Curiosa, Geneva, 1702, ii. 697–700.

568 Dni. de Helbig judicium de Philalethæ introitu ad apertum Regis palatium, & Pantaleone (appendix to Johann. Ottonis de Helbig, Magnæ Britanniæ: Equitis, . . . Judicium de Duumviris Hermeticis Fœderatis, Jena, 1683, pp. 42–45): — “Licet amicus qvidam Londini, cum nuper in Anglia essem, suam de Philalethâ suspicionem, & qvod sub Imperio Britannico, in Insula quadam Anglicana adhuc viveret, mihi dixerit” (p. 42). There is an English translation (in the hand of Samuel Bellingham, M.D.) of the passage about Philalethes in Sloane MS. 633 (fol. 234a). It begins: “As Concerning Philalethes Introitus I know not the Author Although a friend at London wⁿ I was Lately in England told mee hee beleeued hee yet Lived in Some of y^e English Islands or Plantations.”

569 Nothwendiger Unterricht vom Goldmachen, 1684 (in Friedrich Roth-Scholtz, Deutsches Theatrum Chemicum, Theil i., Nürnberg, 1727, p. 273).

570 Not Sloane’s.

571 Both these notes are in the same hand as the text. The discrepancy is accounted for if we conjecture that the copyist transcribed scribbles (in different hands) found in the printed volume from which he copied.

572 Georg F. C. Fuchs, Repertorium der chemischen Litteratur, p. 199 (Ferguson, Bibliotheca Chemica, ii. 194).

573 liv. 108

574 Paige, History of Cambridge, pp. 461, 465; Whitmore, Civil List, pp. 56–63, 73, 79, 88, 90; Emory Washburn, Sketches of the Judicial History of Massachusetts, 1840, p. 342; W. T. Davis, History of the Judiciary of Massachusetts, 1900, pp. 137, 140; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, vii. 319.

575 Our Publications, iv (index).

576 Id., xiv. 13, 16, 17

577 Wells, Life and Public Services of Samuel Adams, ii. 237–238; our Publications, xi. 36 and n. 3. Cf. Thomas Newell’s Diary, September 2, 1774 (1 Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, iv. 222, xv. 357); New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxviii. 61–62, xxix. 63–64, xliii. 146–147. In 1775 Danforth’s house in Cambridge was protected by a guard: see Col. William Henshaw’s Orderly Book, April 22, 1775 (1 Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, xv. 90).

578 Biographical Dictionary, 1809, p. 148 note.

579 Literary Diary, ii. 216.

580 Ba‘al Shem, “Master of the Name:” a term applied to an adept in secret learning; properly, one who can work wonders by virtue of knowing the true name of God (see Ginsberg, Jewish Encyclopædia, ii. 382–383). Our associate Professor George F. Moore has helped me here.

581 These books came to the Athenæum by gift of Judge Danforth’s son Dr. Samuel Danforth (H. C. 1758) and grandson Dr. Thomas Danforth (H. C. 1792).

582 Pyrotechny Asserted and Illustrated. By George Starkey. London, 1658.

583 Opus Tripartitum de Philosophorum Arcanis, London, 1678.

584 Our Publications, v. 260.

585 Thacher, American Medical Biography, ii. 233–238; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, yii. 319–320.

586 Judge Danforth’s library was valued in the inventory of his estate at £300; he bequeathed one half of it to his son Samuel (Suffolk County Probate Files).

587 See his manuscript note in the Judge’s copy of Urim and Thummim, p. 71: “The Author of the above written Urim and Thummim was an adept.”

588 P. 181.

589 P. [223].

590 P. 222.

591 Musæum Hermeticum Reformatum et Amplificatum (Frankfort, 1677), p. 647. This copy has no indication of having been Judge Danforth’s, but it certainly belonged to his son the Doctor, who gave it to the Athenaeum in 1812.

592 Secrets Reveal’d: or, An Open Entrance to the Shut-Palace of the King . . . Composed by a most famous English-map, Styling himself Anonymus, or Eyræneus Philaletha Cosmopolita: Who, by Inspiration and Reading, attained to the Philosophers Stone at his Age of Twenty three years, Anno Domini, 1645 (London, 1669). This volume has the Doctor’s autograph on the title-page: “Samuel Danforth’s.”

593 Introitus Apertus ad Occlusum Regis Palatium, authore Anonymo Philaletha Philosopho, . . . denuo publieatus, cum Indice & noua præfatione Georgii Wolffgangi Wedelii, Jena, 1699. Ad Lectorem, p. 15. This preface is dated September 21, 1698. Wedel does not repeat the statement, however, in his Introductio in Alchimiam (Jena, 1705), though he often refers to Philaletha, whom he reckons among authorities who are “classici, veri, principes” (p. 19).

594 See p. 125, above.

595 Abyssus Alchymiæ; Exploratus . . . von Thoma de Vagan, Einem Englischen Adepto . . . gezeiget und beschrieben, Hamburg, 1705.

596 Histoire de la Philosophie Hermetique, i. 403. Lenglet-Dufresnoy adds (i.480): “Eyrenée Philalethe se nommoit à ce qu’on croit, Thomas de Vagan.”

597 Anthony à Wood in his Athenæ Oxonienses, first published in 1691 and 1692, distinguishes Eirenæus from Eugenius (Vaughan) and both from the author of The Marrow of Alchemy. See Bliss’s edition, iii. 725 (370).

598 Dictionnaire Universel, xii. 801.

599 Alchemie in älterer und neuerer Zeit (Heidelberg, 1886), i. 200.

600 Poems of Henry Vaughan, ed. by E. K. Chambers, vol. ii. pp. xxxiii–lvi.

601 Taxil’s real name was Gabriel Jogand-Pagès.

602 Memoirés d’une ex-Palladiste, pp. 110, 130–133, 172, 176–178, 240.

603 There is a full report of his address (based chiefly on that in Le Frondeur of April 25, 1917) in H. Gruber, Betrug als Ende eines Betruges, Berlin, 1897, pp. 9–28, and a briefer report in Braeunlich, Der neueste Teufelsschwindel, Leipzig, 1897, pp. 96–101. Cf. Journal des Débats, April 24, 1897, cix. 782–784; L’Univers (Paris) for April 23, 25, and 27, 1897. Taxil had previously been exposed by A. E. Waite, Devil-Worship in France (London, 1896); by F. Legge in The Contemporary Review for October, 1896, lxx. 466–483 (cf. lxi. 694–710); by Pourtalès in Études publiées par des Pères de la Compagnie de Jésus, 34e année, January-March, 1897, lxx. 162–174 (cf. L’Univers for March 12, 1897); and by Gruber, Leo Taxil’s Palladismus-Roman (Berlin, 1897), but many believed in him until the very moment of his impenitent confession. For copies of several journals containing important material on Taxil’s imposture I am indebted to the staff of St. John’s Ecclesiastical Seminary at Brighton and to the Maurist Fathers in Boston.

604 See Ferguson, Bibliotheca Chemica, ii. 487–488.

605 “Der Irenæus 1. Anonym. Philaletha aber soll Projection ver König Carls II. gethan haben, wie dann der sel. B. Urbiger aus dieses grossen Königs Munde solches selber gehöret zu haben sehr versichert hat” (Fr. Basilii Valentini . . . Chymische Schriften: Samt einer neuen Vorrede . . . begleitet von Bened. Nic. Petraeo, Med. D., 6th ed., Leipzig, 1760, sig. f v°). The first edition of Petraeus’s book appeared at Hamburg in 1717 (Roth-Scholtz, Deutsches Theatrum Chemicum, Nürnberg, 1727, i. 656). The Urbiger yarn owes what plausibility it has to King Charles’s well-known interest in alchemy (Burnet, Own Time, ed. 1833, i. 169).

606 Histoire de la Philosophic Hermetique, i. 405. See p. 132, above.

607 Mémoires d’une ex-Palladiste, pp. 215–217.

608 On the authorship, see Ferguson, Bibliotheca Chemica, i. 182–183.

609 Chap. ii. § xxxi, pp. 195–197.

610 Schmieder, Geschichte der Alchemie, Halle, 1832, pp. 389–392.

611 2d ed., Paris, 1856, chap, vi, pp. 276–286. He gives liberal, but not too liberal, acknowledgment to Schmieder in his preface.

612 ii. 130–132.

613 G. W. Gessmann, Die Geheimsymbole der Chemie und Medicin des Mittelalters, Munich, 1900, p. 11.

614 P. 309. In his Lives of Alchemystical Philosophers, 1888, pp. 187–189, Waite gives up the identification of Eirenæus with Vaughan, but in his edition of The-Magical Writings of Thomas Vaughan, 1888, he still contemplates the mysterious adept as wandering “over a large portion of the habitable globe, performing astounding transmutations under various names and disguises” (p. vii).

615 Ferguson saw the identity of the names (Bibliotheca Chemica, ii. 194).

616 Albert L. Caillet, Manuel Bibliographique des Sciences Psychiques ou Occultes, Paris, 1912, iii. 669.

617 Ferguson, Bibliotheca Chemica, ii. 194.

618 He may have been that Johann Friedrich Bachstrom, German physician and preacher, of whom Adelung gives an account in his continuation of Jöcher (Fortsetzung und Ergänzungen zu Jöchers Allgemeinem Gelehrten Lexico, i [1784]. 1323–1325). This Bachstrom lived in the first half of the eighteenth century and visited England, where he is said to have become an F. R. S., though this claim is not substantiated by the list in Records of the Royal Society, 2d ed., 1901.

619 Magnalia, 1702, bk. iv. pt. ii. § 5, p. 128; 1820, ii. 10; 1853, ii. 14. The punctuation of this passage is obviously at fault, the comma after Dunster’s name being unnecessary and misleading.

620 American Journal of Education, September, 1860, ix. 135. The article, called “Harvard College. 1636–1654,” fills pp. 129–166. A note on p. 129 says: “This sketch will follow substantially Eliot’s ‘History of Harvard College’” — that is, Samuel A. Eliot’s Sketch of the History of Harvard College, published in 1848. I have been unable to ascertain whether this article was prepared by Eliot himself, or, as perhaps is more probable, by or under the direction of Henry Barnard, the editor of the American Journal of Education. As stated in our text, Eliot’s Sketch does not mention Mather’s story. A footnote on p. 135 of the article refers to “John Amos Comenius,” translated from the German of Karl von Raumer, in the American Journal of Education for June, 1858, v. 257–298; but that memoir contains no allusion to Mather’s story.

Dr. Charles W. Eliot kindly writes me as follows: “It is highly improbable that my father had anything to do with the article published in Henry Barnard’s American Journal of Education for September, 1860, for his health was at that time already impaired; but I am by no means able to assert that he did not write that article. I am sure, however, that my father never alluded in conversation with me to the supposed invitation to Comenius to become President of Harvard. He would have been likely to do so if he had accepted that statement; because I entered the service of Harvard College in 1854, and my father knew that I had a strong interest in the history of the College.”

621 History of the Church known as the Unitas Fratrum, p. 580. A footnote says: “Our authority for the interesting fact that Comenius received an offer of the presidency of Harvard University, as it is now called, is Cotton Mather in his Magnalia, . . . At that time Mr. Henry Dunster was President, who ‘fill’d the Overseers with uneasie Fears,’ on account of ‘his unhappy entanglement in the snares of Anabaptism.’”

622 Gabriel Compayré’s History of Pedagogy, 2d ed., 1890, p. 125 note.

623 The Permanent Influence of Comenius, in Educational Review for March, 1892, iii. 234–236. See p. 151, below.

624 History of Modern Education, 2d ed., 1896, pp. 164–165.

625 The Educational Ideal, pp. 76–77.

“I have,” says Mr. Monroe, “examined with some care the numerous lives of Comenius printed in the German language, and a Bohemian friend has examined those printed in Czech; and although we find less noteworthy distinctions recorded, there is no mention of a call to Harvard College or America” (Educational Review, 1896, xii. 379). In a book published in German since this passage was written, Dr. Jan Jakubec, “Professor an der k. k. Böhm. Karl-Ferdinand-Universität in Prag,” has said: “Aus Amerika wurde ihm die Leitung des Harvarder Kollegiums angeboten” (Geschichte der čechischen Litteratur, Leipzig, 1909, p. 98; 1913, p. 114). Mr. Monroe owns the Korrespondence Jana Amose Komenského, published in three volumes by the Čech Academy of Arts and Science in Prague, and writes me that his “good friend Professor František Čada of the University of Prague had collated them with some care without finding any justification for Mather’s statement.”

I have myself examined most of the books and articles relating to Comenius printed in the English language listed in the bibliographies in Mr. Monroe’s Comenius’s School of Infancy (1896, pp. 91–95), in Mr. Monroe’s Comenius and the Beginnings of Educational Reform (1900, pp. 175–180), and in Mr. Čapek’s Bohemian (Čech) Bibliography (1918). So far as I have noted, Count Lützow and Dr. Jakubec are the only writers not Americans who have alluded to America or to Harvard College. But see p. 150 note 3, below.

626 Bohemia, an Historical Sketch, p. 408. Count Lützow gives no authority for his statement. The Moravians did not come to America until about 1735.

627 History of Bohemian Literature, pp. 268–269. Again no authority is given. Count Lützow must have relied on some writer who confused Governor John Winthrop of Massachusetts with the late Robert Charles Winthrop, who edited the letters by and to Governor John Winthrop, Jr., of Connecticut, printed in 1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xvi. 206–251.

628 In their Bohemian (Čech) Bibliography, 1918, Thomas Čapek and Anna Vostrovský Čapek say: “From Cotton Mather we learn (a fact which is confirmed by other sources) that Governor Winthrop offered to Komenský the Presidency of Harvard College” (p. 43). In reply to a query as to the “other sources,” Mr. Čapek kindly writes me as follows:

“In the Ottův Naučný Slovník (Čech Encyclopedia), xiv. 627, Dr. J. Novák says: ‘Having been provided with funds by Lawrence de Geer, he [Komenský] returned from England to the Continent. He stopped at Leyden and he received at that time an offer from America to take charge of a college there; thereafter in August, 1642, he proceeded to Norrköping,’ etc.

“On p. 437 of Písemnictví České (Čech Literature), by Dr. Václav Flajšhans, published at Prague, 1901, the statement is repeated; but it adds, that it was the Swedish Ambassador who prevented Komenský from accepting.”

A tradition in regard to the alleged offer of the presidency might have come down from three wholly independent sources: (1) in America from Winthrop; (2) in England from Hartlib; and (3) in Bohemia from Comenius. The sole person to record the first source is Cotton Mather, and no one records either the second source or the third source. Nor, apparently, did any European writer allude to the offer previous to 1896. Hence it seems pretty clear that the “other sources” referred to by Mr. Čapek are in reality derived from American sources.

629 Comenius, the Evangelist of Modem Pedagogy, in Education for December, 1892, xiii. 212–219. Mr. Monroe cites Mr. Hanus’s article quoted in our text.

630 Journal of Education, November 15, 1892, xl. 324. These Words are repeated in Monroe’s Comenius’ School of Infancy, 1896, p. xiii.

631 Was Comenius Called to the Presidency of Harvard? in Educational Review for November, 1896, xii. 378–382.

632 Comenius and the Beginnings of Educational Reform, 1900, pp. 78–81.

633 Was Comenius Called to the Presidency of Harvard? in Educational Review for November, 1898, xvi. 391–393.

634 The Permanent Influence of Comenius, reprinted in Educational Aims and Educational Values, 1899, pp. 195–211.

635 Peirce, History of Harvard University, Appendix, pp. 79–80.

636 College Book iii. 17–18. The second paragraph in this entry was doubtless copied from Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 352, or vol. iv. pt. i. pp. 196–197.

637 College Book iii. 18

638 iii. 39.

639 iii. 39.

640 College Book iii. 39.

641 Is this interpretation a necessary one? As printed, the passage (p. 146, above) appears to have that meaning. It is to be remembered, however, that Mather did not see his work through the press, as it was printed in London, and that many errors in the Magnalia are doubtless due to that fact. The single sentence about Comenius is preceded by a sentence about Dunster’s resignation and is followed by a sentence about Chauncy’s election. Hence the sentence about Comenius is really parenthetical, and, had Mather been able to see proof sheets, might have been placed within parentheses. Both in the Magnalia and in the Ratio Discipline (quoted on p. 165, below), Mather mentions Sweden, showing that he had in mind Comenius’s “diversion” to that country in 1642.

642 The work of Comenius published under this title, imitated by Cotton Mather was between 1664 and 1738 mentioned by four generations of Mathers: see pp. 189–190, below.

643 “Ratio Disciplinæ Fratrum Nov-Anglorum. A Faithful Account of the Discipline Professed and Practised; in the Churches of New-England,” Boston, 1726, Introduction, pp. 5–6.

644 See p. 148, above.

645 See p. 147, above.

646 This suggestion, rightly rejected by Mr. Monroe, was made to him by the late Rev. Dr. Edward Everett Hale (Educational Review, xii. 379–380).

647 Hereafter in this paper called either John Winthrop, Jr., or the younger Winthrop, when it is necessary to distinguish him from his father

648 Magnalia, 1702, bk. ii. chap. xi. p. 30.

649 It was Governor John Winthrop of Massachusetts who studied at Cambridge University, though he did not take a degree: see R. C. Winthrop, Life and Letters of John Winthrop, i. 58–59. The Adam Winthrop who matriculated at Magdalene College, Cambridge, at Michaelmas, 1567 (Venn, Matriculations and Degrees, 1913, p. 740), was no doubt the father of Governor John Winthrop; Governor John Winthrop matriculated at Trinity at Easter, 1603 (ibid.); and Forth Winthrop, a younger brother of John Winthrop, Jr., matriculated at Emmanuel at Easter, 1626 (ibid.). All three left without taking degrees. John Winthrop, Jr., and Forth Winthrop were fitted for college at the Free Grammar School at Bury St. Edmund’s, the former going to Dublin in 1622 and the latter to Cambridge in 1626 Adam Winthrop was auditor of Trinity College for sixteen or seventeen years, resigning in 1610 (R. C. Winthrop, Life and Letters of John Winthrop, i. 32–33).

650 See p. 164, below

651 Winthrop Papers, iv. 9–20. In a letter dated July 28, 1629, he wrote:

“I am yesterday safely arrived in this citty of Amsterdam. . . . I am heere without acquaintance & our long passage hath eaten out all the money that I receyved at Venice, . . . therefore I pray you to send me a letter of credit from some merchant to some man in Flushing, or Middleborough, . . . because the longer I stay heere the more I shall runn in debt. Therefore I would, as soone as I can receive answeare from you . . . returne with all speede home. . . . If you write to me, I pray conscribe it to be delivered in Flushing at the house of Mr. Henry Kerker, for I purpose, God willing, to goe shortly thither, where I shalbe neere to take my passage upon all occasions” (iv. 18–19).

On August 8, 1629, his aunt Lucy Downing (the wife of Emanuel Downing) addressed a letter as directed (iii. 7). In a letter dated “Aug: Friday, 1629,” he said: “I am (God be thanked) yesterday safely arrived in London” (iv. 19); and in his next letter, dated “Lond., Aug. 21, 1629” (iv. 21), he acknowledged having received letters on the previous Wednesday (August 19). Hence he must have reached London on Thursday, August 13 or 20, and obviously could not have gone to Germany.

652 My information about Comenius is derived from the following sources: R. H. Quick, Essays on Educational Reformers, 1868, pp. 43–67; M. W. Keatinge, The Great Didactic of John Amos Comenius, 1896, pp. 1–101; W. S. Monroe, Comenius and the Beginnings of Educational Reform, 1900, pp. 38–82; Count Lützow, Comenius’s Labyrinth of the World and the Paradise of the Heart, 1901, pp. 11–52; Lützow, Bohemia, an Historical Sketch, 1896, pp. 392–416; Lützow, History of Bohemian Literature, 1899, pp. 249–253. It is of course possible that Comenius, though living at Lissa from 1628 to 1640, took an unrecorded flying trip to Holland in 1629 or in 1634–1635.

653 J. Winthrop, Journal, 1908, i. 70. He came in the Lyon, which reached Nantasket November 2.

654 Winthrop Papers, iv. 3 note.

655 In a letter to Winthrop dated Salem, February 24, 1651, Emanuel Downing wrote: “Wee heare that Mr. Damport and Mr. Eaton are goeing for England. I cannot give much creditt thereto, I hope you will not resolve to goe before you give your freinds a visit here” (Winthrop Papers, i. 76).

A document dated October 22, 1670, says: “About y^e peace between y^e Maquaes and Mahicanders, To leave this in suspense, Untill y^e Certainty of Govern^r Winthrops Voyage to England bee knowne & the Returne of Mr. Mayo^r from Albany” (New York Colonial Documents, xiii. 458). I have found no other allusion to this trip, which certainly was not undertaken. But in 1675 Winthrop did intend to go to England, though the intention was not carried out: see Winthrop Papers, iv. 166–169; Connecticut Colonial Records, ii. 263, 344.

In a letter to Winthrop undated but assigned to “May, 1647,” his brother Adam Winthrop said: “Youer letter off the 2 of Desember I receaued, but it had a very longe passage. We were glad to heer of youer safe arivall, and that you have bene in health since” (Winthrop Papers, iv. 222). The “very longe passage” might imply that John Winthrop had lately been in England, but actually it means only that he was at Pequot, where he had been granted a plantation and where he was living late in 1646: see Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 71, 160, 241; Winthrop Papers, iv. 38; R. C. Winthrop, Life and Letters of John Winthrop, ii. 356–361. Writing to Winthrop from Ipswich on February 26, 1636, his sister Mary Dudley said: “I am sorry that I shall not se you before you take your journey to Coneticott, but I wish you a prosperous viage” (Winthrop Papers, iii. 65). In those days any trip by sea, however short, was called a “voyage.”

656 He was present at a court held October 6, 1634 (Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 132), but on November 8 his father wrote: “I hope the Lord hath carried you safe to England” (R. C. Winthrop, Life and Letters of John Winthrop, ii. 123).

657 Rev. John Wilson (1588–1667) of Boston.

658 In a letter to John Winthrop, Jr., dated (as printed) “Antrim, 5^th Ju: 1634,” Sir John Clotworthy says that “I shall request y^u, when y^u are freede from y^e distractions w^ch a werisom jorney may ꝑhapps afford, to consider of these p̄ticulars” (Winthrop Papers, iii. 203–204), the particulars relating to those mentioned by Governor John Winthrop, and the letter clearly indicates that John Winthrop, Jr., was then in Europe. As he was in New England in June and July, 1634, it is obvious that the printed date is wrong; and an examination of the original letter shows that it is dated “Antrim, 5^th Jn: 1634” — that is, January 5, 1634–5. Clotworthy, afterwards first Viscount Massereene, either knew or was interested in Hartlib, for on April 2, 1647, “Sir John Clotworthy carried to the Lords the vote for Three hundred pounds, out of Haberdasher’s Hall, for Mr. Hartlib” (H. Dirck, Biographical Memoir of Samuel Hartlib, p. 12).

659 J. Winthrop, Journal, i. 164.

660 Winthrop Papers, iii. 482.

661 Hotten, Original Lists, p. 100

662 J. Winthrop, Journal, i. 161.

663 Not a single letter written by Winthrop during this journey has been preserved. But his movements can be followed fairly well by letters written to him, and from these it would appear that he visited Ireland, Scotland, and England only. In a letter to Winthrop dated Rotterdam, March 7, 1635, his brother-in-law Col. Thomas Reade said: “I cane not chooes but trobell you withe thes feaue leynes, to let you for to vnder stand that I should a bean very glad for to a spoke withe you at London, but the shipes coming a way so sone that I could not inquier you ought (thoe I was at deyveres places to heare of you)” (Winthrop Papers, ii. 113).

664 Mr. Monroe says: “Winthrop visited briefly in England during the early months of 1661, and the only reference to Comenius in connection with the names of any of the Winthrops occurs in a letter from Samuel Hartlib written at ‘Axe-Yard in Westm. Sept. 3, 1661,’ to Governor Winthrop at Hartford, shortly after the latter’s return from London” (Educational Review, xii. 380–381). Hartlib’s letter of September 3 was written not after Winthrop’s return from London, but before he had reached London, which, as stated in our text, was in September. Hartlib’s letter of September 3 addressed to New England, and another letter of October 9 addressed to Winthrop “Next to the Church in Colman Street,” London, are printed in 1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xvi. 212–216. And Winthrop’s visit was not “during the early months of 1661,” but lasted from September, 1661, to April, 1663.

665 In a letter to Winthrop dated “Brereton, Cheshire, October the Second, 1661,” William Brereton said: “I was very glad to find in our good friend Mr. Hartlibs letter that you were come to London and that you intend to make some stay in England” (1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xvi. 215). Evidently, therefore, Winthrop must have reached London in September.

666 Winthrop Papers, iv. 83.

667 In a letter to Winthrop dated February 15, 1664, his aunt Lucy Downing said: “Y^rs of April 9^th 1663 I had, but perceiuing therein y^t you was that day to set out of London to meet y^r ship at y^e Downs, I had noe hopes to recouer any to you” (Winthrop Papers, iii. 58).

668 Winthrop Papers, i. 526, 535; 1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xvi. 216.

669 Keatinge, The Great Didactic of Comenius, pp. 62, 70, 83, 84, 85, 87, 89. In a letter to an unknown person dated July 17–27, 1656, John Pell said:

“Five days ago, I received from you a letter dated Dantzic, Junii 17th, containing a letter from Mr. Comenius, dated the 22nd of May, wherein he describes the sad estate of those Protestants that escaped from Lesna, where he, for his own part, besides his writings, lost in money, books, and household stuff, above three thousand reich-dalers, (near seven hundred pounds sterling.) . . . I hear he is sixty-five years old; and, it seems, hath nothing left but the clothes on his back” (in R. Vaughan’s Protectorate of Oliver Cromwell, 1838, ii. 430).

A letter from Comenius dated Stettin, June 14–24, 1656, is printed in Thurloe’s State Papers (1742), v. 118. (Cf. C. H. Firth, Last Years of the Protectorate, 1909, ii. 244.) Another, dated Amsterdam, September 1, 1656, is printed in Monumenta Germaniae Paedagogica, 1903, xxvi. 322–323.

In a letter to John Pell dated August 7, 1656, Samuel Hartlib wrote: “I have also received from Mr. Comenius fresh letters dated at Hamburg, . . . Mr Dury has returned to Amsterdam, and promises with all possible expedition to hasten unto us, and it is very like Mr. Comenius will come along with him” (Vaughan, ii. 432, 433). Comenius, however, did not go to England after 1642.

The Rev. Dr. John Pell, whose correspondence is printed in Vaughan’s volumes, was unquestionably known to Winthrop, quite possibly as early as 1642. His brother Thomas Pell came to this country about 1635, served as a surgeon in the Pequot war of 1637 and 1638 (Elizabeth H. Schenck, History of Fairfield, 1889, i. 68), is mentioned in a letter written to Winthrop by Theophilus Eaton on January 4, 1656 (Winthrop Papers, ii. 476), and on July 2, 1666, himself wrote a letter to Winthrop (Winthrop Papers, iii. 410). He left his estate to his nephew John Pell, son of Dr. John Pell. In a letter to Lord Brereton, in whose family Dr. Pell was then living, dated October 10, 1670, Winthrop said: “I was at Boston in the Massachusets colony when M^r John Pell arrived, by whom I had the great favour of your Lordships letter of the 23 of June last. He came into that harboure very opportunely for his advantage in the expedition of his businesse; for M^r Banckes, a neighboare of M^r Pell deceased, & one of those whom he had intrusted w^th the estate, was in a vessell of Fairfeild (the place where M^r Pell lived) returning thither & mett the ship, coming in & came back w^th M^r John Pell to Boston, where I spake w^th them both” (Winthrop Papers, iv. 138; a letter to the same purport from Winthrop to Boyle, dated October 27, ‘1670, is printed in Boyle’s Works, 1772, vi. 581–582). Dr. John Pell was a Fellow of the Royal Society; in 1643 he was at Amsterdam through the influence of Sir William Boswell; and his Idea of Mathematics, written about 1639, was sent by Hartlib to Mersennes and Descartes and published in 1650 in John Durie’s Reformed Library Keeper: see the notice of Pell in the Dictionary of National Biography. Pell and Sir William Boswell were in correspondence as early as 1640 (Vaughan, Protectorate of Oliver Cromwell, ii. 379, 380). For John Durie, see p. 172 note 5, below.

670 Winthrop Papers, iv. 73.

671 It should be borne in mind that Stuyvesant’s dates are no doubt New Style, while Winthrop’s are Old Style, and that hence an allowance of ten days must be made. Thus June 21 Old Style, was July 1 New Style; while July 5 and July 23 New Style, were June 25 and July 13 Old Style.

672 Winthrop Papers, iii. 391.

673 Winthrop Papers, iii. 396.

674 New York Colonial Documents, ii. 460. On January 27, 1662, the Directors of the Dutch West India Company wrote a letter to Stuyvesant describing an “interview between gov. Winthrop of Connecticut and the directors at Amsterdam” (Calendar of New York Historical Manuscripts, Dutch, 1865, i. 297). Winthrop’s expected arrival at Amsterdam was thus announced in the Haerlemse Saterdaeghse Courant of September 17, 1661: “Amsterdam, September 16. On Monday last arrived in the Texel the ship Arent, from New-Netherlands, laden with tobacco and some peltry. The ship Trou and the ship Klock lay ready to sail, [intending] daily to depart, and may now be daily expected, having been seen, as is supposed, near Fairhill. In the Trou comes passenger Mr. Winthrop, Governor of Connecticut, together with the Rev. Mr. Stone, as agents to his Majesty of England” (2 New York Historical Society Collections, i. 456). Thus Winthrop reached Amsterdam soon after Monday, September 2–12, 1661.

675 The Dutch name for the Connecticut River.

676 Comenius was born March 28, 1592.

677 J. Winthrop, Journal, ii. 32.

678 Winthrop Papers, iv. 35.

679 See Winthrop’s petition, undated, in which he says that he sailed in May, 1643, but was “kept above six weekes vpon the coast of England, and by reason thereof was above 14 weekes before he could attaine the port in New England” (Winthrop Papers, iv. 36–37). At the session beginning September 7, 1643, the General Court voted to pay his bill of £50, “except what is already paid” (Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 47).

680 This is the letter, dated Bristol, October 8, 1641, cited above, p. 10 note 2.

681 He was elected a magistrate in 1632, and for the years 1634–1649, both included: see Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 95, 118, 145, 174, 195, 228, 256, 288, 319, ii. 33, 66, 97, 146, 187, 238, 265, iii. 2, 9, 61, 104, 121, 146. His friends in England did not fail to note this honor. “I understand,” wrote Francis Kirby on March 26, 1633, “that you are an Assistant and so have a voice in the weighty affaires of that Commonwealth” (3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, ix. 260).

682 Winthrop Papers, iii. 323

683 This had been published by Hartlib at London in 1639.

684 R. H. Quick, Essays on Educational Reformers, 1868, pp. 47–49.

685 Keatinge, The Great Didactic of Comenius, pp. 47–48.

686 Mersenne is mentioned in letters of Sir Charles Cavendish to Dr. Pell, February 5, 1642 (Vaughan, Protectorate of Oliver Cromwell, ii. 346); of Sir William Petty to Dr. Pell, November 8, 1645 (id. ii. 367–368); and of Boyle to Hartlib, March 19, May 8, 1647 (Boyle’s Works, 1772, vol. i. pp. xxxviii, xli).

687 According to Keatinge (The Great Didactic of Comenius, pp. 49, 50–51, 53), Comenius apparently returned from Stockholm to Norrköping, then made a preliminary visit to Elbing, then went to Lissa “to take final leave of his scholastic and clerical duties,” etc., and finally settled at Elbing in November.

688 See pp. 171–174, below.

689 John Humfrey left Boston in the autumn of 1641 and in a letter to Winthrop dated Weymouth, England, July 21, 1642, said: “You are a thousand times wellcome home, . . . I beseech you if you see the wind chops about contrarie, & hold there, come downe, I will beare your charges of the Post, & you shall doe no worse (but as much better as you will & I can helpe it) then I. Indeede I thinke you should have beene with us before. . . . Good deare loving Sagamore, let us have your companie if possible” (Winthrop Papers, i. 18–19). This would seem to indicate that Winthrop was in London in July, 1642. On the other hand, Winthrop’s letter to Humfrey announcing his own arrival in England may have been written weeks before its receipt by Humfrey. All we know for certain of Winthrop’s movements in the summer and autumn of 1642 is that he was in Germany and the Low Countries in October and November.

690 Educational Review, xii. 380.

691 See p. 164 note 2, above.

692 On October 18, 1654, the General Court (Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 204) appointed as Overseers John Allin of Dedham, John Norton of Boston, Samuel Whiting of Lynn, and Thomas Cobbet of Lynn, though none of them were eligible under the act of 1642.

693 See p. 367, below.

694 In a letter to John Winthrop, F.R.S., dated December 10, 1707, Cotton Mather said: “If there be a Family in the World, which I have endeavoured alwayes to treat with all possible service and Honour, tis the Winthropian. If there be a person in that Family, for whose welfare, I have even travailed with Agony tis You; whereof the walls of a certain Bibliothecula in the World, are but some of the many witnesses” (Mather Papers, p. 405).

695 These sermons, after the fashion of their kind, contain no biographical data of value.

696 Life and Letters of John Winthrop, i. 12. With regard to one story, told by Mather about the younger Winthrop, Mr. Winthrop, though pointing out errors in detail, concludes that “doubtless it must have had some foundation in fact” (i. 27). And of the same story the late Frederick J. Kingsbury said: “Of late years, however, it has become the fashion to throw doubt on anything related by Cotton Mather. But it should be remembered that Mather did not write as a historian but as a collector of interesting events which in any way had come to his knowledge illustrating the life of his times. Doubtless Mather had heard this story and there is no reason why it should not be true” (Proceedings American Antiquarian Society, April, 1898, xii. 306).

697 See New Haven Colonial Records, i. 376, ii. 141, 141 note, 370; B. Trumbull, History of Connecticut, 1797, i. 305–306, 566–571; Palfrey, History of New England, i. 237, 373; Hollister, History of Connecticut, ii. 567–568, 577; E. E. Atwater, History of the Colony of New Haven, pp. 271–285; B. C. Steiner, History of Guilford and Madison, pp. 394–395.

698 Yale College was incorporated October 19, 1701, but was not established in New Haven until October, 1716 (F. B. Dexter, Historical Papers, 1918, pp. 366–381). For the controversy that occurred over the will of Governor Hopkins, see Charles P. Bowditch’s “Account of the Trust administered by the Trustees of the Charity of Edward Hopkins” (1889).

699 The title-page of Book IV reads in part as follows: “The Fourth Book of the New-English History. Containing An Account of the University, From whence the Churches of New-England, (and many other Churches) have been Illuminated.” And the heading on p. 125 reads, “The History of Harvard-Colledge.” In 1726 Mather specifically stated “Harvard College:” see p. 155, above.

700 William and Mary College was founded in 1693.

701 Though not published until 1702, the Magnalia was finished on August 20, 1697, and sent to London on June 8, 1700 (C. Mather, Diary, i. 226, 229, 255, 352–353).

702 Even had Mather spoken merely of “the College,” there could be no possible doubt of his meaning Harvard. In his Life of Theophilus Eaton, Mather says: “His Eldest Son he maintained at the Colledge until he proceeded Master of Arts” (Magnalia, bk. ii. chap, ix, § 9, p. 28), the allusion being to Samuel Eaton, who graduated at Harvard in 1649. In 1690 was published Mather’s “The Wonderful Works of God Commemorated. . . . In a Thanksgiving Sermon: Delivered on Decemb. 19, 1689.” The epistle dedicatory to Sir Henry Ashurst contains the words: “And Sir, . . . you will pardon it if One born in that Countrey, and a Son of the Colledge there, take the Liberty to acquaint you, That we are not insensible” etc.

In September, 1644, the Rev. Thomas Shepard presented to the Commissioners of the United Colonies a proposition “for the mayntenance of poore Schollers at the Colledg at Cambridge,” whereby “euery famyly (w^ch is able and willing to giue) throughout the plantacōns to giue yearely but the fourth part of a bushell of Come, or somethinge equivolent therevnto” (Plymouth Colony Records, ix. 20–21). This proposition was recommended by the Commissioners and was favorably acted on by various of the “plantations.” On November 11, 1644, the New Haven Colony “fully approved off” “the propositiō for the releife of poore schollars att the colledge att Cambridg;” on March 16, 1646, “It was propownded that the free gift of corne to the colledge might be continued as it was the last year;” and thereafter are various allusions to “corne to the colledge” or to “the colledge corne,” where “the college” meant not the proposed college at New Haven but Harvard College (New Haven Colonial Records, i. 149, 210, 225, 311, 318, 354, 357, 382). See also Connecticut Colonial Records, i. 112, 139, 250.

703 Winthrop was elected Governor of Connecticut in 1657 and in 1659–1675, both included. He resigned in 1667, 1670, and 1675 (Winthrop Papers, iv. 121, 137, 168–169), but his resignation was not accepted in the two former years (Connecticut Colonial Records, ii. 62, 64, 145).

704 In a matter of this sort, negative evidence must be received with caution. It has already been pointed out that very few letters written by the younger Winthrop during his three trips to Europe have been preserved, and in those extant there is not the slightest allusion to his having been in Holland: yet we know with certainty that he was there in 1642 and 1661.

705 It need scarcely be pointed out that in those days, as in these, New England scholars had an extensive correspondence with foreign scholars whom they never met, a notable instance being Cotton Mather himself, who never left America.

706 Winthrop Papers, iv. 73–74.

707 iv. 86.

708 See p. 160, above.

709 1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xvi. 212.

710 Rev. William Hook (1600–1677).

711 Hezekiah Usher.

712 This name is printed “Drury,” but an examination of the original letter shows that Davenport plainly wrote “Dury.” See the next note but one.

713 3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, x. 38.

714 The Rev. John Durie (or Dury), though he never came to this country, was well known to the New England clergy, and may well have been known personally to Winthrop, — if so, he would be another link connecting Winthrop and Hartlib. (“This day Mrs. Dury with her husband went from hence to . . . Chester; from whence they intend to give a visit to Sir Richard Saltonstall at Wrexham:” Hartlib to Dr. Keffler, August 10, 1668, in Boyle’s Works, 1772, vi. 113.) The Rev. John Norton of Boston died in 1663, and the next year was published at our Cambridge “Three Choice and Profitable Sermons,” to which was appended “A Copy of the Letter Returned by the Ministers of New-England to M^r. John Dury about his Pacification. Faithfully Translated out of the Original Manuscript written in Latine, By the Reverend Author of the Three former Sermons.” The preface, which mentions “the late Synod 1662,” is signed by forty-four persons — President Chauncy, four Fellows of Harvard College, and thirty-nine ministers. Mather says: “The Three Sermons thus Published . . . are accompanied with the Translation of a Letter, which was composed in Latin by Mr. Norton, and subscribed by more than Forty of the Ministers, on this Occasion. The famous John Dury having from the Year 1636. been most indifatigably labouring for a Pacification, between the Reformed Churches in Europe, communicated his Design to the Ministers of New-England, requesting their Concurrence and Countenance unto his Generous Undertaking. In answer to Him, this Letter was written” (Magnalia, bk. iii. pt. i. chap. ii. § 25, p. 39). Norton’s original letter was written before 1661 (in which year the Rev. Ezekiel Rogers, one of the signers, died), and in 1738 was in the possession of Samuel Mather. Extracts from it were quoted by Cotton Mather in the Magnalia (see the reference above), and it was reprinted in full by Samuel Mather in his Apology for the Liberties of the Churches in New England (1738), pp. 151–166.

Davenport called Durie his “ancient and honored friend.” They had doubtless met in Holland in 1633–1636. Durie was the son of Robert Durie, who in 1609 became the first pastor of the English Presbyterian Church at Leyden; on August 3, 1611, at the age of twelve, he was admitted a student at Leyden University (3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, x. 58); after the death of his father in 1616 he returned to England; from 1628 to 1633 he was in Germany and Holland; on December 17, 1633, he was in London (Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1633–1634, p. 329); in 1634 he was in Germany, then again in England, and in July, 1635, he started for the Continent and “laboured for a year in the Netherlands:” see the notice of him in the Dictionary of National Biography. Durie’s daughter married Henry Oldenburg, a friend of the younger Winthrop’s. Davenport took refuge in November, 1633, in Holland, where he remained until late in 1636 or early in 1637, and reached Boston in June of the latter year: see the notices of him in the Dictionary of National Biography, and in F. B. Dexter’s Historical Papers (1918), pp. 31–58. In 1738 Samuel Mather wrote: “I might fitly subjoin to the Letter foregoing [Norton’s letter to Durie] another Letter of the famous Mr. John Davenport Batchelor of Divinity, who was Minister of New Haven and afterwards Pastor of the first Church in Boston New-England, to the pious Dury upon the same Occasion that the foregoing Letter was written; which Letter was signed by the Ministers of Connecticut Colony. . . . But, lest the Appendix should swell too much upon us, I consent to the dropping it. N. B. As I signified concerning the former Letter; so I would advertize concerning this, that if any Gentleman or others desire to see the Original Copy of it, I have it at their Service” (Apology, etc., p. 166). Portions of Davenport’s letter were quoted by Cotton Mather in the Magnalia, bk. iii. pt. i. chap. iv. § 9, pp. 54–55.

It may be added that Davenport, while in Holland, corresponded with Sir William Boswell: see Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xlii. 228, 234; and cf. p. 164, above.

715 Winthrop Papers, ii. 504, 505.

716 That is, John Palmer was the bearer of the books.

717 Winthrop Papers, ii. 509.

718 See H. Dirck, Biographical Memoir of Samuel Hartlib (1865), pp. 58, 59, 60, 65, 77, 82, 83.

719 See p. 164, above.

720 Winthrop Papers, iv. 7.

721 Winthrop Papers, i. 468–472.

722 Henry Jacie to Winthrop, January 9, 1632 (3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, i. 235).

723 Winthrop Papers, ii. 17, 18. A letter from Abraham Keffler (written in 1639) is printed in Winthrop Papers, iii. 270–271; and one from Dr. John Sibert Keffler (written in 1659) in iii. 382–383. Both men are referred to in Digby’s letter of January 26, 1656 (3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, x. 16), and the latter in Winthrop’s letter of November 12, 1668 (Winthrop Papers, iv. 136). Mr. Kittredge, to whom I am indebted for information about the Kefflers, thinks that Winthrop must have met Abraham Keffler in the Rochelle expedition, in which both men were engaged — Keffler as an expert in explosives (Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1628–1629, pp. 148, 161; 1629–1631, pp. 212, 215). In 1638 the latter received a grant of denization in England (id. 1638–1639, p. 176).

724 In a letter undated but written on or shortly after May 2, 1641, Child acknowledged letters from Winthrop, and wished to be remembered to “yo^r father, M^r Dudley, M^r Bellingham, M^r Humphreys, M^r Cotton, M^r Wilson, M^r Peters, unto whome I am much beholdē” (Winthrop Papers, iii. 149, 151), showing that he was well acquainted with many of the chief men in New England before Winthrop’s visit to Europe in 1641. He had first come to this country between 1638 and 1641 (seep. 7, above). If, as Savage thinks (3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, viii. 247; Genealogical Dictionary, i. 379), the Robert Child who matriculated at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, at Easter, 1628, and proceeded A. B. in 1631–2 and A. M. in 1635 (Venn, Matriculations and Degrees, p. 147), was our Dr. Robert Child, then the latter and Forth Winthrop (the brother of John Winthrop, Jr.) may well have met at Cambridge; for Forth Winthrop entered Emmanuel College in 1626 (see p. 156 note 5, above) and remained there during 1627 and a part of 1628. From a letter to his brother undated but written in the spring of 1628 (Winthrop Papers, iv. 192–195), it appears that Forth Winthrop was still at Emmanuel.

725 In a passage published in 1655 but written as early as 1653 or 1654, Child calls Winthrop “our” — that is, his and Hartlib’s — friend: see p. 112, above.

726 Digby had returned to England for a time in January, 1654: see T. Longueville, Life of Sir Kenelm Digby (1896), p. 278. He was at Hartlib’s house on May 14, 1654 (Boyle’s Works, 1772, vi. 89).

727 3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, x. 5–6. In a letter to Winthrop dated March 3, 1655, Hugh Peters said that “Sir Kenelme Digby . . . longs for you here” (Winthrop Papers, i. 116). It is worth noting that in a letter dated Leghorn, July 14, 1628, Winthrop wrote: “there is newes . . . from Marseiles that the Duke de Guise is come to sea with 4 gallioones & 12 sailes of gallies, it is supposed to meete with Sir Chillam Digby, who hath taken 3 or 4 Frenchmen, hath beene at Algiers, & redeemed some 20 or 30 Christian slaves, hath mand his prizes, & is gone againe towards the bottom” (Winthrop Papers, iv. 10).

728 Winthrop Papers, iii. 279.

729 iii. 353, 359.

730 George Starkey’s Pill Vindicated.

731 Stirk’s dedication, to Boyle, of Pyrotechny Asserted, published in 1658.

732 Cardilucius calls Hartlib his “good friend:” “Und hat ihn [a certain Latin tract] Herr G.S. [i.e. George Stirk] vom Authore mit aus West-Indien bracht, und solchen alsofort meinem guten Freunde Herrn S. H. übergeben, von dannen ich ihn etliche Jahr hernach bekommen” (Magnalia Medico-Chymica Continuata, 1680, Vorbericht, p. 4).

733 Hartlib to Boyle, February 28, 1654, December 8, 1657, in Boyle’s Works, vi. 78–83, 97.

734 For this information about Stirk I am again indebted to Mr. Kittredge.

735 1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xvi. 213. This is the only reference to Comenius in either the Proceedings or the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society. His name does not occur in A. P. C. Griffin’s Bibliography of American Historical Societies (1907). Mr. Monroe says (Educational Review, xii. 381) that “the only reference to Comenius in connection with the names of any of the Winthrops occurs” in the letter quoted in our text, but there is one other important reference: see p. 178, below.

736 These were John Winthrop, Jr.; John Winthrop, who graduated at Harvard in 1700; and John Winthrop, who graduated at Harvard in 1732. The last is usually called Professor John Winthrop, but sometimes John Winthrop, LL.D., because he was the first person to receive (in 1773) that degree from Harvard College: see our Publications, vii. 321–329.

737 The following table shows the relationships at a glance:

738 My attention was called to this dedication by Mr. Kittredge.

739 See p. 175 note 1, above.

740 See p. 161, above.

741 It is only fair to add that Tycho Brahe, whose name occurs in the list, died in 1601, and hence that letters from him which were in the possession of John Winthrop, F.R.S., could not have been addressed to John Winthrop, Jr.

742 See p. 148, above.

743 Educational Aims and Educational values, p. 209.

744 College Book i. 264.

745 See p. 195, below

746 Catalogus Librorum Bibliothecæ Collegij Harvardini (1723), p. 67

747 Janua Linguarum Reserata, 2d edition, Lissa, 1632; Janua Linguarum Gr. & Lat., Amsterdam, 1642; Janua Linguarum Trilinguis, London, 1662 (Catalogus, p. 74).

748 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxx. 432. This reference came to me from Mr. Thomas G. Wright.

749 The Library of the Late Reverend and Learned Mr. Samuel Lee (1693), pp. 11, 13. The History of the Bohemian Persecution, London, 1650, was a translation of Comenius’s Historia Persecutionum Ecclesiæ Bohemicæ, published in 1648.

750 See p. 176, above.

751 See p. 172 note 5, above.

752 1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xvi. 212, 213

753 In Proceedings American Antiquarian Society, xx. 322, the title-page is said to be wanting and the title is wrongly given — a mistake due to the fact that the book is in two parts, separately paged, and the title-page is bound in in the wrong place. There being some doubt as to the identity of the book, Mr. Brigham kindly sent it to me for my inspection.

A translation of Comenius’s De Bono Unitatis et Ordinis, etc., was published in London in 1661 under the title of An Exhortation of the Churches of Bohemia to the Church of England, etc. There is a copy in the Yale University Library, but with no clues to ownership.

754 To those who have struggled with Increase Mather’s small and difficult handwriting, the inscription will seem surprisingly large and legible. The Massachusetts Historical Society owns a copy of the Bible printed at London in 1599, one of the fly-leaves of which is nearly filled with memoranda in the hand of Increase Mather. First comes the signature “Crescentius Mather;” then the words “I was marryed y^e 6 day of y^e 1 moneth being y^e fifth day of ye week 1661½;” then other entries coming down as late as 1710. The signature at the top is nearly as large as that of the facsimile, after which the hand dwindles in size.

With regard to the words “cœlū non solū,” found in the inscription, Mr. Kittredge writes me: “Horace says, ‘Caelum non animum mutant qui trans mare currunt,’ and this became so proverbial that ‘caelum non animum’ by itself was an intelligible motto. I take it that ‘caelum non solum’ imitates this. ‘I have changed climate (or clime), but am still an Englishman, not having changed my natale solum, since New England is really England.’”

755 I have examined those owned by the Boston Athenaeum, the Boston Public Library, the Congregational Library, the Harvard College Library, and the Massachusetts Historical Society. Our associate Mr. Brigham has sent information about those owned by the American Antiquarian Society. The late Mr. Thomas G. Wright of New Haven, at my request, kindly examined those in the Yale University Library. Some of the copies contain notes or signatures not without interest — showing, for instance, that the books were apparently used at the English universities — but which have no bearing on the question under discussion.

Professor Hanus describes (Educational Review, iii. 235 note; Educational Aims and Educational Values, p. 209 note) several, but by no means all, of the copies in the Harvard College Library. In an article, quoted by Mr. Hanus, on “Boston as an Educational Centre,” the late Arthur Gilman, speaking of Comenius, said:

“The connection of the great pioneer among pedagogical reformers with Boston is not fanciful, though it may at first sight appear so. The writer has before him a copy of the ‘Gate of Languages,’ printed in London in 1670. Fifty years after its publication it was the property of the writer’s great-grandfather, a graduate of Harvard College in the Class of 1724. Following the family line, it belonged in 1813 to one of the writer’s uncles, who graduated from Phillips Academy, at Exeter, in that year, and went out of Harvard a member of the Class of 1818. It seems to have been a text-book in the college, and there are other worn and stained copies in the library” (Christian Union, July 4, 1891, xliv. 53 note).

Mr. Gilman’s relatives were the Rev. Nicholas Gilman (1708–1748, H. C. 1724), who “went to the Latin School at Newburyport, at eight years of age,” and Joseph Gilman (1792–1823, H. C. 1818): see A. Gilman, Gilman Family (1869), pp. 55–64, 166.

756 Two of these, besides the De Bono Unitatis et Ordinis, etc., are now in the American Antiquarian Society (Proceedings, xx. 322). The Massachusetts Historical Society owns a volume once the property of Cotton Mather containing Physicæ ad Lumen divinum Reformatæ Synopsis (1643), Pansophiæ Prodromus (1644), and De Sermonis Latini Studio (1644); and also a copy of De Zelo Sine scientia & charitate, Admonitio Fraterna J. A. Comenii ad D. Samuelem Maresiurn (1659), which once belonged to Cotton Mather or to his son Samuel Mather or to both

757 This is not the autograph either of the Rev. John Norton of Boston or of his nephew the Rev. John Norton (H. C. 1671) of Hingham, and I have been unable to identify the writer.

758 Sibley, Harvard Graduates, iii. 334–335. After the death of the elder Thomas Berry in 1695, his widow Margaret married in 1697 John Leverett (H. C. 1680).

759 Or, of course, the book may originally have belonged to John Rogers of the Class of 1684, and then have come into the possession of the elder Thomas Berry.

760 Catalogue of the Boston Public Latin School (1886), p. 41.

761 Rev. Samuel Willard (H. C. 1659), then Vice-President of the College.

762 Diary, ii. 87.

763 Sibley, Harvard Graduates, iii. 386–388.

764 Sibley, Harvard Graduates, ii. 457–462.

765 F. B. Dexter, Yale Annals and Biographies, i. 101–102.

766 i. 621.

767 Besides the books mentioned in the text, the fly-leaf at the end of a copy of Janua Linguarum Reserata (London, 1673) contains the entry: “This belonged to Middlecott Cooke the G. Son of the immortal Elisha Cooke & son of Elisha Cooke, a family that guided Mass. for 80 years by their virtue and patriotism. One of the best of Books in itself considered.” This book was “The Gift of Edward Soley, of Charlestown, Senior Sophister. 1827,” who graduated in 1828.

768 The name of Elkanah Cooke is not found in the Catalogue (1886) of the School, but the early records are very defective. The two Elisha Cookes and Middlecott Cooke are entered under the years 1646, 1686, and 1712, as probable scholars (pp. 40, 41, 43).

769 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, ii. 78; Savage, Genealogical Dictionary, i. 445, 449; Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, ix. 10.

770 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, viii. 277, 353, xxxi. 105; Suffolk Deeds, iii. 413.

771 Suffolk Probate Files, no. 670.

772 Catalogue (1886), p. 41.

773 The names of “Joel Jacoomis” and “Caleb Chesecheamuck” are attached as witnesses to a deposition dated January 20, 1664, in Massachusetts Archives, lix. 186; but that document is a copy, and hence the names are not autographs.

774 Corporation for Propagating the Gospel in New England, now known as the New England Company, of which Boyle was then Governor. For the many names by which this society has been called, see our Publications, vi. 180 note 2.

775 1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xvi. 218–219. It is also printed, with slight differences, in Winthrop Papers, iv. 84–85.

776 Cotton Mather speaks of this Indian, calling him “I-a-coomes” (Magnalia, bk. vi. chap. vi. sect, ii, p. 53). Elsewhere he is called “Hiacombs,” “Hiacoms,” “Iacomoes,” “Jacomes,” “Jacoms,” and “Sacomas” (Plymouth Colony Records, x. 167, 210, 245, 262, 277, 405, 405 note). Cf. p. 260, below.

It will be observed that Joel spells his name “J:acoomis,” and “Jacomis.” In the list of temporary students at Harvard College printed in our Publications (xvii. 285 note), the name appears as “Jacoms,” that being the form found in a monitor’s bill of the period: see 1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, x. 403–408; P. B. Dexter, Historical Papers, pp. 1–5

777 In a document dated May 11, 1665, Edward Rawson said: “there are eight Indian youths, one whereof is in the colledg, & ready to com̄ence batchiler of art, besides another, in the like capacity, a few months since, w^th seuerall English, was murdered by the Indians at Nantucket” (Massachusetts Colony Records, vol. ii. pt. ii. p. 198).

778 Cambridge

779 Historical Collections of the Indians in New England, in 1 Massachusetts Historical Collections, i. 154–155, 172, 173. For Caleb, see also Sibley, Harvard Graduates, ii. 201–204.

780 Alphabetical and Analytical Catalogue of the New York Society Library (1850), p. 494, to which my attention was called by Mr. Wright. The so-called Winthrop Library is catalogued on pp. 491–505, there being 269 titles. “This Ancient and Curious Collection of Books was presented by the late Francis B. Winthrop, Esq; they were the property of his distinguished ancestor, John Winthrop, the Founder of Connecticut” (p. 491). This statement is not strictly accurate, for I have noted at least fifteen books which were not published until after the death of John Winthrop, Jr. Nevertheless, it is reasonable to suppose that the two books in question did belong to the younger Winthrop, though Mr. F. B. Bigelow (the librarian) kindly informs me that “The two volumes of Comenius contain no mss. notes.”

781 Pp. 20, 28.

782 P. 29. In some preliminary words “To the Reader,” Mather said: “The Judicious Reader will remember that this was written . . . in America; where I could not by any means come by the sight of some Books more fully discovering the practice of Antiquity respecting the controverted Question. Yet such as I had, I have spared no pains in revolving.”

783 See p. 155, above.

784 Apology for the Liberties of the Churches in New England, p. 174,

785 See our Publications, xv. 158–166.

786 A few Notes concerning the Records of Harvard College. Library of Harvard University, Bibliographical Contributions, No. 27, 1888, pp. 7–13.

787 Catalogus Librorum Bibliothecæ Collegij Harvardini quod est Cantabrigiæ in Nova Anglia. Bostoni Nov-Anglorum: MDCCXXIII.

788 History of Harvard University (1840), i. 10.

789 A few Notes, etc., p. 6.

790 John Harvard’s Life in America, in our Publications, xii. 33 n.

791 The following catalogue is arranged in the order of the original List, and the first fine of each entry reproduces the original verbatim. Then follow the fuller titles as far as found, with any necessary notes.

Where a title has been found in the printed Catalogue of 1723, it is indicated by the words “Cat. 1723” after the entry.

When the same edition of any work is now in the Harvard Library, an asterisk precedes the title. If the book is now in the Library, but in a different edition, the facts are given in a note.

792 Altered from “Consiones.”

793 This number has been altered.

794 Publications, xiv. 213–257.

795 William H. Whitmore, Introduction to Dunton’s Letters from New England, p. xxiv.

796 “To my only Brother Mr. Lake Dunton. Lately Return’d from Surat in the East Indies.” The letter occupies pp. 20–55 of the Prince Society edition.

797 P. 43.

798 See Andrew D. White, History of the Warfare of Science with Theology in Christendom, i, chap. 1, for a popular account, with many references, of the Physiologus and similar books. See also the article “Physiologus” in the Encyclopædia Britannica.

799 The / Travels / Of / Sig. Pietro della Valle, / A Noble Roman, / Into / East-India / And / Arabia Deserts. / In which, the several Countries, together with the / Customs, Manners, Traffique, and Rites both / Religioun and Civil, of those Oriental Princes / and Nations, are faithfully Described: / In Familiar Letters to his Friend / Signior Mario Schipano. / Whereunto is Added /.4 Relation of Sir Thomas Roe’s Voyage / into the East-Indies. / London, / Printed by J. Macock, for John Martin, and James Allesty; and / are to be sold at their Shop, at the Bell in St Paul’s / Church-yard. 1665.

The Epistle Dedicatory to the Earl of Orrery, concludes thus concerning the relation of Sir Thomas Roe’s voyage:

“The other Piece hath been judg’d fit to be adjoyned, as one of the Exactest Relations of the Eastern parts of the World that hitherto hath been publish’d by any Writer, either Domestick or Forreign; having been penn’d by one that attended Sir Thomas Roe in his Embassy to the Great Mogol; Than whom, ’tis acknowledg’d by one of that Country that trades most into those parts, none ever gave a more faithful Account thereof.”

This dedication is signed by G. Havers.

For a life of Pietro della Valle (1586–1652) and a bibliographical account of his Viaggi, see Edward Grey’s edition of The Travels of Pietro della Valle in India, 2 vols., London, 1892 (Hakluyt Society Publications, Nos. 84 and 85).

800 There is an account of Sir Thomas Roe (1580 or 1581–1644) in the Dictionary of National Biography by Stanley Lane-Poole, who does not mention this relation. S. R. Gardiner mentions Roe frequently and with much respect: see the general index in the tenth volume of his History of England, 1603–1642.

801 Speculum / Mundi. / Or / A Glasse Re/ presenting The Face / Of The World; / Shevving both that it did begin, and must also end: /The manner How, and time When, being / largely examined. / Whereunto Is / Joyned / an Hexameron, or a serious discourse of the causes, / continuance, and qualities of things in Nature; / occasioned as matter pertinent to the / work done in the six dayes of the / Worlds creation. / The second Edition enlarged. / Aug. in Ser. de Ascen. / Qui se dicit scire quod nescit, temerarius est. / Qui se negat scire quod scit, ingratus est. / Printed by Roger Daniel Printer to the / Universitie of Cambridge, 1643. / For Troylus Adkinson, Stationer in Cambridge.

Swan’s Speculum Mundi was rather popular: the British Museum catalogue has editions as follows, — Cambridge 1635, Cambridge 1643, London 1665, and London 1670. A recent bookseller’s catalogue advertises a copy of the Cambridge edition of 1643 with a “fine frontispiece by W. Marshall.” This is, of course, the well known William Marshall, on whom see the Dictionary of National Biography. Possibly this frontispiece is the “second title-page, engraved” referred to by the British Museum cataloguer in describing their copy of the second edition.

The author of the Speculum Mundi may be the John Swan who entered Emmanuel College, Cambridge, as a sizar in the Lenten term of 1626–7 and proceeded A.B. in 1630–1 and A.M. in 1634. Another John Swan entered Queens College, Cambridge, as a pensioner in 1627 and was A.B. in 1630–1 and A.M. in 1634. Still another entered Trinity in 1622 and was A.B. in 1625–6 and A.M. in 1629. (Venn, Book of Matriculations and Degrees, 1913, p. 651.)

802 The copy of Pell in the Harvard College Library is imperfect, the first six words of the title having been supplied in manuscript. The words so supplied are indicated below within square brackets. It appears, however, from the British Museum catalogue, Watt, the Thomason Catalogue, and other sources, that the first word of the title should be Πέλαγος, in part chosen, no doubt, for the sake of the pun upon the author’s name. The full title of Pell’s book should be, then, as follows:

[Πέλαγος Nec inter Vivos, nec inter Mortuos] Neither Amongst the living, nor / amongst the Dead. / Or, An / Improvement / of the Sea, / Upon the Nine Nautical Verses in the / 107. Psalm; / Wherein is handled / I. The several, great, and many hazzards, that Ma / riners do meet withall, in Stormy and Tempestuous / Seas. II. Their many, several, miraculous, and stupen / dious deliverances out of all their helpless, and / shiftless distresses. / III. A very full, and delightful description of all those / many various, and multitudinous objects, which / they behold in their travels (through the Lords / Creation) both on Sea, in Sea, and on Land. viz. / All sorts and kinds of Fish, Foul, and Beasts, / Whether wilde, or tame; all sorts of Trees, and / Fruits; all sorts of People, Cities, Towns, and / Countries; / With many profitable, and useful rules, and / Instructions for them that use the Seas. / By Daniel Pell, Preacher of the Word. /London, Printed for Livewell Chapman, and are to be / sold at the Crown in Popes-head Alley. 1659.

Pell dates his preface from his Study “at my Lady Hungerfords in Hungerford house upon the Strand, May 4, 1659.” This was Lady Margaret Hungerford, wife of Sir Edward Hungerford. He died before 1659, as appears from Pell’s separate dedicatory epistle to Lady Hungerford.

The publication of the book presumably occurred in November of 1659, according to the Thomason Catalogue, ii. 268.

A Daniel Pell, who may be our author, entered St. John’s College, Cambridge, as a sizar, in Easter term 1651. (Venn, Book of Matriculations and Degrees, p. 520.)

803 The contrary opinion is expressed in Dunton’s Athenian Mercury, ii, No. 5, Question 5, where the question “Why a Dolphin follows a Ship until he is frightened away” is thus answered: “’Tis not from the same reason as Sharks, and other ravenous Fishes do, who expect a dead Body, or a Prey, but from the great love and kindness which these sort of Fishes bear unto Man.”

804 This passage may indicate that Dunton had looked into Sir Thomas Browne’s Pseudodoxia Epidemica, bk. v. chap. 2 (“Of the Picture of Dolphins”), wherein we read: “That dolphins are crooked, is not only affirmed by the hand of the painter, but commonly conceived their natural and proper figure, which is not only the opinion of our times, but seems the belief of elder times before us. . . . Notwithstanding, to speak strictly, in their natural figure they are straight, nor have their spine convexed, or more considerably embowed, than sharks, porpoises, whales, and other cetaceous animals” (Works of Sir Thomas Browne, ed. Simon Wilkin, London, 1852, ii. 4–5).

805 Our Publications, xiv. 253.

806 I have not taken into account the single sentence borrowed from Purchas.

807 Here I received the most generous assistance from our associate Mr. Samuel Henshaw.

808 See an article on the Fearing Collection, by our associate Mr. George P. Winship, in the Harvard Alumni Bulletin of November 3, 1915, xviii. 92–94; and an article by Mr. Fearing in the Harvard Graduates’ Magazine for December, 1915, xxiv. 263–274.

809 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxii.

810 Born in or about 1632, Munnings was brought to this country in 1635; married Hannah Wiswall in 1656; and was drowned in Boston on February 27, 1660. See Records and Files of the Quarterly Courts, Essex County, ii. 203–204; Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, iii. 21, iv. 3, 15, 26, 29, 38, 80, 105, xxi. 5; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, i. 132, vi. 73, vii. 273–274, x. 176–177, xiv. 316, xviii. 270, xxxvii. 378; Suffolk Deeds, iii. 298–299; Robbins, History of the Second Church, p. 265; History of Dorchester (1859), pp. 137–138; Orcutt, Good Old Dorchester, p. 60.

811 Miss Judkins was of Cambridge, and was a great-granddaughter of Jonathan Hastings (H. C. 1730; College Steward, 1755–1779).

812 Samuel Webber was President from May 6, 1806, to July 17, 1810. He succeeded Joseph Willard (1781–1804), and was succeeded by John Thornton Kirkland (1810–1828).

813 In documents dated 1665, Henry Chickering’s name appears as “Chickerol,” “Chickrol,” and “Chickerin:” see our Publications, xx. 260, 262, 263.

814 Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 6–7.

815 Plymouth Colony Records, x. 245. Hiacoms (Hiacombs, I-a-coomes, Jacomes, Jacoms, Sacomas) was a man of note. His son Joel was in the Harvard Class of 1665, but was murdered shortly before Commencement Day in that year: see pp. 187–189, above. Of Hiacoms Cotton Mather wrote:

The first Indian embracing the Motion of forsaking their gods, and praying to the true God, was called I-a-coomes; Esteemed by the Indians as a contemptible Person among themselves: Unto this Man, God who ordereth all things for his own Glory, gave so great a Measure of Faith and Confidence in his Power, that he is soon beyond the fear of concealing his Contempt of their Gods: The Sachems and Powaws being much inraged, threaten his Life; the Powaws or Wizzards told him (a thing publickly known) that he could not be ignorant, that they could kill such as displeas’d them, viz. by Witchcraft.

He answers for himself before the Sachems, Witches, and a great Assembly; acknowledges the god they worshipp’d had great Power, but limited, and was subservient to the God he now had chosen: Therefore although by their means many had suffer’d much, and some were killed, he despis’d their Power, as being himself a servant of Him, whose power over-ruled all Powers, and ordered all things: The Expecting Multitude wait the Event, which while they concluded to be Sickness or Death; the good Man remains wholly sound to their Astonishment (Magnalia, bk. vi. chap. vi. sect. ii. p. 53).

816 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, vi. 191.

817 The Second Church in Boston: Commemorative Services held on the completion of Two Hundred and Fifty Years since its Foundation (1900), p. 73.

818 “The Covenant Which was Solemnly Renewed by the Church in Norwich in Connecticut Colony in New-England, March 22. 1675,” in the Rev. James Fitch’s An Explanation of the Solemn Advice, Recommended by the Council in Connecticut Colony, to the Inhabitants in that Jurisdiction, Respecting the Reformation of those Evils, which have been the Procuring Cause of the late Judgments upon New-England (1683), p. 69.

819 Mayflower Descendant, xiv. 191. The extracts dated 1644, 1660, and 1694 have not hitherto, so far as I am aware, been cited. There are to be found, however, in several works on Sunday schools, two or three extracts which are either misleading or actually erroneous. In an address delivered before the Society of Alumni of Williams College, August 16, 1843, the Rev. Dr. Thomas Robbins remarked: “A distinguished gentleman in New York, not long since, said, without qualification, . . . that the first Sabbath school in the United States was established at Hanover, in Virginia, by Bishop Asbury, in the year 1785. There were Sabbath schools in New England before that Bishop or John Wesley were born.” And in a footnote he added: “The earliest Sabbath school of which I have seen an authentic account, was at Plymouth, commenced in November, 1669” (pp. 39–40). Dr. Robbins gave no authority for that statement, but no doubt it was derived from John Cotton’s “Account of the Church of Christ In Plymouth, The first Church in New England, From it’s Establishment to the present Day,” appended to the Rev. Philemon Robbins’s Sermon Preached at the Ordination Of the Reverend Mr. Chandler Robbins, To the Pastoral Office over the First Church and Congregation In Plymouth, January 30th 1760, Appendix, p. 17. Instead of quoting Cotton’s words (which are substantially correct), I give the passage as it appears in the church records themselves, written by the then pastor, the Rev. John Cotton (H. C. 1657): “Also in November [1669], began the Catechizing of the children by the Pastor, (the Elder also accompanying him therein constantly) once a fortnight, the Males at one time & the females at the other: the catechisme then used was M^r: Perkins” (Mayflower Descendant, iv. 214). Mr. Cotton is silent as to the day of the week on which this catechizing took place, and Dr. Robbins was unwarranted in assuming that it was Sunday.

In his Dictionary of Congregational Usages and Principles, published in 1852, under the heading “INTERMISSIONS, Sabbath, how spent in New England,” Preston Cummings quoted a passage from Cotton Mather and remarked: “Thus they were in advance of Raikes in devising virtual Sabbath-schools” (p. 45). Mather’s statement is as follows:

“The Hours taken from the two Meetings on the Lord’s Day, are such as they Judge may most suit their Edification. Where any number of the People have their living very remote from the Meeting-House, the Time of Intermission between the two Meetings is usually shortened for their sake; and they stay in or near it. But how do they spend this Time? The more faithful and watchful Pastors, are put upon using their best Contrivances, that their Employments may be most agreeable, and most serviceable to the Interests of Hol[i]ness. It has been proposed That Repitilions of, or Conferences on, the Word of Christ may be some of the Employments” (Ratio Disciplinæ Fratrum Nov-Anglorum, 1726, p. 45).

This passage does not warrant Cummings’s deduction about “virtual Sabbath-schools.”

In his Rise and Progress of Sunday Schools, published in 1863, John C. Power said:

“Many places in America claim the honor of having Sabbath schools prior to 1781. In fact, as early as 1680, (a century before their general introduction,) the records of the Pilgrim’s Church, at Plymouth, Massachusetts, then under the care of the Rev. John Robinson, show that a Sabbath School was organized at that time in connexion with the church.

“A vote of the church in the form of a request is as follows — ‘That the Deacons of the church be requested to assist the minister in teaching the children during the intermission on the Sabbath’” (p. 22).

It is obvious at a glance that there is something wrong about this passage. First, the Plymouth Church was “under the care” not of a “minister” but of a “pastor.” Secondly, the only John Robinson who was ever connected with the Pilgrims was the famous English divine who died in 1625 and who, it is needless to add, never came to this country. Thirdly, the pastor of the Plymouth Church in 1680 was the Rev. John Cotton. And finally, the church records themselves for 1680 yield no such passage nor anything resembling it: see the Mayflower Descendant, xii. 28. Apparently the only Rev. John Robinson who flourished in New England in the early days was the one who graduated at Harvard College in 1695 and became pastor of the Duxbury Church in 1702.

The Rev. John Cotton was ordained pastor of the Plymouth Church on June 30, 1669, and during the nearly thirty years of his pastorate there are in the church records several allusions to the catechizing of children. The first of these is the one under date of 1669, already quoted in this note, though, as above stated, there is no evidence that this then took place on Sunday. A second is under the year 1678: “Catechizing was againe begun, December 4: in the Assemblies Catechisme” (Mayflower Descendant, xii. 27). Now December 4, 1678, was a Friday. A third is under the year 1693 (or possibly 1694): “At a chh-meeting Feb: 4: the chh voted to sing the spirituall songs in scripture as translated into meeter in our new Psalm-booke the chh was then desired to warne their children & servants not to depart the Assembly before the Blessing, as also to acquaint them, that the ordinance of c[atech]izing them should shortly be revived, the chh unanimously agreed hereunto” (xiv. 189). A fourth is the one under date of May 13, 1694, quoted in our text. A fifth is under the year 1696: “July, 26: at the conclusion of the sacrament, the Pastor called upon the chh, desiring them after the example of Abraham, Gen: 18: 19: to command their children etc to attend more upon & not neglect the ordinance of publick catechizing, wherein of late there had bin some remisness, upon which followed a Reformation in that respect” (xv. 22).

For the references to the Plymouth Church Records taken from the Mayflower Descendant, I am indebted to Mr. George E. Bowman.

820 Raikes’s first school was opened in 1780 or 1781. Others had certainly been opened earlier. See the notices of Joseph Alleine (1634–1668), Hannah Ball (1734–1792), Theophilus Lindsey (1723–1808), and Robert Raikes (1735–1811) in the Dictionary of National Biography.

821 “Consequently,” writes Marianna C. Brown, “the few Sunday-schools dating back to the seventeenth century whose names have come down to us belong to an entirely different movement from the Sunday-schools started at the close of the eighteenth century” (Sunday-School Movements in America, 1901, p. 19. Though Miss Brown accepts without examination two or three doubtful statements, her account of early Sunday schools in this country is much more accurate than that found in the Rev. Dr. Edwin W. Rice’s “The Sunday-School Movement, 1780–1917, and the American Sunday-School Union, 1817–1917,” 1917, pp. 42–44, 153). Between 1791 and about 1819 a still further change took place in this country: instruction, at first secular, became religious; and the children of the wealthy as well as poor children attended. Finally, so far as Boston is concerned, between 1815 and about 1830 a Sunday school became attached to a particular parish and was attended by the children of that parish only.

822 “On recurring to the records it appears, that from the third month March, 1791, to the first month January 1800, there had been expended on the education of children 3968 dollars and 56 cents” (Constitution of the Society for the Institution and Support of First-Day or Sunday Schools in the City of Philadelphia, and the Districts of Southwark and the Northern Liberties, 1810, p. 18). Preliminary meetings having been held on December 19 and 26, 1790, that society was organized on January 11, 1791 (Marianna C. Brown, Sunday-School Movements in America, pp. 26–27).

823 For other earlier or early schools in this country see, under the titles “First Sunday Schools” and “Sunday-School History, Middle Period of,” the Encyclopedia of Sunday Schools and Religious Education (1915), ii. 411–416, iii. 1025–1033.

824 Rev. Edward H. Randall, A Discourse commemorative of the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Consecration of St. Paul’s Church, Pawtucket, R. I., delivered on Sunday, October 20th, A.D. 1867 (1868), pp. 18–27; Rev. Massena Goodrich, Historical Sketch of the Town of Pawtucket (1876), pp. 128–129.

825 “The sabbath-school system originated by Robert Raikes in England, for the benefit of the neglected children of his neighborhood, now began to attract public notice, and one of the earliest trials of it in New England was made in this town. In 1810, two ladies of the first church (Miss Joanna Prince, now Mrs. Ebenezer Everett, of Brunswick, Me., and Miss Hannah Hill,) collected a number of children and commenced a Sunday-school. Their efforts were crowned with entire success, and they before long enjoyed the pleasure of witnessing the establishment of similar institutions in each of the religious societies in town” (E. M. Stone, History of Beverly, 1843, pp. 299–300). In some reminiscences written between 1848 and 1858, Robert Rantoul (1778–1858) spoke of this school: see Essex Institute Historical Collections, vi. 89–90.

But three years before the Beverly school is supposed to have started, a Sunday school was certainly projected at Salem, though whether it actually came into existence I have been unable to ascertain. The following advertisement is copied from the Salem Gazette of September 4, 1807 (p. 3/4):

Sunday School.

THE subscriber respectfully advertises the public, that he proposes to open a SUNDAY SCHOOL for the benefit of any children who may wish to profit by such an establishment.

It is essential to the success of this plan to state, that the pupils will be exposed to no expence, except for bibles, blank-books, &c.

The exercises will commence at the subscriber’s school-room, on Sabbath day next, the 6th inst.

Hours of instruction from half past 6 to 8, A.M. and from half past 4 to 6 P.M.

Salem, sept. 4.

S. Cleveland Blydon.

Stephen Cleveland Blyth was born at Salem on January 29, 1771;. entered Harvard College in the class of 1790, but did not graduate; had a varied and interesting career in the West Indies and in Europe; in 1807 changed his name to Blydon; in 1809 became a Roman Catholic; later, but exactly when is not known, changed his name back to Blyth; and practised medicine at Boucherville, Canada, where he died in 1844.

826 Boston Transcript, March 23, 1915, p. 12.

827 “The first mention of Sabbath schools in this country, in the ‘Boston Recorder,’” wrote the Rev. Asa Bullard in 1876, “so far as we can find, was in vol. xi., for 1817, in an article by Thomas Vose, Secretary of the Boston Society for the Moral and Religious Instruction of the Poor” (Fifty Years with the Sabbath Schools, p. 46). That article was printed in the issue of October 7, 1817, ii. 173 (not xi). This religious paper, first published under the name of The Recorder on January 3, 1816, contains many references to Sunday schools in this country before the article in question appeared. The paper was at first opposed to their establishment in New England, an editorial in the issue of September 4, 1816, reading in part as follows:

“It has been suggested, that the notices which we have occasionally published of the establishment and success of Sunday Schools in the southern and western States might induce the idea that similar institutions would be equally advantageous in this part of the country. This is far from our intention. The design of Sunday Schools is, and ought to be, the gratuitous instruction of poor children whose parents are unable to spare them from labor or pay for their instruction during the week. In the populous manufacturing districts of Great? Britain, where large numbers of poor children are confined to manual labor for six days in the week, such schools are an invaluable blessing. . . . But in New-England, where Schools are brought to every man’s door, and where the chidren of the poor may be educated without expence during the week, there are few cases where Sunday Schools would be attended with any solid advantage. They might even prove injurious, by inducing a neglect of common schools” (i. 143).

But in an editorial in the issue of October 14, 1817, Sunday schools were “vindicated” (ii. 177). In the Columbian Centinel of August 21, 1816, appeared the following:

Sunday Schools — are found, on experiment, to succeed in N. York, . . . We wish them success. In Massachusetts, we desire to be thankful, these institutions are not needed, and our youths can attend the public worship of God without any impediment to their education. Our laws — cheerfully obeyed — make ample provision for the education of all classes of the community, the children of the poor particularly. The teachers are liberally endowed — at least this is the case in Boston, and other places within the circuit of our knowledge; and the schools are kept constantly filled with pupils of both sexes, at separate times; and exhibitions are given in those schools of reading, writing, arithmetic, grammar, composition, and eloquence, which are not excelled at the best academies (p. 1/4–5).

The complacent view that the Boston schools furnished “ample provision for the education of all classes of the community” was not shared by others, and at a town meeting held May 25, 1818, “The application of a number of the Inhabitants for the establishment of Schools for the instruction of children under seven years of age” was read and the matter was placed in the hands of a committee. The report of this committee, dated June 3, was read at a town meeting held June 11, its recommendations were adopted, money was appropriated, and thus the primary schools were established: “Most of the Schools were opened in August, and all by the first week in September,” 1818 (Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxxvii. 100, 105–106, 124–126).

828 Semi-Centennial Celebration of the Park Street Church and Society; held on the Lord’s Day, February 27, 1859 (1861), pp. 162–164.

829 The Seventeenth Annual Report (1834) was the last published by the Boston Society for the Moral and Religious Instruction of the Poor under that name. The operations of the society were suspended from January, 1838, to January, 1841, when it began a new career under the name of the City Missionary Society.

830 History of the Old South Church, ii. 406.

831 June 4, 1817: “An application was made for the use of the school houses for the accommodation of Sunday schools. — referred to the School Committee” (Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxxviii. 234).

March 18, 1818: “On the application of the Rev. M^r. Huntington & M^r. Thurston leave was granted to occupy the North School house and the school house in Mason street for Sunday schools” (id. p. 279).

832 An account of this was printed in the Boston Recorder of April 24, 1818, beginning as follows: “During the latter part of last summer, a Sabbath School was established in the Congregational Society at South Boston, under the superintendence of the Instructor of the public school there, assisted by the Sabbath School Society in Boston; into which about 60 children were received and instructed in the elements of Reading, and the Holy Scriptures, about three months” (iii. 67).

833 Report of the Boston Society for the Moral and Religious Instruction of the Poor, October 8, 1817, pp. 2–3, 4. This Report was also printed in the Boston Recorder of October 28, 1817, ii. 183.

834 “The School in North-Bennet street was opened about seven months since” (Second Annual Report of the Boston Society, etc., October 22, 1818, p. 8).

835 “The School in Hawkins-street was commenced on Sunday, April 5th” (Second Annual Report, etc., p. 9).

836 Twelfth Annual Report, etc., December 4, 1828, p. 21.

837 Thirteenth Annual Report, December 30, 1829, p. 4. In a footnote the name of the “appropriate institution” is given as “The Massachusetts Branch of the American Sabbath School Union.” In the Fifth Annual Report of the Massachusetts Sabbath School Union, May 27, 1830, it is said: “These difficulties were foreseen by the Board and other friends of the Union, before the experiment was tried; but it was not then known, that each denomination was willing to be organized into Unions by themselves. As soon as this fact was ascertained, the Board were unanimous in the wish that all their schools might be formed into Auxiliary Unions, in connection with each Association of Ministers, or Conference of Churches, in the whole State” (p. 3). A long notice in the Boston Recorder of April 16, 1829, reads in part as follows: “It is well known that the Congregational Evangelical Sabbath Schools in this city have hitherto been under the care of the Society for the Religious and Moral Instruction of the Poor. . . . Recently . . . it was determined that the management of these schools should be entrusted to those who were engaged as instructors in them. . . . The design of relinquishing the schools having been communicated to the Superintendents and teachers; they held a meeting, accepted the trust, formed themselves into a union under the style of the Boston Sabbath School Union, auxiliary to the Massachusetts Sabbath School Union, adopted a constitution, and chose the following persons as officers” (xiv. 62). The first article of the new society’s constitution, adopted March 10, 1829, reads: “This Society shall be known by the name of the Boston Sabbath School Union, and shall be auxiliary to the Massachusetts Sabbath School Union” (First Annual Report of the Board of Managers of the Boston Sabbath School Union, February 20, 1830, p. 28: cf. p. 5).

838 Letter of Harry J. Jaquith dated December 30, 1918, in Boston Transcript of December 31, 1918. Mr. Jaquith says in part:

“The records of Park Street Church were in my possession in the early ’70s and while in my possession I had frequent talks with original members of the church, one of them, my venerable friend Peter Hobart, in telling of the gathering of the church narrated that when the split came between the Trinitarian and Unitarian wings of the Congregational Church, many families withdrew from the Unitarian churches and for years maintained a Sunday school for their children and youth in Deacon Bumstead’s house on Beacon Hill. Finally, out of the Sunday school grew the organization of Park Street Church and the erection of the present (altered) structure. Mr. Hobart was an original member of the Sunday school and later of the church. He told me of the boys of the Sunday school organizing a drum and fife corps and parading the streets upon the outbreak of the War of 1812; so it is easy to fix the date as five or six years earlier than the Christ Church School, and add to that the fact that its services were not discontinued but removed into the church edifice as soon as the building was ready for occupancy.

“There are no ‘ifs, ands or buts’ about these facts. I do not state them to claim ‘first’ for any Sunday school, indeed, Mr. Hobart did not speak of the school as anything new or novel and it is my impression that we would have to go back many years to correctly apply the label, ‘first.’”

Mr. Peter Hobart was born on November 19, 1806, and, consequently, lacked five months of being six years old at the outbreak of the War of 1812 (June 18): see New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxxiv. 107–108. Obviously, what he told Mr. Jaquith cannot be accepted as anything more than the hazy recollections one would naturally expect sixty years or more after the event. Moreover, the historic sketch printed in 1861 was “chiefly from copious statements prepared” by three persons, one of whom was Mr. Hobart (p. 131). “Of my first three or four years,” a distinguished psychologist has recently written, “. . .I have managed to preserve only one dim fragmentary impression, that of mounted horsemen splashing through our street, on the occasion, without doubt, of an exceptionally high tide. But who can say what those first so-called impressions really mean: whether they are in part at least true memories of things seen by us refreshed from time to time, or merely reverberations of tales repeatedly told us by our elders?” (James Sully, My Life and Friends, 1918, p. 10).

839 See p. 265 note 3, above.

840 “An attempt was made to establish a Sunday School for children of color in the African Meeting-house in Belknap-street in the month of November, 1816” (Boston Recorder, November 25, 1817, ii. 200, from an account; “furnished by the Rev. Thomas Paul, Pastor of the African Church, Belknap-street”).

841 History of the First Baptist Church of Boston, pp. 306–307, 353. “Extracts from the Report of the Union Committee of the Sabbath Schools in the three Baptist Societies in Boston” were printed in the Boston Recorder of November 25, 1817, ii. 200, where it is stated that “It was in June, 1816, that the females of the Third Baptist Church and Congregation, formed the first Sunday School in this town.”

842 Semi-Centennial Celebration of the First Sabbath-School Society in Massachusetts, and the First Parish Sabbath School, Charlestown, held on the Lord’s Day, October 14, 1866, at the First Church, Charlestown (1867), pp. 47, 48.

843 Rev. Dr. Asa Eaton.

844 Evidently news about Sunday schools travelled with extreme slowness, but it is certainly surprising that an Episcopal parish in Boston in 1815 should have known nothing of the society that had been organized in Philadelphia twenty-four years before and of which William White, Episcopal Bishop of Pennsylvania, was the first president. Cf. p. 264 note 3, above.

845 The Boston Athenæum owns a copy, the title reading in part: “The Youth’s Manual. Containing the Catechism, of the Protestant Episcopal Church. . . . To which is prefixed A Form of Prayer, for the Use of Sunday Schools. Boston: . . . 1816.” It is a pamphlet of 54 pages, but “The Form of Prayer” is lacking.

846 “Salem Street Sunday School. List of the Officers of the Society, and of the Scholars belonging to the School, Dec. 14, 1817,” copied from a manuscript (now framed and hanging in the vestry of Christ Church), will be found in Bostonian Society Publications (1913), x. 119–125.

847 Report of the Superintendent of the Christ Church Sunday School, [Late Salem Street Sunday School,] presented . . . April 6, 1826, pp. 10–12.

“In June, 1815, Dr. Eaton, with the concurrence and help of his Wardens Shubael Bell and Thomas Clark, established the first Sunday School in this region. . . . It was at first called the Salem street Sunday School. Its sessions . . . were held in the Academy that stood next to the Church on the north side” (Rev. Henry Burroughs, Historical Account of Christ Church, 1874, pp. 33–34).

“On June 14, 1815, the church organized the first Sunday-school known in this part of the world” (Charles Downer, A Visit to the ‘Old North Church,’ Boston, 1893, p. 18).

In a sermon preached on December 29, 1898, the Rev. Charles W. Duane stated that “In June, 1815, Dr. Eaton . . . established, as claimed by some, the first Sunday school in New England” (Historical Sermon, 1901, p. 12).

“The church was part owner of the [Salem Street] Academy, and on June 14, 1815, organized the first Sunday-school known in this part of the world, if we except Samuel Slater’s private Sunday-school at Pawtucket, established in 1793” (Charles K. Bolton, Christ Church, Salem Street, Boston, 1912, p. 15). For the Pawtucket school, see p. 265 note 2, above.

The date June 14 is an error for June 4, since Mr. Ingraham states that Mr. Cotting became preceptor of the Salem Street Academy in May, 1815, and that the Sunday school was “opened on the first Sunday after he commenced his duties as preceptor, being the first Sunday in June, 1815” — that is, June 4th.

848 Boston Transcript, April 23, 1915, p. 12. In 1915, in 1917, and in 1918 discussions took place in the Boston Transcript as to the earliest Sunday school in Boston. See the editorial pages of the following issues: March 22, April 10, 16, 23, 26, 1915, and December 28, 31, 1918; and the Notes and Queriea department, no. 3504, July 21, 28, August 4, September 8, 1917.

849 See pp. 272–273, above.

850 See p. 265 note 3, above.

851 Sermon on the Seventy-fifth Anniversary of the First Baptist Sunday-School, Charlestown, . . . preached . . . April 15, 1888, pp. 8–9. Mr. Collier, a graduate of Brown University in 1797, had taught at the Pawtucket school: cf. p. 265 note 2, above. Mr. Hanson kindly sends me a pamphlet entitled, “Centennial of the First Baptist Sunday School of Charlestown, Mass. Historical address by Rev. Arthur Warren Smith, Librarian, New England Baptist Library. Sunday, April 27, 1913.” Mr. Smith says:

“Like many important beginnings the exact date when there began to be a Baptist Sunday school in Charlestown can not be determined. The probable reason for this is that the pastor and deacons of that early day followed a natural impulse in gathering together a company of twenty persons for religious instruction. But their plan which proved so efficient probably had little organisation for some years, though, doubtless, carried on with consecrated energy. Then in 1813 other local occurrences in the interest of great moral influences gave larger significance to the school more or less informal hitherto. This probably explains how it was that leaders in the church years ago always spoke of this school as in operation as early as 1813. Consequently the long series of school anniversaries, which are known to have been a regular feature ever since as early as 1849, has fixed the above date as the latest which can be assigned for the founding of this school. But there is full reason to recognise the actual origin to have taken place years earlier. It is a question if there was ever a time after 1804, when Pastor Collier, with his definite Sunday school experience in Pawtucket and New York, had not a practical interest in the religious instruction of the youth of his parish. Therefore, in this observance you have a reasonable right to think of this school as more than a hundred full years old” (pp. 3–4).

852 See p. 265 note 3, above.

853 E. S. Gannett, Address delivered before the Boston Sunday School Society, on the celebration of the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Sunday School Institution, at the Federal Street Church, September 14, 1831, p. 40. Dr. Lowell says that the “ladies of the West Church . . . continued the instruction of the Sunday school, till it was transferred to the church,” but does not state when that transference took place. It must have been between May 26 and November 6, 1822. The Boston Society for the Religious and Moral Instruction of the Poor contemplated “the establishment of another [Sunday school] at West Boston” in 1820, but had been obliged to defer it “from want of . . . a sufficient number of suitable Teachers” (Fourth Annual Report, October 11, 1820, p. 6). The Fifth Annual Report, October 17, 1821, stated that “No new School has been founded the past year, although two more might be established with every prospect of doing good — the one to accommodate adults at the Seamens’ meeting, and the children, who attend there — and the other at West Boston, where it has been so long needed. Hitherto, however, the want of suitable Teachers in sufficient numbers has prevented these labours of love” (p. 14). But in the Sixth Annual Report, November 6, 1822, we read: “The subject of a new Sabbath School at West Boston, in connection with the Society’s place of worship there, has been repeatedly mentioned in preceding Reports. The Directors have now the pleasure to state, that one is at length established, and is . . . conducted under the superintendence of Mr. William G. Lambert, . . . who observes in his Report: ‘The Sabbath School in the Mission-house was organized the 26th of May last. . . . Soon after we commenced, a school was opened in a neighboring congregation, and as a number of our scholars belonged to that society, they have generally gone from this to that school’” (p. 14). And a footnote states that the “neighboring congregation” was “The Rev. Mr. Lowell’s,” which was also alluded to on pp. 5–6 of the same Report.

854 Rev. Abiel Abbot (H. C. 1792).

855 Rev. Christopher Toppan Thayer (H. C. 1824).

856 The West Church and its Ministers, pp. 214–219, 221.

857 1 Massachusetts Historical Collections, iii. 266–267.

858 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxvii. 147.

859 His middle name sometimes occurs as “Willington.”

860 O. W. Lane’s mother was presumably that Mary Wellington who was born at Lexington on October 20, 1732 (Lexington Vital Records, p. 84; C. Hudson, History of the Town of Lexington, ii. 728).

861 Bedford Vital Records, p. 36. The Faculty Records (iii. 119) give his name as “Oliver Lane,” the date of his birth as November 7, 1752, and his age as “16–8” — that is, sixteen years and eight months — on June 7, 1769, “about” which time the Freshman class was placed.

862 Massachusetts Soldiers and Sailors of the Revolutionary War, ix. 482.

863 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxx. 90.

864 x. 190.

865 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xiv. 261, 262.

866 John H. Sheppard, Reminiscences of Lucius Manlius Sargent, id. xxv. 211.

867 See the Columbian Centinel of October 23, p. 2/3, and October 26, p. 3/1.

868 Mercury, Tuesday, November 5, 1793, p. 3/3. The inscription on his tombstone in the Granary Burying Ground is given in T. Bridgman’s Pilgrims of Boston (1856), p. 118.

869 John Hancock (1737–1793) was the nephew of Thomas Hancock (1704–1764), who married Lydia Henchman, a daughter of Daniel Henchman (1689–1761), the Boston bookseller. Cf. our Publications, vi. 321.

870 History of Printing in America, 1810, i. 305; 1874, i. 107–108.

871 History of the United States, 1852, v. 266.

872 History of the United States, 1855, v. 266.

873 On January 13, 1853, Livermore “read a series of remarks pointing out sundry errors in the fifth volume of Mr. Bancroft’s ‘History of the United States,’ in relation to the printing of the Bible in this country before the Revolution” (1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, ii. 510–511: cf. x. 450–451). Presumably the remarks were identical with those printed, under the heading “The Bible before the Revolution. Mr. Bancroft and his Authorities,” in the Boston Daily Advertiser of January 18, 1853, p. 1/8. Livermore pointed out that the Bible had been printed here in the German language before 1776, and in later editions of his History of the United States Bancroft’s sentence reads: “And yet to print that Bible in British America would have been a piracy; and the Bible, though printed in German and in a native savage dialect, was never printed there in English till the land became free” (Centenary Ed., 1876, iii. 464). With regard to the alleged Bible printed by Kneeland & Green, Livermore could only quote Thomas at length — a clear begging of the question.

874 Catalogue of the Library of the late Thomas Jefferson Mc Kee, pt. vi, May 12–13, 1902, no. 4714, pp. 881–882. Cf. E. B. O’Callaghan, List of Editions of the Holy Scriptures and Parts thereof, printed in America previous to 1860 (1861), pp. xiii–xvi; J. Wright, Early Bibles of America (1892), pp. 55–58 (1894), pp. 60–63; J. Wright, Historical Bibles in America (1905), pp. 69–72.

875 The New York Public Library owns a copy in which this error has been rectified.

876 The partnership between Samuel Kneeland (d. 1769) and Timothy Green (d. 1763) was dissolved on or a few days after December 26, 1752: cf. our Publications, ix. 443.

877 “He [John Baskett] received afterwards a new grant from George II. for sixty years, with the additional privilege of serving Parliament with stationary. In this manner Baskett’s right would have endured from 1709 to 1799; but the last thirty years of this patent were conveyed to Charles Eyre and his heirs for £10,000. Eyre took possession of his reversion in 1769, and assumed William Strahan as his partner. When the term of this patent expired, a new one was granted to the same family” (John Lee, Memorial for the Bible Societies in Scotland, 1824, p. 180 note).

878 History of Printing in America, 1810, ii. 280; 1874, ii. 93.

879 Apparently the only Bible published by Thomas Baskett in 1752 was printed not at London but at Oxford (T. D. Darlow and H. F. Moule, Historical Catalogue of the Printed Editions of Holy Scripture in the Library of the British and Foreign Bible Society, 1903, i. 280, 285–286). The title-page of that edition, taken from a copy in the Boston Public Library, is as follows, the capital, small capital, and italic letters being as here given:

THE HOLY

BIBLE,

Containing the OLD and NEW

TESTAMENTS:

Newly Translated out of the

Original Tongues,

And with the former

TRANSLATIONS

Diligently Compared and Revised.

By his Majesty’s Special Command.

Appointed to be read in CHURCHES.

OXFORD:

Printed by THOMAS BASKETT, Printer to the

UNIVERSITY. M DCC LII.

880 The volume is labelled on the back of the cover (which is not old): “Sir E^d Andros Land Warrants. 1687 and 1688.” The pages containing the warrants are numbered from 2 to 137, and at the beginning there is an alphabetical list of names. Many documents relating to the warrants are in vols, cxxvi–cxxix of the Massachusetts Archives, and other information will be found in vol. ii of the Council Records, in the Dudley Records (2 Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, xiii. 226–286), in the Andros Records (Proceedings American Antiquarian Society, xiii. 239–268), and in Toppan’s Edward Randolph (Prince Society). The handwriting, which appears to be that of two clerks, is singularly legible for that period, though occasionally a proper name is obscure.

881 Facing p. 94 is a map of “Ancient Falmouth, from 1630 to 1690,” which shows the locations of most of the grants mentioned in the warrants.

882 Collections Maine Historical Society (1847), ii. 165–188.

883 Collections Maine Historical Society (1853), iii. 1–237. At the beginning of the volume are maps of Black Point and of Blue Point.

884 Massachusetts Colony Records, iv. i. 359.

885 Massachusetts Colony Records, iv. i. 359.

886 Though nominated a Councillor on November 4, 1687, Simon Lynde did not serve, as he died on the 22d of the same month.

887 Pawcatuck River separates Westerly, R. I., from Stonington, Ct. Pawcatuck Neck is the neck of land at Watch Hill, Westerly. “Squamacack” occurs in various forms: Ascomicutt, Misquamicoke, Misquamicuck, Misquamicuk, Misquamicut, Squamicut, Squamocuck, etc.

888 Philip Wells had been Andros’s steward, and may have come with him to New York in 1674 or in 1678. At all events, he was there on October 16, 1680, and on December 2 following a lot was surveyed for him in New York City. On August 30, 1683, he was appointed deputy-surveyor in New Jersey, and in June, 1686, he was one of the surveyors who ran the line between New Jersey and New York. On June 17, 1687, then described as of Boston, he was appointed by Andros to the “Office of Surveyor within y^e Territory and Dominion” of New England. In March, 1700, he was one of the commissioners to run the line between New York and Connecticut. (New York Colonial Documents, ii. 302, 312 note, iv. 630; Calendar of Council Minutes, 1668–1783 [1902], pp. 40, 45, 49 50, 61, 86, 122; Minutes of the Common Council of the City of New York, i. 87; New Jersey Archives, i. 517, 518, 521, ii. 22, 23, 24, iv. 412, 413, 414, vi. 148, 149, viii. 205, 227, 247, 249, xiii. 105, 111; Massachusetts Archives, cxxvi. 341.)

889 On June 22, 1687, John Smith, described as of “New Bristoll in y^e County of Bristoll,” was appointed by Andros “Deputy Surveyor of Land within this his Ma^ties Territory and Dominion” of New England (Massachusetts Archives, cxxvi. 341).

890 At that time there were three townships in the Narragansett Country — Kingston, Westerly, and Greenwich. On May 25, 1686, Joseph Dudley was inaugurated President of the Council for New England, and on June 23 following a court was held at Kingston by “his Majesty’s Commissioners and Justices . . . in the King’s Province,” Dudley himself and three other members of the Council being present. The names of Kingston, Westerly, and Greenwich were changed respectively to Rochester, Feversham, and Deptford — doubtless after the three places so called in Kent, England. A curious error is sometimes made in regard to the name of Feversham. In the document printed in our text; in documents dated July 18, 1687, and July 15, 1688 (Massachusetts Archives, cxxvi. 392, cxxix. 51–52); and in a letter dated September 13, 1687, from John Rodman to John Usher (in the Jeffries Family Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society), the name is clearly “Feversham.” But the old spelling “ff,” merely of course a capital F, has misled some copyists, and in 1 Massachusetts Historical Collections, v. 247; in the Rhode Island Colonial Records, iii. 201, 202; in Arnold’s History of the State of Rhode Island (1878), 1–485; and in the New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxxv. 182, the name is wrongly given as “Haversham.” Similarly the name Deptford, sometimes in the old documents written “Dedford,” has in the Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies, 1685–1688, no. 925, p. 261, been misread as “Bedford.”

891 The Rev. John Maxson died December 17, 1720.

892 William Champlin died December 1, 1713.

893 The petition, dated July 18, 1687, of “the subscribers for our seluels and in behalfe of the Towne westerle allias ffeversham in Kings Province,” is in Massachusetts Archives, cxxvi. 392–393. It is signed by five persons, among them John Maxson and William Champlin.

894 John Swarton’s name is wrongly printed “Swanton” in Toppan’s Edward Randolph (Prince Society), ii. 33 note 70. In his own petition, dated June 16, 1687 (Massachusetts Archives, cxxvi. 358), in other documents (id. cxxvi. 375, cxxvii. 132), and in the present warrant, the name is clearly “Swarton,” though the “r” is of the old fashioned kind that might easily be mistaken by a careless copyist for “n.”

895 Charles Lidgett died in 1698.

896 John Cutler, Jr., died August 12, 1708.

897 Probably Jonathan Wade, who died November 24, 1689.

898 Samuel Ballatt died November 12, 1708.

899 Nathaniel Gary was one of the Roxbury men to whom New Roxbury in the Nipmug Country was granted.

900 Giles Payson died January 28, 1689.

901 Now Brookline.

902 In 1680 the “lands att Pocassett and places adjacent,” in the Plymouth Colony, were bought by eight persons, among them Benjamin Church “of Puncatest,” Daniel Wilcox of “Portsmouth, in the Colony of Rhode Island,” and Thomas Waite “of Puncatest” (O. Fowler, History of Fall River, 1862, p. 61: cf. Plymouth Colony Records, vi. 29–30).

903 On June 6, 1682, Sakonnet (Seaconet, Seconet, etc.) was incorporated as Little Compton (Plymouth Colony Records, vi. 88).

904 The clerk’s error for “Seconet:” see the next note.

905 Perhaps “Natinnah” It should be “Natimnah” In a petition undated but referred to John Walley and Nathaniel Byfield on June 6, 1687 (Massachusetts Archives, cxxvi 339–340), Daniel Wilcox said: “That in Julij 1679; There was granted by the seūall Courts holclen att Plymouth vnto Samuell Leonard and John Lennard in right of their father Solomon Lennard the Quantity of One Hundred and fifty Acres of Land And that the second day of July 1686 Yo^r Pet^r for a Valuable Considerac̄on purchased of the said Samuell and John all their right and title in and to the said grant and Whereas yo^r Pet^r the Three & Twentyeth of June 1683 [altered from 1686, or 1686 altered from 1683] Did for a valuable Considerac̄on Likewise purchase of Mamanewatt Cheife Sachem of Seconett and the Lands Adjacent; One Hundred acres of Land being part of a Large Neck of Land called Seconett butted and bounded asin the Deed thereof is Expressed And Likewise the 21^th of June 1686 Hath also purchased of another Indian called Kewegue aƚs Chacliamuck brother to the said Mamanewatt for a Like Valuable Conrac̄on ffifty acres of Land Lying on a Small neck within the s^d Large Neck called Natimnah butted and bounded as in the deed thereof is sett forth.” Cf. Plymouth Colony Records, vi. 18, 202, 245.

906 Boston Neck is still so called, lying between Wickford and Narragansett Pier, R. I.

907 Francis Brinley (1632–1719).

908 In June, 1694, Pocasset was incorporated as Tiverton (Massachusetts Province Laws, i. 174), but in January, 1747, was reincorporated by Rhode Island (Rhode Island Colonial Records, v. 204).

909 Cf. p. 299 note 1, above.

910 Puncatest Neck was in Sakonnet now Little Compton, R. I. See p. 299 note 1, above.

911 Now Somerset.

912 Benjamin Davis died November 26, 1704.

913 Roger Clap died February 2, 1691.

914 Edward Shippen moved to Philadelphia about 1693 and died October 2, 1712. Cf. our Publications, xx. 266.

915 On October 15, 1684, it was ordered that the “plantation at Quansigamond be called Worcester” (Massachusetts Colony Records, v. 460).

916 The willof George Danson was dated December 10, 1689, and proved July 29, 1696. (Suffolk Probate Files, no. 1956). The name sometimes wrongly appears as Dawson.

917 John Gore of Roxbury died June 26, 1705. Cf. p. 306 note 1, below.

918 Major Robert Thompson was of London.

919 For Dr. Daniel Coxe (1640–1730) of London, see Pennsylvania Magazine, vii. 317–337.

920 On May 16, 1683, the General Court, “hauing information that some gentlemen in England are desirous to remoove themselues into this colony, & (if it may be) to setle themselues vnder the Massachusetts; for the incouragement of such persons, . . . this Court doth grant to Major Robert Thompson, Willjam Stoughton, & Joseph Dudley, Esq, and such others as they shall associate to them,” the tract mentioned in the warrant (Massachusetts Colony Records, v. 408).

921 Nonsuch farm was in Scarborough.

922 Sarah Jordan was the daughter of John Winter and the widow of the Rev. Robert Jordan, who had died in 1679.

923 John Hinckes was a member of the Council: cf. our Publications, xvii.39.

924 Richard Clement (Clemente, Clements) was appointed deputy surveyor September 16–19, 1687 (Massachusetts Archives, cxxvii. 106). On the order is written “The like warr^t for Jn^o Gore to be Deputy Surveyor.”

925 Silvanus Davis died in 1703.

926 Fort Loyal, Falmouth.

927 Little Chebeag.

928 Capisick, a small stream flowing into Casco River.

929 Walter Barefoot, Deputy-Governor of New Hampshire, died late in 1688 or early in 1689.

930 Robert Lawrence was killed by Indians in May, 1690.

931 Capisick.

932 Ammoncongin (variously spelled), “now universally called Congin, was applied to a portion of Presumpscot river around the falls next below Saccarappa” (Willis, History of Portland, p. 242 note).

933 Edward Tyng, a member of the Council, died about 1701.

934 Peter Bowdoin: see no. 29.

935 Richard Seacomb (Seccomb, etc.) died in 1694.

936 John Smith: see no. 41.

937 See no. 39.

938 David Phippen was killed by Indians in August, 1703.

939 Joseph Phippen made his will July 21, 1687, and died soon after.

940 George Cleeves died between 1666 and 1671.

941 Joshua Scottow died January 20, 1698.

942 Abraham Jocelyn was a brother of Henry Jocelyn and of John Josselyn.

943 Peter Bowdoin died in September, 1716.

944 Error for “Tyng.”

945 Walter Gendall was killed by Indians in September, 1688.

946 The Rev. John Sherman, who died July 8, 1685, married for his second wife Mary Launce.

947 The source of Mayanexit River is now in Leicester.

948 Probably in Sutton.

949 Dominicus Jordan, a son of the Rev. Robert Jordan, was killed by Indians in 1703.

950 John Ross was a son of James Ross.

951 This name appears variously as Samford, Stamford, Standford, Stanfort, and Staniford. The last form is the one usually employed by Willis.

952 Samuel Ingersoll was a son of George Ingersoll, Sr.

953 Richard Hunnewell was killed by Indians in 1703 or 1713.

954 Nicholas Paige died in 1717.

955 Rumley or Rumney Marsh, now Chelsea.

956 Anna (Keayne) Paige was a daughter of Benjamin Keayne, a son of Robert Keayne.

957 Capisick.

958 Richard Powsland.

959 George Ingersoll, Jr., was a son of George Ingersoll, Sr., and died about 1730.

960 Thomas Cloice (Clayce, Cloyse, Cloyes) was killed by Indians in 1690

961 Purpooduck Point is at the mouth of Casco River.

962 Portland Head is south of Purpooduck Point, and Pond Cove is between Portland Head and Cape Elizabeth.

963 Joseph Webber was probably the son of Mary Webber: see no. 56.

964 Richard Vines died in 1651.

965 Daniel, David, Henry, John, and Matthew Libbey were brothers.

966 Bartholomew Gedney, a member of the Council, died March 1, 1698.

967 Robert Elliot died in 1720.

968 John Wallis died in 1690.

969 See no. 96.

970 The Rev. Shubael Dummer (H. C. 1656), a son of Richard Dummer (d. December 14, 1678), was killed by Indians on January 25, 1692.

971 James Andrews died in 1714.

972 Perhaps “Monticke.”

973 Nathaniel Clark died January 31, 1717.

974 Clark’s Island was the summer home of our late associate, Professor William W. Goodwin: see our Publications, xiv. 299.

975 Margaret Corwin, a daughter of the younger John Winthrop and the widow of John Corwin (d. July 12, 1683), died November 30, 1711.

976 Ann Winthrop, a daughter of the younger John Winthrop, married John Richards in 1692, and died June 27, 1704.

977 According to a deposition dated May 14, 1684, the land was given to Gov. John Winthrop by Tacomus; and on May 2, 1685, was deeded by John and Wait Winthrop to their sisters Margaret Corwin and Ann Winthrop: see Suffolk Deeds, xiii. 344, 429–430.

978 Perhaps “Sicketts.”

979 In his petition (Massachusetts Archives, cxxvi. 421) the name is “Niles,” and is so entered in the index to that volume; but the petition is not in the hand of Niell, and his autograph signature reads “Samuell Nielld.” In documents dated April 11, 1689, he is called “Niel” (id. cxxix. 364).

980 The elder Peter Housing died about 1673.

981 Russell says that “in 1652, John Maine lived on the Foreside; and a point which yet retains his name, directs us to the place of his settlement” (History of North Yarmouth, p. 171). In a petition not dated but referred to Walter Gendall on June 10, 1687, John Maine said that “about thirty yeares since [he] purchased an house in Casco Bay, with sixty Acres of Land adjoyneing Scittuate neare the Middle of Casco Bay; on the Westerly side of Westgostuggo River; at a Certaine place there, Com̄only Called and knowne by the name of Maines Point” (Massachusetts Archives, cxxvi. 347–348).

982 Russell gives Harriseket as the Indian name of the present Freeport (History of North Yarmouth, p. 167). What is called Arriscicott River in no. 90 and Arrisicket River in no. 92, elsewhere appears as Harriseeket River (Collections Maine Historical Society, iv. 105) and even as “Henery Sickett his River” (York Deeds, iii. 53).

983 Eleuthera, one of the Bahama Islands, was laid waste by the Spaniards, and in 1686 some of the inhabitants came to Boston and were settled at North Yarmouth, which, however, they “were forced to desert” because they “had not food to subsist there to o^r great dam̄age & vndoing:” see 2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xiii. 15–16, 265. Cf. our Publications, iii. 421 note 2.

984 Nathaniel Wallis died October 18, 1709.

985 Matthew Paulling married a daughter of John Wallis.

986 George Bramhall was killed by Indians in September, 1690.

987 George Ingersoll, Sr., who was living at Salem in 1694, was the father of Joseph, Samuel, and George Ingersoll, Jr.

988 John Ingersoll, a brother of George Ingersoll, Sr., died about 1716.

989 John and Isaac Jones were probably brothers. They were of Charlestown, and both died about 1690.

990 Doubtless Enoch Wiswall (Massachusetts Archives, cxxviii. 284, cxxix. 95).

991 Doubtless J. Atwater (Massachusetts Archives, cxxviii. 214).

992 John and James Mosier, sons of Hugh Mosier (d. about 1666), “occupied two islands, now in Freeport, called great and little Mosier’s, but since, by corruption, the Moges” (Willis, History of Portland, p. 60).

993 Joseph Ingersoll (1646–1700) was a son of George Ingersoll, Sr.

994 Joseph Ingersoll married a daughter of Matthew Coe, whose wife was Elizabeth Wakely, daughter of Thomas Wakely.

995 John and Robert Nicholson were brothers.

996 Robert Greason was captured by Indians in 1690.

997 Joel Madiver was killed by Indians in August, 1703.

998 George, Jonathan, and Samuel Felt were the sons of George Felt, who was killed by Indians on September 23, 1676.

999 The elder George Felt married a sister of James Andrews.

1000 John Eyre died June 17, 1700.

1001 Jonathan Tyng, a member of the Council, died January 19, 1724.

1002 Now Chelmsford.

1003 Samuel Shrimpton, a member of the Council, died February 8, 1698.

1004 Benjamin Munford (Mountfort, Mumford) died in 1714.

1005 Savill Simpson died in 1725.

1006 Now called Magunco Hill, in Ashland. Cf. Hurd, History of Middlesex County (1890), iii. 535; Handbook of American Indians (1907), i. 786.

1007 Joseph Lynde died January 29, 1727.

1008 Andrew Belcher (1647–1717).

1009 Edward Collins died in April, 1689.

1010 Stoughton’s sister Rebecca married William Taylor (d. 1682), and was the mother of Lt.-Gov. William Tailer.

1011 James Russell died April 28, 1709.

1012 The “s” was perhaps inserted later.

1013 Apparently altered from “Rauenscrof.”

1014 George Turfrey died in 1714.

1015 John Chandler died April 15, 1703.

1016 Now Woodstock, which became a part of Connecticut about 1750. Under date of March 18, 1690, Sewall wrote: “I gave New-Roxbury the name of Woodstock because of its nearness to Oxford, for the sake of Queen Elizabeth” (Diary, i. 315).

1017 This was the second Nathaniel Newgate, a London merchant: see Chamberlain, History of Chelsea, i. 166–168.

1018 Not all place-names mentioned in the warrants are given in this list, but only those which in a general way indicate the location of the grants.

1019 For Hoar, see Sibley’s Harvard Graduates, i. 228–252, 587–590.

1020 Hoar’s patron was Sir Henry Mildmay (died about 1664) of Wanstead, the father of William Mildmay (H. C. 1647): cf. our Publications, xviii. 309 note 2.

1021 Hoar received the degree of M.D. from Cambridge University in 1671.

1022 Under date of July 8, 1672, William Adams (H. C. 1671) wrote: “Dr. Hoare came in from England” (4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, i. 17).

1023 This is of course a misprint for 1671. As March was then the first month, Chauncy’s death was “at the latter End of the Year 1671,” Old Style. As Mather did not see proofs of his magnum opus, there can be no doubt that various errors in the Magnalia, like the date 1701, are due not to the author but to the printer. Cf. p. 154 note 2, above.

1024 Magnalia, bk. iv. pt. i, § 5, pp. 128–129.

1025 From an unexpected source it is learned that this “motion” originated with the Overseers — a fact which appears to have escaped the attention of the historians of the College. In the Index to College Books i–vi, compiled by President Wadsworth, are these entries: “When y^e President’s place was offer’d to m^r Chauncey. A.D. 1654. an. 100^ll salary was offer’d at y^e same time. B. 2. p. 15. . . . President’s Salary (An. 1654. B. 2. p. 3) p. 7, Judg’d by y^e overseers. 1672. sh^d be. 150^ƚƚ at least y^e General Court to be address’d about it. B. 2. p. 47. 49.” Evidently the order of October 8, 1672, was in response to an address from the Overseers. College Book ii was destroyed in the fire of 1764, and those particular entries were not (like many others) copied into College Book iii.

1026 Massachusetts Colony Records, iv. ii. 535.

1027 American Antiquarian Society Transactions and Collections, iii. 233. Cf. Hill’s History of the Old South Church, i. 182–190.

1028 American Antiquarian Society Transactions and Collections, iii. 235. The preceding entry is dated “Dec. 7,” and the entry after is dated “1673, 21st of 1st.”

1029 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, i. 18.

1030 Henry Ashurst (d. 1680).

1031 Boyle’s Works (1772), vi. 653. In reprinting this interesting letter, Sibley says that it was written “a few weeks after Hoar’s inauguration as President” (Harvard Graduates, i. 588), forgetting that he had previously (p. 235) given the date as December 10, and overlooking his own pencilled note in College Book i. 75 (though that note may have been made after the publication of his Harvard Graduates).

1032 So far as I have noted, this is the only entry in the Index to which no reference is attached. The omission is unfortunate; but since neither College Book iii nor College Book iv contains such an entry, it is a fair assumption that the entry in question was taken from College Book ii (not now extant). Though Wadsworth noted Hoar’s inauguration and resignation, he did not note Hoar’s election.

1033 Down to and including 1827, the Triennial Catalogues gave only the years in which a President was inaugurated or died or left office. In the 1830 Triennial full dates were given for the first time, and from 1830 to 1885, both included, the Triennial and Quinquennial Catalogues gave September 10 as the date of Hoar’s accession to office. In the 1890 Quinquennial, the correct date of December 10, 1672, appeared for the first time.

1034 Danforth, it will be observed, gives the date of the inauguration as September 10. Perhaps this was Mather’s authority for the same date.

1035 1 Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, xiii. 235.

1036 History of Massachusetts (London, 1765), i. 174 note.

1037 See p. 396, below.

1038 College Book iii. 3.

1039 See pp. 152–154, above.

1040 In his Index to College Books i–vi, President Wadsworth made the entry, “D^r Hoar resign’d his Presidentship. 15–1. 1675. B. 2. p. 63;” but made no entry in regard to Hoar’s election.

1041 Thomas Shepard was elected a Fellow on November 27, 1654 (College Book iii. 39), and the Quinquennial Catalogue states that he held the position until 1673. I cannot help thinking that this is a mistake, and that he was not a Fellow early in 1672: see p. 396 note 4, below.

1042 College Book iii. 43.

1043 Joseph Browne was probably a Fellow before 1671, for in a letter dated February 14 or 15, 1672, Sewall, who entered College in 1667, said: “Prethee present my service to Mr. Nowell, Mr. Richardson; and in special, to Mr. Brown my Tutor” (Letter-Book, i. 19). The editors say in a footnote that this letter “was written March 16, 1672;” but the letter is dated “Newbury; 16. Calend. Martij, 1671,” which was not March 16 but February 14 or 15, 1672

1044 2 Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, iv. 266.

1045 On May 1, 1671, the Rev. John Knowles, then in England, wrote to the Overseers in regard to the condition of the College. That letter has not been preserved, but the letter of the Overseers in reply, dated August 21, 1671, is printed in our Publications, xi. 336–341. This last letter, in its turn, drew from thirteen ministers in and about London a letter dated February 5, 1672, which is printed in Hutchinson’s Collection of Original Papers (1769), pp. 429–431. This letter contains a recommendation of Dr. Hoar, as does also a letter written by the Rev. John Collins (H. C. 1649) to Governor Leverett (printed in id. pp. 435–436). In March, 1672, Richard Saltonstall wrote a letter recommending the Rev. John Knowles for the presidency (printed in our Publications, viii. 193–198).

1046 W. Ames, 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, i. 15–16.

1047 During the time when there were three resident Fellows or Tutors, they were called respectively “Senior” Fellow, “Second” or “Middle” Fellow, and “Third” Fellow. By the charter of 1672, the number of resident Fellows or Tutors was reduced from three to two: see p. 396, below.

1048 W. Ames, 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, i. 17.

1049 I should also be inclined to think that Samuel Danforth could not have been a Fellow early in 1672, were it not for the peculiar way in which he is spoken of in the charter of 1672: see p. 396, below.

1050 See p. 368, above.

1051 See pp. 382, 379, below.

1052 See p. 381, below

1053 College Records, x. 67

1054 x 68.

1055 x. 70.

1056 John Davis (H. C. 1781).

1057 John Lowell (H. C. 1786).

1058 College Records, x. 80.

1059 x. 80.

1060 College Records, x. 83.

1061 x. 101.

1062 The genesis of this pamphlet is as follows. On January 9, 1811, the Corporation voted “That the President & Chief Justice be a Committee to prepare & cause to be printed five hundred copies of the documents, which relate to the foundation & existing powers of the Corporation & Overseers of Harvard College” (College Records, x. 12–13). On April 15, 1812, the Corporation voted “That the Committee (The President and Chief Justice Parsons) appointed to prepare and print the Constitution of the College with the history of the Proceedings under it, be requested to cause to be printed One thousand Copies” (x. 101). Chief Justice Theophilus Parsons (H. C. 1769) was a Fellow from 1806 to 1812. At the bottom of p. 33 of the pamphlet are the words:

The foregoing charters and acts relating to the constitution of Harvard College with the appendix are printed by vote of the corporation.

JOHN T. KIRKLAND, President.

Cambridge, April 18, 1812.

1063 Constitution of the University at Cambridge, pp. 19, 21.

The first edition of the Harvard University Catalogue to contain a section on “The Government of the University” was that for the year 1872–73, where appears (p. 15) a paragraph of twelve lines about the charter of 1672, practically taken from Quincy’s History. This paragraph appeared in every succeeding edition of the Catalogue down to and including that for 1882–83; but no edition of the Catalogue issued since that for 1882–83 has contained any allusion to the charter of 1672

1064 History of Harvard University (1833), p. 43. In a footnote Peirce refers to “Constitution of the Univ., App. p. 27.” In that pamphlet the memorial presented to the Legislature by the Corporation on February 24, 1812, is printed on pp. 25–32.

1065 History of Harvard University, i. 32–33.

1066 History of New England, iii. 94.

1067 Harvard Graduates, i. 234, 235.

1068 Our Publications, i. 201–202, 204–205.

1069 See p. 400, below.

1070 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 30.

1071 By “correction,” Sibley (Harvard Graduates, i. 12, 15 note) appears to understand whipping; but that does not seem to be a necessary interpretation of the word.

1072 College Book i. 43.

1073 College Book i. 50.

1074 Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 417; iv. i. 278–279. In 1644 two students were whipped by President Dunster himself: see Winthrop, Journal (1908), ii. 170.

1075 Massachusetts Colony Records, iv. i. 315.

1076 For this draught, see pp. 395–402, below.

1077 For this copy, see pp. 395–401, below.

1078 See p. 381, below

1079 See p. 386, below.

1080 See p. 375, above.

1081 So far as I have noted, only two meetings before 1672 had any heading at all: “At the meeting of the Corporation, June 10, 1659” (College Book iii. 36); and “At a Corporation meeting held June 17, 1667” (iii. 28). When, on becoming President, Hoar made the entry “Acts of y^e Corporation since y^e 10^th Decem^br 1672,” and continued to use the word Corporation, he was following what little precedent there was.

1082 Though the words “President and Fellows of Harvard College” are not found in the heading of any meeting before 1708, yet on November 25, 1685, “It was then agreed by the President & ffellows,” etc. (College Book i. 95), and on April 25, 1686, it was “Ordered by y^e president & Fellows,” etc. (iii. 96).

1083 It need scarcely be pointed out that very often the words “President and Fellows of Harvard College” meant not the corporate name but the particular persons who were holding the positions of President and Fellows at the time.

1084 See pp. 386–387, below.

1085 History of Massachusetts, i. 171. Hutchinson’s dates are a trifle inaccurate. The Colony charter was vacated in 1684, but the College continued to be governed under the College charter of 1650 until July 23, 1686. The date 1673 should of course be 1672.

1086 See p. 386 note 2, below. On November 15, 1856, a committee consisting of President Walker, Chief Justice Lemuel Shaw, and Charles G. Loring made a report to the Corporation in which, referring to the appendix passed in 1657, they said: “it is never mentioned, as they believe, in any subsequent record [i. e., record subsequent to 1657] of the doings of either Board, nor in any of the legislative enactments concerning the College, excepting in one instance of a reference to it by the Corporation, in a vote of July 20, 1722, relating to an order or by-law, and in one by the Overseers in December, 1778, relating to appointments” (Report on the Rights and Duties of the President and Fellows of Harvard College in relation to the Board of Overseers, 1856, pp. 29–30). The appendix is twice mentioned in the Corporation Records: once on July 30 (not 20, as misprinted in the Report), 1722; and again on August 23, 1723: see College Book iv. 79, 89.

1087 See pp. 388–389, below.

1088 Henry Flynt (H. C. 1693).

1089 Edward Hutchinson (d. 1752).

1090 Leverett’s Diary, p. 262. Leverett’s omission to give the number of the folio was supplied by Quincy, who has here written in ink “v. iv. P. 86” — that is, College Book iv. 86.

1091 College Book iv. 89–90. This representation is printed in full by Quincy in his History, i. 546–556, the extract quoted in the text appearing on p. 551. Thus when Quincy stated that “nor is any notice taken of it in those records,” he overlooked a document printed by himself.

1092 1 Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, xvi. 54, 61.

1093 There are many documents (most of which appear to be in the hand of Sever) in the College archives (Harvard College Papers, i; Supplement, i) relating to this controversy, in several of which there are allusions to the charter of 1672 (Harvard College Papers, i. 88, 117, 119, 125). A careful examination of these documents would doubtless yield many other references to that charter.

1094 Quincy devotes nearly a page to the pamphlet (History, ii. 34–35), but makes no mention of Prince’s discussion of the charter of 1672.

1095 College Book iv. 84.

1096 iv. 135.

1097 iv. 238.

1098 College Book iv. 237, 238–239, 239, 241, 242, 243. The following document is in Harvard College Papers, i. 171:

This may Certify whom it may concern, That I the Subscriber have, (upon the Account of Harvard College) hired a Chamber of Henry Prentice of Cambridge in the County of Middlesex in New-England Cooper, at the rate of three pounds five shillings ⅌ the Quarter of a Year, in Order to put therein the Goods, of Mr Nathan Prince, late a Fellow of Harvard College affors^d, & hereby I promise, that I will indemnify, the s^d Henry Prentice, from any Loss or Damage to Him on Account of the Premises, as Witness my hand

Sign’d in Presence of Us

Edw^d Holyoke

Belcher Hancock

Tho^s Marsh

Copy

This document is in the hand of President Holyoke, who has written on the back: “Copy of my Note to Henry Prentice to pay for his Chamber.” It is endorsed in a different hand: “Holyokes indemnification against Nathan Prince about 1740.” The note was of course written in 1742.

1099 Prince had evidently begun writing his pamphlet long before his chamber was broken into. As the pamphlet presents some curiosities, bibliographical and otherwise, and has apparently never been described, an account of it will be pertinent. Neither date, nor place of publication, nor author’s name, nor publisher’s name appears on the title-page. It is assigned to 1743 by Sabin, but to 1742 by Evans. The following advertisement was printed in the Boston News Letter of January 13, 1743:

JUST published, a Piece entitled “The Constitution and Government of Harvard College.” Wherein its Charter and all the Laws that constitute the Government of that College are laid together and compared; and the several Powers belonging to the Corporation and Overseers of said College are considered; and what Powers over it still remain in the General Court. And from the whole ’tis argued that the Court alone are the Visitors of that College. A work useful to all Persons related to that Society, and in particular to those whose Children are Educated in it. To be sold by Rogers and Fowle at their Printing House, and by J. Blanchard Bookseller at the Head of the Town-Dock Boston; & by Deacon Samuel Whittemore Shopkeeper in Cambridge (p. 2/2).

Two editions were published, one containing 28 pages and a later edition containing 44 pages. The title-page and the first twenty-four pages are identical in both editions, even to misprints. The title-page, which has an ornamental line above it and below it, the whole being in the middle of the page (thus more like a half-title than an ordinary title-page), reads as follows:

THE

Constitution and Government

Harvard-College.

As already stated the first twenty-four pages are identical in both editions. All of the text on p. 25 of the first edition also appears on p. 25 of the second edition. But two footnotes on p. 25 of the first edition are omitted in the second edition; and their place is taken by four lines of text which are not in the first edition. Prince had evidently written to the end of p. 25 when his chamber was broken into. The two footnotes on that page are somewhat wild in tone, and the text on p. 26 is still wilder. It reads as follows:

The Writer of this Paper was going on to exhibit to View the Management of the College-Stock from Age to Age- - -And how it was scarce looked into [here the word but is interlined in Prince’s hand] once or twice in an Age! . . . And thereon the Writer of this Paper proposed to give Instances of some general and perpetual Grievances, and particularly the enormous Grievance of abusing Gentlemen’s Sons in the Arbitrary fixing them below their Just Place in College-Classes,- - - -There to stand degraded (for ever!) in the publick Catalogues. . . . But while the Writer of this Paper (who is absolutely resolved to set his Name to it, and at the End to stile himself Nathan Prince) was Demonstrating how the College Constitution provided Such Remedy- - -He received a College-Vote, as he Thinks, (though by the very Words of the Vote it self it can be no College Vote at all!) whereby “The President, Tutors and Professors [Poor Professors † ! settled by Vote below Tutors!] were empowered and directed to break open or cause to be broken open the Doors of his Chamber and Studies, and to remove out of them the said Prince’s Goods.” And so to Seize all his Books and Plate and Papers to their own Use and Behoof (for ought any Thing he knew by This Vote!)- - - - -He Flung his Pen aside- - - -and cared not what besame of such an ingrateful Society- - -Till it was restored to a Better Government - - - -Nor of all the &c. &c. ^**** Tr- - - ! D- - - ! H- - -! G- - - ! A- - - ! C- - - ! F- - - ! D- - - ! G- - - ! B- - -C- - -I- - - Se!- - - - -AMEN. But KAI and again and again. - - - - -all in DUE Time.

† Dr. W. is degraded below 2 Ms. and an H. “What are Things coming to!

This extraordinary outburst, coming at the end of twenty-five pages of perfectly rational argument, would be inexplicable but for some words written at the bottom of p. 25 in a copy of the pamphlet in the Boston Public Library. There the Rev. Thomas Prince has written: “My Dear Brother’s Hardships growing upon Him; He begins to grow Disordered in his Brain, & continues so for a week or two.” The initials at the end of the outburst stand, I suppose, for various Overseers or members of the Corporation or Tutors.

“Dr. W.” is Edward Wigglesworth; “2 Ms. and an H.” are Joseph Mayhew, Thomas Marsh, and Belcher Hancock.

The text of the first edition ends on p. 26 with the passage quoted above. There is, however, a second footnote on that page, which ends about the middle of p. 27. The signatures of this first edition are B, C, D, E, F, G.

Upon his recovery, Nathan Prince completed his pamphlet in a second edition of 44 pages. The above passage is omitted and the text ends on p. 43 as follows:

As to any indecent Reflections in this Piece, which might be occasioned by the Unexampled Treatment he has lately met with, he would only say, that “He has not the Inhumanity to wish the most malicious of his unreasonable Enemies to change Circumstances with him, and then be put upon the Trial to write a Piece on this Subject with fewer Reflections in it. But with These and all Other Defects in the Piece itself, it may still be of publick Service to Harvard College, whose Treasury! Whose Constitution! Whose very Being! it so nearly concerns. He therefore offers it to the serious Perusal of ALL the true Friends to that Society; and subscribes himself

Nathan Prince.”

Then follows a list of Errata, also on p. 43. The signatures of the second edition are B, C, D, E, F, F, H, I, K, L. On p. 26 is an allusion to “this present Day July 7. 1742.”

An advertisement inserted by Prince in the Boston papers in March and April, 1743, is here given because it shows that, many months after his ejection from his chamber, he still called himself a Fellow:

THESE may inform the Public, that Nathan Prince, Fellow of Harvard College proposes, on suitable Encouragement, to open a School in this Town for the instructing young Gentlemen in the most useful Parts of the Mathemalicks, Natural Philosophy and History. Particularly in the Elements of Geometry and Algebra; in Trigonometry and Navigation; in Geography and Astronomy; with the Use of the Globes and the several Kinds of Projecting the Sphere: In the Arts of Surveying, Gauging and Dialing; and in the General Rules of Fortification and Gunnery. To these will be added, Lectures on History and natural Philosophy.

The Terms, on which the said Nathan Prince would engage to instruct young Gentlemen in the above-mentioned Arts and Sciences, may be seen at his Lodgings at the House of Seth Cushing in Exchange Lane, Boston (Boston News Letter, March 3, p. 2/2, March 10, p. 2/2: Boston Evening Post, March 14, Supplement, p. 1/1, March 21, p. 2/2, March 28, p. 2/2, April 4, Supplement, p. 2/2).

It is well known that soon after this Nathan Prince went to England to receive Anglican orders, became an Episcopal missionary, and died July 25, 1748: cf. our Publications, xviii. 335 note 1, xix. 332 note 3.

1100 Constitution and Government of Harvard College, p. 3.

1101 The College charter of 1650 was twice entered “in due Form” — once in College Book i. 59–60, and again in College Book iii. 12–14, both of which are noted in Wadsworth’s Index. The appendix to the charter of 1650 passed in 1657 was not entered in College Books i, iii, or iv, and is not noted in Wadsworth’s index. If Prince’s statement is correct, and there is no reason for thinking that he was mistaken, the appendix was probably entered in College Book ii, which was destroyed by fire in 1764.

1102 Most of the copies of Prince’s pamphlet I have seen have corrections in ink in his own hand. In several such copies, after the word “no” is a caret and in the margin are the words “Independent or.”

1103 Constitution and Government, pp. 8, 9, 13, 15. In Harvard College Papers i. 88, is a document thus described by Mr. Brown in his Calendar (see p. 392 note 1, below) of those Papers:

“A series of statements, extracts, &c., from various proposed charters, & concerning the government of the college, apparently set down with a view to a forensic use of them. The purpose of the whole is not clear.

“Note. — My conjecture is that the paper was used by one of the controversialists about 1721, on the question of admitting Tutors to the corporation.”

This document is in the hand of Nathan Prince, a fact which escaped Mr. Brown, and without doubt it was compiled while Prince was preparing his pamphlet in 1742.

1104 Harvard College Papers, Supplement, i. 16.

1105 Leverett’s Diary, pp. 265–262.

1106 In 1912 I wrote: “In addition to this ‘College Book V in Folio’ [Treasurer Brattle’s Account Book, 1693–1713], there was also at one time a volume known as ‘College Book V in Quarto,’ as appears from various references to it by Wadsworth in the marginal entries in the Corporation Records. This volume was either burned in the fire of 1764, or has disappeared, or cannot now be identified” (our Publications, xiv. 314 note 1). I have since identified the volume as President Leverett’s Diary (cf. id. xiv. 316).

1107 Quincy prints extracts from it in his History, i. 291, 292, 295, 520, 522, 546. Cf. p. 388 note 3, above.

1108 Harvard College Papers, Supplement, i. 17.

1109 Harvard College Papers, Supplement, i. 18.

1110 Harvard College Papers, i. 20. Possibly this copy is in the hand of Sever.

1111 This is of course the copy printed in Massachusetts Colony Records, iv. ii. 535–537.

1112 It may have been one of those destroyed when the Town House was burned in 1747: cf. our Publications, vol. ii. pp. xviii–xix. On the other hand, the hypothetical copy (G) may never have existed, and Prince may have used for collation the Rawson copy (A) now in the College archives. But if that was the case, it is impossible to explain the reference to “p. 550.” Besides, copy (A) contains the word “sconsing,” while Rawson’s copy (G) evidently had “scourging:” see p. 398 note 3, below.

1113 Prince’s copy (I) is endorsed, apparently in a different hand, “Votes about College Oct^r 1672.”

1114 Apparently not many specimens of Hoar’s handwriting have been preserved. A letter of his (printed in 1 Massachusetts Historical Collections, vi. 100–108) dated March 27, 1661, is in the Massachusetts Historical Society. Another, dated January 7, 1675, is reproduced in facsimile in Hill’s History of the Old South Church, i. 184. Entries from 1672 to 1674 on pp. 75–78 of College Book i are in his hand. The most characteristic feature of his writing is the letter “l,” which is made with an odd twist in the downward stroke.

1115 Copy (E) is in Harvard College Papers, i. 20. How the volumes so called came to be collected is explained at the beginning of the first volume:

At a Special Meeting of the President and Fellows of Harvard College, February 6th 1850.

“Voted, That the President cause to be examined and arranged all the manuscript papers relating to the College, . . . and procure such as are worthy of preservation to be substantially bound.”

Harvard College, October, 1852.

In compliance with the above order, a thorough inquiry and examination have been made. All the papers that could be found relating to the history and general affairs of the College have been collected, arranged, & bound in the following volumes.

Jared Sparks,

Presd^t

The papers then arranged were bound in eleven volumes. Over forty years later other documents were arranged, called Supplements to vols, i–vii, and bound in four volumes. (The book-plate pasted into vol. i says that that volume was received March 4, 1893.) The late William G. Brown compiled in one volume, presumably while he was Deputy Keeper of the University Archives from 1896 to 1901, a Calendar to both series, adding notes. These notes are valuable, but Mr. Brown occasionally went astray in assigning dates to undated documents.

1116 Copies (A), (C), and (D) are in Harvard College Papers, Supplement, i. 16, 17, 18.

It is of course well known that certain important books of College records (among them Treasurer Richards’s Account Book, 1669–1693; Treasurer Brattle’s Account Book, 1693–1713; and Treasurer Hutchinson’s Account Book, 1721–1752) were carried off by John Hancock while he was Treasurer (1773–1777) and were not restored to the College until about 1862: cf. 1 Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, vi. 337, 342–343. And documents that once actually or properly belonged to the College but had fallen into private hands, are constantly being returned to the College.

1117 Massachusetts Colony Records, iv. i. 12–14.

1118 Altered from “errected.”

1119 Apparently altered from “the.”

1120 Perhaps “Indians.”

1121 Altered from “ꝑpetration.”

1122 Altered from “by.”

1123 Altered from “inferiall.”

1124 Altered from some other word, perhaps “service.”

1125 This sentence is probably in the hand of Hoar.

1126 This sentence is probably in the hand of Hoar.

1127 This sentence is probably in the hand of Hoar.

1128 As here printed, the words “newly inserted” are in italics.

1129 This sentence is probably in the hand of Hoar.

1130 The entry on the slip numbered 84a is in the hand of Rawson.

1131 The words “be the p^rsent” have been inserted in the margin in a differen^t hand — perhaps that of Rawson,

1132 Originally written “—— Richardson,” the name “John” having been inserted later.

1133 Massachusetts Archives, lviii. 82–85.

1134 This sentence is in the hand of Rawson.

1135 The words “and for all the accommodations of the Schollars thereof” are interlined in the hand of Rawson.

1136 It will be observed that Danforth is called “Fellow of the said College,” a term not applied to Oakes, Shepard, Browne, or Richardson. For this reason, I think that Danforth must have been a Fellow early in 1672.

1137 Altered from “Shepheard.” As Shepard, unlike Danforth, is not called “Fellow of the said College,” I think that he could not have been a Fellow early in 1672.

1138 A curious error occurs in the Massachusetts Colony Records, iv. ii. 536, where this word is printed “intermediate.” In the Court Records, iv. 708, the word is very plainly “Imediate.”

1139 The words “made by the Major^r ꝑt p^rsent” are underlined.

1140 The words “the President being one” are underlined.

1141 The reading is “sconcing” in (A), (D), (F), and (J). The reading is “scourging” in (B), (C), (E), and (I). In (B), Leverett has written in the margin: “shall haue the full power of scourging &c Attests Edward Rawson Secretary.” Leverett’s copy (B) was made from Willard’s copy (H) not extant, but Leverett’s marginal note seems to show that Leverett had seen a copy attested by Rawson — presumably copy (G).

1142 Harvard College Papers, Supplement, i. 16. The last sentence is in the hand of Rawson.

1143 This paper is a brief survey of material collected by the writer several years ago when a member of the seminar in American History of Professor Frederick Jackson Turner in Harvard University.

1144 Johnson’s Wonder-Working Providence (ed. J. F. Jameson), p. 76.

1145 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 93; Winthrop, Journal (ed. J. K. Hosmer), i. 74, 122. The standard treatise upon the beginnings of the representative system of Massachusetts is Professor George H. Haynes’s Representation and Suffrage in Massachusetts, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, Twelfth Series, viii.

1146 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 117; Winthrop, i. 125. The law of 1634 did not give the deputies power to cast the vote of their townsmen in the election of the magistrates of the Company. The freemen were still required to bring in their votes personally. In 1636 the freemen of the outlying towns were permitted by law to send their votes by proxy. (Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 166.) Thus arose the system of proxy voting.

1147 Rhode Island Colonial Records, i. 147, 149; Early Records of the Town of Providence, xv. 9; Staples, Annals of the Town of Providence, p. 64; Connecticut Colonial Records, i. 24.

1148 Cf. Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports (hereafter cited as Boston Records), ii. 103, 114, 150, 154; Records of Town of Cambridge, 1630–1703, pp. 11, 13, 99; Watertown Records, i. 1–5; Braintree Records, pp. 5, 11, 22.

1149 Plymouth Colony Records, xi. 36.

1150 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 333, 340, 346; Winthrop, i. 223, ii. 48.

1151 Winthrop, ii. 118.

1152 Boston Records, ii. 114, 118, 132, 159, vii. 6, 15, 20, 26, 48, 103, 110, 128,. 133, 142, 160, 169, 177.

1153 J. Dow, History of Hampton, p. 50.

1154 A. H. Quint, Historical Memoranda concerning Persons and Places in Old Dover, pp. 50, 66, 70, 94.

1155 Salem Town Records, 1659–1680, in Essex Institute Historical Collections, xl. 277; Deane, History of Scituate, p. 100; S. Lincoln, History of Hingham, p. 81; Burt, First Century of History of Springfield, ii. 131; Records of Town of Plymouth, i. 170; Felt, History of Ipswich, 123; Winsor, History of Duxbury, 109.

1156 Massachusetts Archives, cvii. 8, 44, 52; Boston Records, vii. 160, 177; T. F. Waters, Ipswich in the Massachusetts Bay Colony, p. 234; Felt, History of Ipswich, p. 123; Felt, Annals of Salem, pp. 280, 282; Winsor, History of Duxbury, p. 109; Deane, History of Scituate, p. 101.

1157 S. F. Smith, History of Newton, p. 51.

1158 Boston Records, ii. 114.

1159 History of the Rise, Progress, and Establishment of the Independence of the United States (London: 1788), i. 382.

1160 Diary, i. 125, 424, 473, 478, ii. 8, 74, 275, iii. 257; W. Pyncheon, Diary, pp. 24, 75, 122.

1161 Boston Records.

1162 Diary, i. 424.

1163 ii. 74.

1164 Boston Records, xiv. 45, 255.

1165 Works, ii. 144.

1166 Mr. Samuel C. Clough states that this locus, now numbered 214 to 228 Purchase Street, is on the southerly side of that street, between Summer and Congress Streets. When owned by Dawes, the estate ran to the water’s edge, which was then north of the present Atlantic Avenue. It is owned to-day by Mr. William A. Gaston.

1167 Cf. H. W. Holland, William Dawes and his Ride with Paul Revere (1878), pp. 23, 60–66; H. A. Hill, History of the Old South Church, i. 347, ii. 135 note, 336–338; J. G. Palfrey, Sermon Preached to the Church in Brattle Square, July 18, 1824 (1825), p. 64. The “architect of the State House” was Charles Bulfinch, and not Dawes (as stated by Holland, p. 60). Dawes’s plans of the Old South property are reproduced by Hill (i. 347, ii. 134–135). In 1765 Dawes received from the Province the sum of £2439.12.6 for “the Mason’s work and sundrys which he paid by order of the Committee” in the erection of the present Harvard Hall (Publications of this Society, xiv. 17).

1168 Bridgman, Memorials of the Dead, p. 125.

1169 For the Merchants’ Club, see Publications of this Society, xix. 159–259.

1170 Cf. a communication in the Boston Evening Post, October 28, 1765.

1171 Boston Records, xvii. 77, xiv. 57.

1172 Acts and Resolves of His Majesty’s Province of the Massachusetts-Bay, (Boston, 1759), p. 18.

1173 In Massachusetts, by the law of 1634, the towns were to send two or three deputies to the Great and General Court. Ten years later the General Court referred to the towns a proposal for a law to abolish the representation by towns and to substitute in its place representation by shires or counties. (Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 118, ii. 88; Winthrop, i. 125, ii. 170.) The proposal, however, did not pass into law. Under the State Constitution of 1780 the townships were retained as the election districts of the lower house of the legislature. Finally, by the constitutional amendment of 1857 the districts were re-arranged without preserving the old townships as units.

1174 The English statute of 1696 (7 and 8 William III, c. 25) was widely copied in the colonies. The preamble of the Maryland election law of 1716 contained the following: “And foreasmuch as the safest and best Rule for this Province in electing . . . Delegates and Representatives is the Precedents of the Proceedings in Parliament in Great Britain, as near as the Constitution of this Province will admit . . . ” (Compleat Collection of the Laws of Maryland, Annapolis, 1727, p. 174.) Cf. Hening, Virginia Statutes at Large, iii. 172, 236; Colonial Laws of New York, i. 405; Allinson, Acts of the General Assembly of the Province of New Jersey (Burlington, 1776), p. 69; Statutes at Large of Pennsylvania from 1682 to 1801, ii. 212; Laws of the Government of New-Castle, Kent and Sussex Upon Delaware (Philadelphia, 1741), p. 76.

1175 There were a few exceptions. In 1652 a meeting in Northampton County, Virginia, voted a paper of instructions. (William and Mary College Quarterly, i. 191.) Professor Charles W. Spencer has called my attention to a pamphlet in the British Public Record Office entitled “To the Inhabitants and Freeholders of Westchester County (New York)” issued by Lewis Morris, the leader of the Governor’s party, who proposed that the towns of the county should appoint delegates “to joyn with me in drawing up necessary Instructions to our Representative.”

1176 W. Maitland, History and Survey of London (London, 1760), i. 469, 500, 502, 518, 600. The Common Council of London very frequently voted instructions. (Id. i. 548, 623, 624, 628; H. Chamberlain, History and Survey of the Cities of London and Westminster, London, 1769, i. 378; Addresses Presented from the Court of Common Council to the King . . . [and] Instructions at Different Times to the Representatives of the City in Parliament, London, 1778, pp. 20, 30.)

1177 These documents were reprinted in the Boston Evening Post, March 7, 1743.

1178 Rhode Island Colonial Records, i. 148, 229, 401, 429.

1179 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 334.

1180 Winthrop, ii. 223.

1181 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 340

1182 Massachusetts House Journal, pp. 266, 276.

1183 Massachusetts Archives, clvi. 98–120.

1184 Cf. E. M. Hartwell, Referenda in Massachusetts and Boston, in the City of Boston, Monthly Bulletin of the Statistics Department (1909), xi. 151–160; H. A. Cushing, History of the Transition from Provincial to Commonwealth Government in Massachusetts, in Columbia University Studies, vol. vii. chaps, vii, viii.

1185 Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 3.

1186 Felt, Annals of Salem, p. 282.

1187 Schenck, History of Fairfield, i. 237–239.

1188 Bliss, History of Rehoboth, pp. 145, 146.

1189 Continental Journal (Boston), February 4, 1779. The town voted the resolution on June 1, 1778.

1190 J Adams, Works, iv. 197; 5 Massachusetts Historical Collections, iv. 377.

1191 Paige, History of Cambridge, p. 166.

1192 Deane, History of Scituate, p. 100.

1193 Boston Records, vii. 134, viii. 135, xii. 122, 146, 198, 226, xiv. 12, 277, xxxv. 117.

1194 Felt, Annals of Salem, p. 410.

1195 Among other examples, the town of Sutton on January 24, 1787, voted “that our Representative be instructed to use his influence in the General Court that any man may be permitted to keep a half score of sheep that they may not be liable to be taken from him by Warrant or Execution” (Benedict and Tracy, History of Sutton, p. 127). Concord instructed its deputy in May, 1787, “to provide some way for raising some supplies for the public expense, which shall be less burdensome on the landed interest” (Shattuck, History of Concord, p. 142). Worcester demanded in October 1786, “the annihilation of the courts of common pleas and general sessions” (Worcester Town Records, 1784–1800, pp. 24, 89). Among other radical instructions, see Smith, History of Pittsfield, p. 412; Freeman, History of Cape Cod, ii. 135; Hudson, History of Marlborough, p. 195; Weston, History of Middleboro, p. 577; Braintree Records, p. 567. For the action taken by the “instructed” members in the House of Representatives, see House Journal (Massachusetts Archives), v. 90, vi. 471, vii. 297, 317, 459, viii. 66, 70, 110, 111, 266, 289, 496, 505; Massachusetts Centinel, March 29, 1788.

1196 Cotton Mather gives an account of this affair in his Parentator (1724), p. 91.

1197 The above quotation is from “Extract of a Letter from New England to Mr. Randolph. Reed. 30 May [16]84” in Edward Randolph (Prince Society), in. 283,

1198 Boston Records, vii. 164.

1199 Waters, Ipswich in the Massachusetts Bay Colony, 234; Felt, History of Ipswich, 123.

1200 Connecticut Colonial Records, iii. 427.

1201 Massachusetts House Journal, 1728, pp. 61, 64, 67; Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts (London, 1767), ii. 345.

1202 Boston Records, viii. 226, xiii. 178.

1203 House Journal, 1728, pp. 103, 105.

1204 Id., 1731, p. 119.

1205 Boston Records, xii. 26; Bi-Centennial Book of Malden, p. 206; Felt, History of Ipswich, Essex and Hamilton, p. 127; Watertown Records, iii. 62; Hazen, History of Billerica, p. 226; Weston, History of Middleboro, p. 572; Benedict and Tracy, History of Sutton, p. 44; Braintree Town Records, p. 166; Brooks, History of Medford, p. 105.

1206 Winthrop, i. 94.

1207 American Antiquarian Society Transactions and Collections, iii. 121; Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 147, 297, iv. ii, 362, 485, 507, 551, v. 2, 98, 260. Springfield, Andover, and Oxford for a few years elected non-resident deputies. (Burt, First Century of the History of Springfield, i. 34; Bailey, Historical Sketches of Andover, p. 136; Daniels, History of Oxford, p. 12; Freeland, Records of Oxford, p. 147.)

1208 Massachusetts Colony Records, iii. 204, iv. i. 22, 182, v. 4, 562; Quint, Historical Memoranda concerning Old Dover, p. 144; Green, Historical Sketch of Groton, p. 198; Shattuck, History of Concord, p. 142.

1209 Worcester Town Records from 1753 to 1783, p. 244; Essex Gazette (Salem), June 7, 1774; Shattuck, History of Concord, p. 142.

1210 See the introduction to W. C. Ford’s edition of Journals of the House of Representatives, 1715 (Boston, 1902).

1211 Concerning the censorship of the press in Massachusetts, see C. A. Duniway, Freedom of the Press in Massachusetts, ch. v.

1212 Cf. Publications of this Society, ix. 422, 441.

1213 For an account of this remarkable increase in publishing, see Thomas, History of Printing in America, ii. 309; Narrative and Critical History of America, v. 120; Memorial History of Boston, ii. 387; S. N. D. North, History and Present Condition of the Newspaper and Periodical Press of the United States, Tenth Census of the United States, viii. passim; J. L. Bishop, History of American Manufactures from 1608 to 1860, vol. ii. ch. vii; Tyler, History of American Literature, 1607–1765, ii. 93.

1214 Appendix to Massachusetts in Agony (Boston, 1751), in A. Mc F. Davis, Colonial Currency Reprints (Prince Society), iv. 464.

1215 House Journal, 1754, p. 45.

1216 Id. p. 60.

1217 House Journal, 1754, pp. 61, 62, 101. I have not examined the unpublished town records for action taken upon the Excise Bill. Among the published records, and in the Massachusetts Archives, I have found only five town votes in favor of the bill. Cf. Barry, History of Framingham, p. 48; Paige, History of Hardwick, p. 47; Marvin, History of Lancaster, p. 266; Bi-Centennial Book of Malden, p. 207; Pierce, Town of Weston, p. 38. A copy of the vote of the town of Weston is in the Massachusetts Archives, cxix. 475a. Twenty-one town votes against the Excise Bill have been found. Cf. Boston Records, xiv. 260; Felt, Annals of Salem, p. 444; Worcester Town Records for 1753–1783, p. 19; Babson, History of Gloucester, p. 344; Felt, History of Ipswich, p. 128; Brooks, History of Medford, p. 109; Hadley Town Records (MS. in Town Clerk’s house), August 5, 1754; Records of the Town of Plymouth, iii. p. 63; Early Records of Lunenburg, p. 166; Braintree Records, p. 337; Coffin, Sketch of Newbury, p. 221; Frothingham, History of Charlestown, p. 263; Barry, Historical Sketch of Hanover, p. 170; Washburn, Historical Sketches of Leicester, p. 65; Merrill, History of Amesbury, p. 220; Roads, History of Marblehead, p. 63. The Boston Gazette, August 20, 1754, stated that Dorchester and Weymouth had voted instructions against the Excise Bill. The Boston Post-Boy, September 23, 1754, reported similar action taken by the town of Kittery. The instructions of Eastham and Stoughton are in the Massachusetts Archives, cxix. 474, 475.

1218 The Relapse (Boston, 1754). Copies of this pamphlet are in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society and in the Boston Athenæum. The author is unknown. Other pamphlets on the subject are The Eclipse, The Review, and The Crisis, the last by the Rev. Samuel Cooper.

1219 House Journal, 1754, pp. 63, 67, 72.

1220 On November 5, 1765, the House ordered: “That the Instructions of the several towns to their Representatives, relative to the Stamp Act, be printed in the Journal of the House; and that the Boston Members place them in proper Order for that end” (House Journal, p. 167. Cf. Boston Evening Post, November 11, 1765). These instructions were not the returns of a referendum. The order of the House was never carried out.

1221 R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, ii. 204; Cushing, Writings of Samuel Adams, iii. 37.

1222 Works, ii. x, 152, ix. 610, 616; Cushing, Writings of Samuel Adams, i. 7; Braintree Records, p. 404; Boston Records, xvi. 155.

1223 The instructions of the Boston town-meeting of September 18, 1765, were published in the Boston Gazette on September 23. The Braintree instructions were adopted on September 24, but not published until October 14. I find a record of mandates voted by the following towns: Andover, Beverly, Boston, Boxford, Braintree, Bridgewater, Byfield, Cambridge, Charlestown, Danvers, Dedham, Duxbury, Framingham, Gloucester, Groton, Haverhill, Ipswich, Leicester, Lexington, Malden, Marblehead, Marshfield, Medfield, Medford, Medway, Mendon, Middleboro, Milton, Newburyport, Newton, Norton, Oakham, Pembroke, Plymouth, Quincy, Reading, Rowley, Roxbury, Salem, Sandwich, Shirley, Southampton, Stoughton, Westborough, Westford, Weston, Weymouth, Worcester and Yarmouth

1224 Boston Records, xviii. 192. Cf. the instructions of Barnstable, Billerica, Brookline, Cambridge, Danvers, Framingham, Gorham (Maine), Hardwick, Middleboro, Portland (Maine), Weymouth.

1225 Metcalf, Annals of the Town of Mendon, p. 417.

1226 Jameson, History of Medway, p. 58.

1227 Huntoon, History of the Town of Canton, 423. Sutton passed a similar vote: Benedict and Tracy, History of Sutton, p. 93.

1228 House Journal, 1777, pp. 143, 206, 208; Massachusetts Archives, clvi. 294–303.

1229 Boston Records, xxvi. 211–219.

1230 Records of Town of Plymouth, iii. 439. Cf. Chamberlain, History of Chelsea, ii. 549; Hanson, History of Danvers, p. 100; Felt, Annals of Ipswich, p. 123; Smith, History of Newburyport, 120; Willis, History of Portland, Maine, ii. 174; Felt, Annals of Salem, p. 513; W. Pyncheon, Diary, p. 114.

1231 Boston Records, xxvi. 310. Mention should also be made of a communication by “An American” published in Thomas’s Massachusetts Spy for May 1, 1783, which advised the towns in the county of Worcester to “bind by instructions” their deputies elected to the next General Court to the end that they vote for no law permitting the return of the Loyalists or for rendering them compensation or restitution for confiscated property.

1232 Defence of the American Constitutions (1787), i. 384; Works, v. 495.

1233 Works, vii. 182–183.

1234 Burnet to the Board of Trade, March 24, 1729, in the Sparks Manuscripts (Harvard College Library), Series X, i. 56.

1235 Returns of the tax assessments for the Massachusetts towns are preserved in the Archives in the State House in Boston. I have made an examination of these returns for a number of typical towns in 1738 and 1755, and I have found that more than one half of the persons whose names appear on the list of the poll tax payers were possessed of, or heirs to, personal or landed property of a value sufficient to entitle them to vote.

1236 G. H. Haynes, Representation and Suffrage in Massachusetts, 1620–1691, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, Twelfth Series, viii. 418–429; C. P. Bishop, History of Elections in the American Colonies, in Columbia University Studies, iii. 219–223.

1237 Constitution of the Common-Wealth of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1776), p. 9; Proceedings Relative to the Calling of the Conventions of 1776 and 1790 (Harrisburg, 1825), p. 57.

1238 Colonial Records of North Carolina, x. 974, 1004.

1239 Gordon, American Revolution, ii. 369; Wells, Life and Public Services of Samuel Adams, ii. 438.

1240 Ashe, History of North Carolina, vol. i. chap, xxxii; Works of John Adams, i. 208; iv. 185, 203; Warren-Adams Letters, i. 230.

1241 F. N. Thorpe, Federal and State Constitutions, pp. 270, 392, 705, 919, 983, 1059, 1125, 1179, 1648, 1892, 1932, 2403, 2457, 2600, 2788, 2911, 3000, 3084, 3423, 3754, 4037.

1242 Votes and Proceedings of the Senate of Maryland, November, 1786, pp. 18, 38, 111; Maryland Journal and Baltimore Public Advertiser, November 14, December 19, 1786; January 16, February 2, 9, 13, March 2, April 27, 1787.

1243 Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, February 9, 13, 20, March 2, 16, April 13, May 18, June 22, July 13, August 3, 14, 31, 1787; Maryland Gazette (Annapolis), February 22, 1787.

1244 Register of Debates, 1833–1834, p. 636; Congressional Globe, 1833–1834, p. 193; Richmond Enquirer, February 25, 1834.

1245 Register of Debates, 1835–1836, p. 636; Niles’ Register, 1. 25; Journal of the House of Delegates of the Commonwealth of Virginia, December, 1835 (Richmond, 1835), p. 171; Richmond Enquirer, March 2, 1836; Richmond Whig, March 4, 1836; L. G. Tyler, Letters and Times of the Tylers, i. 537.

1246 Boston Records, xxxi. 347, 348; Boston Gazette, February 10, 24, 1794; Columbian Centinel, February 12, 15, 26, March 8, 1794; Independent Chronicle, February 13, 17, 27, March 3, 6, 13, 1794.

1247 Houghton, History of Berlin, p. 49; Williamson, History of Belfast, p. 696.

1248 Bourne, History of Wells and Kennebunk, p. 592.

1249 Notably in the town records of Andover, Cambridge, Duxbury, Gardner, Haverhill, Ipswich, Lynn, Newburyport, and Rowley.

1250 Boston Records, xxxiii. 380, xxxv. 237, 239, 316. Among other towns, Long-meadow on August 9, 1808, “Voted to send a Petition to the President of the United States for the Removing of the Embargo Law, and Voted that this Petition be in form and words conformable to a like Petition from the Town of Boston” (Centennial Celebration of the Town of Longmeadow, p. 174).

1251 Smith, History of Pittsfield, 1800–1876, p. 231.

1252 Barrus, History of Goshen, p. 27.

1253 Parmenter, History of Pelham, p. 186.

1254 Cf. Publications of this Society, x. 345–356.

1255 Municipal History of the Town and City of Boston, p. 28. Cf. Report of the Committee appointed at a Town Meeting on the 22d day of October (Boston, 1821), p. 5; Journal of the Convention to Revise the Constitution of Massachusetts, 1820, p. 193.

1256 Boston Patriot, December 12, 1821.

1257 New-England Galaxy, January 4, 1822.

1258 December 15, 17, 19, 21, 22, 25, 27, 29, 1821.

1259 Cf. the articles signed “Franklin” and “Amicus Civitatis” in the Boston Patriot, December 19, 1821, and the New-England Palladium, December 21, 1821.

1260 One instance of the use of instructions as late as the year 1851 should be cited. In the spring of this year a deadlock in the General Court prevented the election of a United States Senator. Twenty-three Democrats and all the Anti-slavery Whigs were opposed to Charles Sumner. In a town-meeting on April 12, 1851, the town of Fall River instructed its representative, Nathaniel Borden, to vote for Sumner. Mr. Borden changed his vote as instructed; and the shifting of a few other votes broke the deadlock on April 24, 1851. This secured the election of Sumner. Cf. Pierce, Memoirs and Letters of Charles Sumner, iii. 242; Wilson, History of the Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America, ii. 349. Mr. George W. Rankin has kindly verified for me the vote of instructions in the town records of Fall River.

1261 For two remarkable cases of the verification of family traditions, see Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xlii. 193–195.

1262 For a facsimile of this entry, see p. 453, below.

1263 See pp. 259–264 and notes, above. Mr. Matthews tells me that since writing his paper he has found a pamphlet to which it is worth calling attention: “Report of the Union Committee of the Sunday Schools of the three Baptist Societies in Boston. Together with an Address, delivered at the General Meeting of the Schools, October 29th, 1817. By Rev. Daniel Sharp, A. M. Boston . . . 1817.” In the Report, written by the Rev. James M. Winchell, we read: “It was in June, 1816, that the females of the Third Baptist Church and Congregation, formed the first Sunday School in this town” (p. 5). In his Address, Mr. Sharp said: “The attention of some pious females in this town, was called to the subject, by accounts which they received in private letters of the first meetings in New-York. . . . It became the topic of conversation; and on June 1, 1816, the first female Sabbath School was organized in Boston. Others followed in succession, till seven schools were formed among the Baptist churches in this town. We are happy to say that since these were organized, similar societies have been formed by the members of the church in Park Street, and of the Old South” (p. 12).

1264 The Rev. Thomas Vincent’s Explanatory Catechism: or, an Explanation of the Assemblies Shorter Catechism, was republished at Boston in 1729.