Index

1 Oscar George Theodore Sonneck in his landmark volume Early Concert-Life in America (Leipzig, 1907; repr. Wiesbaden: Dr. Martin Sändig oHG, 1969), pp. 250–251, identified the earliest concert in America as the one advertised in the Boston News-Letter for December 16, 1731, under the direction of Peter Pelham. On pp. 1–9 he also discusses the advent of public concerts in England and Europe and cites a London tavern as the location for the first concert to which the audience had to pay an admission fee; he credits the initiative for it to John Banister in 1672.

2 The revisions were published in the Bay Psalm Book (Cambridge, 1640).

3 Among these music historians are George Hood, F. L. Ritter, L. C. Elson, Daniel Gregory Mason, Albert Stoessel, Deems Taylor, Paul Henry Lang, John Tasker Howard, and Cyclone Covey supported by Walter Muir Whitehill.

4 Although Sonneck’s book Early Concert-Life in America dealt with a later episode in the history of American music, he was the first major scholar to recognize that there had been a musical culture in the fledgling years of the colonies. Other authors who supported the counter-movement were Henry Davey, Gilbert Chase, Irving Lowens, Robert Stevenson, Irving Sablonsky, and H. Wiley Hitchcock.

5 Percy Scholes, The Puritans and Music in England and New England (Oxford, 1934; repr. 1969); Henry Wilder Foote, “Musical Life in Boston in the Eighteenth Century,” American Antiquarian Society, Proceedings, New Ser., xlix (1939), 293–313.

6 The cutoff point of £200 was suggested by a colonial law of 1651 concerning apparel, amended in 1662, which specified that “no person within this Jurisdiction, . . . whose visible estates real and personal, shall . . . exceed the true and indifferent value of two hundred pounds, . . . shall exceed their ranks and abilities, in the costliness of fashion of their Apparel in any respect, especially in the wearing of Ribbonds or great Boots, (Leather being so scarce a commodity in this Country) Lace, Points, &c. Silk Hoods, or Scarfes . . .” (William H. Whitmore, The Colonial Laws of Massachusetts [Boston, 1890], pp. 5–6).

7 Scholes, Puritans and Music, p. 206.

8 Scholes, Puritans and Music, p. 291–292.

9 Scholes, Puritans and Music, p. 33, states that during his search of the Records and Files of the Quarterly Courts of Essex County, Massachusetts, 8 vols. (Salem: Essex Institute, 1911–1921), he found only one musical instrument, iii, 231; it belonged to Nathaniell Rogers of Rowley who died in 1654 [actually 1655]. Apparently Scholes did not search the Probate Records of Essex County, 1635–1681, 3 vols. (Salem: Essex Institute, 1916–1920), for among the many psalmbooks and bells, he could have located three citterns belonging to: Thomas Wells of Ipswich, d. 1666 (ii, 72); Samuel Winsley of Salisbury, d. 1667 (ii, 83); Jonathan Browne of Salem, d. 1667 (ii, 84); and “a drum & sticks” among the household items of Daniel Rolfe of Ipswich, d. 1654 (i, 176). These are included in Table I.

10 Scholes, Puritans and Music, pp. 36, 42–43.

11 This writer concurs with Abbott Lowell Cummings, Rural Household Inventories, (Boston, 1964), p. xiii, that the appraisers taking the inventory recorded items in the order they found them. This arrangement illuminates the colonists’ patterns of living.

12 In the case that a householder died intestate or with only a nuncupative will, the colonial Massachusetts law of 1641 regarding dowries allowed a wife one-third of her husband’s estate free and clear of any liens and incumbrances he might have incurred during his lifetime (Whitmore, Colonial Laws, p. 42). In this case the colonial laws of 1641 and 1649 concerning wills provided that the children’s inheritance be divided among them with a double portion for the eldest son. If both parents died intestate the county court of the jurisdiction in which they lived had the power to assign the portions among the children. If the children were all female they usually received equal shares (Whitmore, Colonial Laws, p. 158).

13 Thomas Bellows Wyman, Genealogies and Estates of Charlestown, in the County of Middlesex and Commonwealth of Massachusetts 1629–1818, 2 vols. (Boston, 1879), p. ix.

14 All existing household inventories for Suffolk and Middlesex Counties from 1630 to approximately 1730 were read (with occasional glances at wills) from the contemporary ledger copybooks on file in the two courthouses. When an instrument was located, the entry was checked against the original inventory taken in situ and preserved in the individual’s docket file. At that time all other papers found therein were searched as well. By this means, extant original wills for those individuals who owned instruments were read as well. Still there are instances where the original will has disappeared, but a record of it exists in the ledger books. Because the various documents were probated at different times, it is rare to find an individual’s inventory and will side-by-side in the ledgers. Although there are indexes for locating the records of an individual’s documents in the copy ledger books, those in the Suffolk County Probate Registry have a high incidence of inaccuracy.

For bibliography of the Essex records, see footnote 9.

15 Instead of assigning docket numbers in chronological order as the documents for each individual were filed, which was done for the Suffolk County Probate Court Records, the clerks for the Middlesex Court seem to have filed the dockets in alphabetical order without numbers until 1871. In this year, probably for the purpose of indexing the records, the clerks first numbered consecutively the dockets filed in alphabetical order, whereupon beginning with the year 1871 the docket numbering system was converted to a chronological one.

16 Reports of the Record Commissioners of the City of Boston, 39 vols. (Boston, 1876–1909), I, 5. Hereafter these Commissioners’ Reports will be abbreviated as BRC.

From John D. Cushing at the Massachusetts Historical Society it was learned that the clerks of probate often worked at home. Mr. Cushing also stated that in his extensive study of the incidence of fires in New England, 1630–1820 (a typescript is on deposit in the library at Sturbridge Village), there was virtually no building left standing by 1820 that had not burned at some time. This fact coupled with high tides and other natural disasters, and the scattered files of the clerks of courts for want of a single location in which to store the records, no doubt accounts in large part for the low percentage of records which have survived.

17 The Boston newspapers which have been searched for references to music and instruments from their inception through 1734 are: Boston News-Letter, beginning 1704; Boston Gazette, beginning 1719; New-England Corn ant, 1721–1726; and the New-England Journal, beginning 1727. All published Massachusetts diaries written prior to 1735 and listed in American Diaries: An Annotated Bibliography of American Diaries Written Prior to the Year 1861, comp. William Matthews (Boston, 1959), have been read along with a number of unlisted ones both published and in manuscript.

18 Several entries are plural but do not specify exact numbers. See for example Increase Gatchell’s inventory (d. 1729) for number of flutes.

19 Excluded from the statistics are the listings of instruments in plural by Enstone and Hardcastle. The less familiar instruments will be described in detail later.

20 The phrase “with his music” in the seventeenth century commonly signified a musical ensemble. Sewall’s Diary entry for July 16, 1689, corroborates this usage of the word: “Saw London Artillery Company pass by about 2 aclock. . . . Had Musick besides the Drums” (The Diary of Samuel Sewall, 1674–1729, ed. M. Halsey Thomas, 2 vols. [New York, 1973], I, 228). Here “Musick” obviously refers to a band of music. See also OED, “music” entry.

21 See Table i for the inventories of John Paine, shopkeeper, and Robert Cutler, ironmonger, both deceased 1665.

22 See Table i for Increase Gatchell’s inventory, deceased 1729.

23 The Puritan and Separatist movements of Calvinists which came to the American continent held that each of its own congregations of believers was an autonomous body, but the movement was intolerant of other religious sects. Each Puritan congregation chose its own minister, and administered religious, moral, and sometimes civic discipline. In order to exploit the resources of the New World, the Crown gave the Puritan colonists full authority to govern all English subjects living in New England. Further, the Crown permitted the Massachusetts Bay Company to govern itself, and to locate both its headquarters and charter in New England. This freedom worked to the Company’s advantage, for the Crown had relinquished direct control over the Company’s charter and the activities of its servants, the colonists themselves. In his introduction to and compilation of The Laws and Liberties of Massachusetts, 1641–1691, 3 vols. (Wilmington, Del., 1976) 1, xiii–xiv, John D. Cushing compared the organization of the Company’s structure to a modern corporation: “the Governor had powers similar in many respects to those exercised by a modern chairman of the board; the eighteen Assistants might be compared roughly to a board of directors; while the Freemen, at least in the early days of the company, were actually the stockholders. These three elements, together with a Deputy Governor, were required to meet quarterly in a general court for the purpose of electing officers, admitting new members, and making necessary rules for the management of the company and the welfare of the people.”

24 In 1631 the second annual meeting of the General Court reelected John Winthrop as governor and unanimously approved an order of considerable consequence for the colony. Recorded in A Memorial History of Boston, ed. Justin Winsor, 4 vols. (Boston, 1880–1881), I, 118, it reads as follows: “And to the end that the body of the commons may be preserved of honest and good men, it was ordered and agreed that for time to come no man shall be admitted to the freedom of this body politic, but such as are members of some of the Churches within the limits of the same.” Controversy, protests, and conflict ensued, because the requirements of church membership for enfranchisement was not only in direct violation of the charter, but they created a religious elite which controlled the New England Commonwealth.

By the time Massachusetts Bay became a royal colony, the colonists had already established a firm social, political, and economic foothold for themselves. Winsor, Memorial History, I, 166, 199.

25 When an individual’s religious affiliation was not indicated the available original church records were searched. By this means a number of instrument owners’ religious connections were identified.

26 Cyclone Covey, “Puritanism and Music in Colonial America,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3^rd Ser., viii (1951), 382.

27 Covey responded to the challenge and was supported by Walter Muir Whitehill. See letters to the editor of William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd. Ser., ix (1952), 129–133.

28 Mr. Whitehill read volumes iv–vii, covering graduates of the classes of 1690 through 1725, of Biographical Sketches of Those Who Attended Harvard College (Boston, 1933–1945), continued by Clifford K. Shipton and henceforth known as Sibley’s Harvard Graduates, 17 vols. (Cambridge, C. W. Sever; Harvard University Press, 1873–1975). Mr. Whitehill’s participation in the controversy is to be found in William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd Ser., ix (1952), 135.

29 Although one’s estate value is hardly a clear indication of one’s economic or social situation it is referred to here simply as another crumb of evidence in obtaining a clearer picture of the musical environment. In determining the owner’s social class, the writer has drawn the following monetary lines: below £200, lower middle class; £200–1,000, upper middle class; above £1,000, upper class.

30 The reader should be reminded that Table ii is based on literary references to musical instruments. This may tend to exaggerate the wealthier and/or better-educated component of owners, and, if so, it may create a class bias in the statistics.

31 The year he joined the Artillery Company.

32 The year he joined the Artillery Company.

33 The year he graduated from Harvard College.

34 The year he graduated from Harvard College.

35 The year he graduated from Harvard College.

36 The year he graduated from Harvard College.

37 The year he joined the Artillery Company.

38 The year he graduated from Harvard College.

39 The year he joined the Artillery Company.

40 The year he joined the Artillery Company.

41 The year he joined the Artillery Company.

42 The year he graduated from Harvard College.

43 The year he joined the Artillery Company.

44 Sonneck in Early Concert-Life in America, p. 251, and Henry Woodward in “February 18, 1729: A Neglected Date in Boston Concert Life,” Notes, xxxiii (December 1976), 250, both assume the February 1, 1733 concert was postponed until February 15.

45 The writer was tempted to include a fifteenth virginal, culled from the Suffolk County inventory (mis’l. docket) of Antipas Boyse (ca. 1640–1669), a wealthy Boston merchant, which included the following item: “. . . 1 virinall . . . In the closett.” However, other items in the list (it appeared among other effects of a gentleman’s toilet) and its location within the home, not to mention its unusual spelling (not only was the “g” missing, but it appeared in the singular), forced the writer to conclude that it was in fact a urinal.

46 James Savage, A Genealogical Dictionary of the First Settlers of New England. Showing Three Generations of Those who Came before May 1692, on the Basis of the Farmer’s Register, 4 vols. (Boston, 1860), iv, 101.

47 For Merry Mount, see Thomas Morton’s New English Canaan, or New Canaan, containing an Abstract of New England (Amsterdam, 1637); William Bradford, The History of Plymouth Plantation, 1602 to 1648, ed. Alfred Seelye Roe (Boston, 1901); and Scholes, Puritans and Music, pp. 81–89. “Merry Mount” was a small heretical community established by Thomas Morton about 1625 in the colony of Plymouth. Over and above their moral and religious objections to Morton’s enclave, the Pilgrims found the pagan practice of setting up a maypole particularly offensive. But as Scholes points out the real charge against Morton and his followers was that they sold liquor and lead to the Indians.

For Gibbons, see Savage, Genealogical Dictionary, ii, 245; and Winsor, Memorial History, I, 282–293, 578.

48 Winsor, Memorial History, I, 578; Savage, Genealogical Dictionary, iii, 532.

49 Probably about one-third of the instrument owners’ wills survived and were read by the writer.

50 Savage, Genealogical Dictionary, iv, 210, reports that Mary’s husband, William Stone (1662–1730), died in Guilford. Perhaps an attempt to pick up the trail in Connecticut records would prove fruitful.

51 For Hammond’s Journal, see Massachusetts Historical Society, Proceedings, 2nd Ser., vii (1891–1892), 148–149. For Morton’s account of this experiment, see Charles Morton, Compendium Physicae, ed. with a biographical sketch of Morton by Samuel Eliot Morison, Colonial Society of Massachusetts, Publications, xxxiii (1940), 173.

52 Sarah Foster married Col. Thomas Hutchinson, Sr. (1675–1739), in a resplendent ceremony attended by Sewall (see his Diary, I, 493). Although no journals for Thomas Sr.’s generation are extant, their son Thomas Hutchinson, Jr., did leave diaries. (See Peter O. Hutchinson, Diaries and Letters of His Excellency Thomas Hutchinson, Jr. [Boston, 1884–1886].) In his journals dancing was a subject learned by the youth. One can assume that this interest in dancing (and probably music, too) did not suddenly spring up in the younger generation.

53 The index to M. Halsey Thomas’ edition of The Diary of Samuel Sewall identifies Mr. Hiller as Joseph; Shipton, Sibley’s Harvard Graduates, v, 263, states that Joseph Sr. “emigrated from England, kept a tavern, practiced some law in the interest of London clients, but was generally known as a tin-plate worker.” Hence Hiller could have brought with him or imported a virginal which he then sold to Sewall; or was he making wire strings and possibly stringing the virginals for the Sewalls?

54 Savage, Genealogical Dictionary, iv, 364, states that Valentine became a freeman in 1675. The following diarists comment on Valentine’s suicide: Sewall, Diary, ii, 1011–1012; Jeremiah Bumstead (1678–1729), diary published in New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xv (1861), 200; and Joshua Blanchard (1692–1748), diary published in Abraham English, “Builder of the Old South Meeting-House,” New England Magazine, New Ser., xiii (1895–1896), 397. Bumstead states: “Mr. Harris minister, & Mr. Auchmuty giving oath of his distraction, he had a funerall, and was buryed in y^e Church yard on y^e 4 day of y^e month.” According to a colonial law passed in 1660 regarding “self-murder,” any man “willfully guilty” of his own death was “denied the privilege of being Buried in the Common Burying place of Christians,” but should be buried along the highway with “a Cart-load of Stones laid upon the Grave as a Brand of Infamy . . .” (Whitmore, Colonial Laws, p. 137). In order for Valentine to have been buried in the churchyard, he first would have had to be judged non compos mentis.

55 Scholes, Puritans and Music, p. 255; Sibley’s Harvard Graduates, ii, 62; Savage, Genealogical Dictionary, iv, 536–537; Boston News-Letter, January 22, 1730.

56 Savage, Genealogical Dictionary, I, 396; ii, 468; Middlesex Probate Court Records, iii, 32, docket 10756; Savage, Genealogical Dictionary, I, 291; Middlesex Probate Court Records, I, 199, docket 3420 (although the docket contains no originals).

57 Anna Maria Fay, “Some Accounts of the Life and Times of the Rev. Peter Bulkeley (1583–1659),” New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxxi (1877), 154. Hereafter abbreviated as NEHGR.

58 Bulkeley’s will specifically leaves “6. M. Aynsworth notes upon the 5 bookes of Moses & upon the psalmes” to his son Edward. This would indicate that Bulkeley was familiar with, if he did not possess, the Ainsworth Psalter.

The Concord Public Library has a repository of Bulkeley’s papers. Although the librarian could not specifically recall any musical references among them, the writer feels this material is worth perusal.

It might be mentioned here that neither Bulkeley’s original will and household inventory nor their contemporary copies in the court’s ledger book by the court clerk are extant. The surviving copy book is in a late nineteenth- or early twentieth-century hand.

59 Thomas Mace, Mustek’s Monument; or, a Remembrancer Of the Best Practical Musick, Both Divine, and Civil, that has ever been known, to have been in the World (London: T. Ratcliffe, and N. Thompson, 1676; facsim. repr., Paris: Editions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1958), p. 62.

60 Foster purchased the press from Marmaduke Johnson who had brought it from England but had been forbidden by the colonial legislature to set it up. (See George Emery Littlefield, Early Boston Booksellers, 1642–1711 [New York, 1969], p. 89.)

61 Sibley’s Harvard Graduates, ii, 222–228.

62 Samuel Eliot Morison, “The Rev. Seaborn Cotton’s Commonplace Book,” Colonial Society of Massachusetts, Publications, xxxii (1935), 320–352.

63 NEHGR, iv (1850), 263.

64 Ralph Day’s careful assignment in his will of his property to his heirs and his specification of their responsibilities reflect a prudent man. His wife, Abigail, was entitled to the free and full use of the parlor and cellar as well as the whole southerly end of the house. A new door into the yard was to be constructed for her; she was given free use of sundry furniture, although he specified the pots and kettle she was to have; and she was allowed free passage into the hall to use the oven and the said room [in which] to brew and wash.” She also received land and pasture and their two sons were directed to care for it for her at the expense of the estate. All this she was entitled to with the condition that she remayne in the state of widdowhood.” Should she marry, Day specified that she would be allowed £10 worth of the goods aforementioned and the sons were to be “discharged of getting firewood for her.” (Savage, Genealogical Dictionary, ii, 450.)

65 Hoar was a 1650 graduate of Harvard College who went to England where he took a doctorate in medicine. He returned to the Massachusetts Bay Colony and was president of Harvard College from 1672 to 1675. Soon after his resignation from that post he died.

66 Massachusetts Historical Society, Collections, Ser. 1, vi (1799), 106.

67 William S. Pattee, “Quincy Inscriptions,” NEHGR, ix (1855), 151. See also The Diary of Tutor Henry Flynt of Harvard College 1675–1760, Edward T. Dunn, ed., 3 vols. (Buffalo, N.Y., 1978), ii: 1106–1107. The writer is indebted to the Rev. Edward T. Dunn, S.J., of Canisius College for bringing the epitaph to her attention.

68 Sewall, Diary, ii, 855; Shipton, Sibley’s Harvard Graduates, v, 441–444.

69 Sumner Chilton Powell, Puritan Village: The Formation of a New England Town (Middletown, Conn., 1963), pp. 41–42, 116–120. A portrait of Browne is said to have been the property of Henry A. Whitney of Boston in 1895. See Oliver Ayer Roberts, History of the Military Company of Massachusetts, 4 vols. (Boston, 1895), I, 283. The writer’s efforts to locate this portrait have proved unsuccessful thus far.

70 Peter Thacher’s manuscript journals (vol. I: 1679–1682; vol. II: 1682–1699) may be found at the Massachusetts Historical Society.

71 It is presently not known who occupied Hobby’s house after his death in 1715. The newspaper advertisement may be referring to balls that Hobby may have hosted in his house (he was noted as a “gay man, a free liver” [Winsor, Memorial History, ii, 540]), or perhaps Enstone (an Anglican as well as Grainger) briefly taught dance in the evenings in this house before removing to his “Large House in King Street” in September of 1720 (See Boston Gazette for September 12, 1720). Yet another although lesser possibility is that Grainger himself taught dancing in the evenings after regular school hours. If so, this endeavor was a brief one; this is the only hint that Grainger was ever directly involved with dancing.

Henry Wilder Foote, Annals of King’s Chapel, 2 vols. (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1882), I, 396, quoted Timothy Cutler’s opinion of Grainger from the King’s Chapel Church Documents of Massachusetts, p. 230: “There is also one Mr. Grainger, a Churchman, who is a private Writing School Master; has about 100 Scholars, and recommends himself by his distinguishing capacity for that business.” And Sewall entered in his diary for March 8, 1720 (ii, 942): “Went to the Town-house to meet Mr. Oliver &c. Col. Fitch express’d himself as much prizing Mr. Granger’s Accomplishments to Teach Writing; never such a person in Boston before. Resolves to send his Son to him; has told him he will do so. Professes himself of the Church of England. As far as I could gather, He and Capt Noyes would be glad he might Teach in the new South-School-house.” Obituary notices in both the Boston Gazette and the Boston News-Letter for January 10, 1734, considered Grainger’s death a public loss.

72 Benjamin Wadsworth’s interleaved almanac, account book, and diary (in pencil: p. 77), Massachusetts Historical Society.

73 Foote, Annals, I, 269; Boston Gazette, December 16, 1723.

Grainger, Sir Charles Hobby (ca. 1665–1715) (whose house Grainger occupied sometime after Hobby’s death), and Enstone were all Anglicans. Both Hobby and Grainger served King’s Chapel as vestrymen, while Enstone played the organ there from 1714 to 1723. Grainger ended his private teaching career in 1733 when he was chosen to take over the Episcopalian parochial school funded by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel.

74 Sewall, Diary, I, 124; Winsor, Memorial History, ii, 315; Dictionary of American Biography; Charles Morton, Compendium Physicae, ed. with a biographical sketch of Morton by Samuel Eliot Morison, Colonial Society of Massachusetts, Publications, xxxiii (1940). Morton, in his Compendium Physicae, Chapter 24, “Of Hearing,” p. 172, gives abstract reference to viols and violins: “Now Seeing there is Such an Agreement between the Eye and the Ear (as is before noted) the Same is the reason of Sounds in all other concords, and yet it must be confessed there are Some men have less regard to harmony in Eye, or Ear, than others tis Supposed they will not boast of it as their perfection. Some are also more pleased with the Sound than with the proportion, therefor [sic] the briskness of a trumpet or the [Squeale] of a Violin Soundly Rubb’d to make a noyse dos affect them more than the best compositions of Viol Consorts, but that is because they are more Sensuall than Rationall.”

75 Edmund Browne’s library, appraised in 1678 at thirty-eight pounds, contained 180 volumes among which were his “musicall bookes.”

76 Records and Files of the Quarterly Courts of Essex County, Massachusetts, vii (1919), 251. Scholes, Puritans and Music, p. 376, abbreviated this entry.

77 Whitmore, Colonial Laws, p. 57.

78 Could the curious spelling of “Viall Inns” in Morton’s inventory refer to the association of the violin with inns?

79 BRC, xi, 49.

80 Annie Haven Thwing, The Crooked & Narrow Streets of the Town of Boston, 1630–1822 (Boston, 1925), pp. 88–89; BRC, xi, 48; Savage, Genealogical Dictionary, iv, 201.

81 “Letter from Leonard Hoar to Josiah Flynt,” Massachusetts Historical Society, Collections, 1st Ser., vi (1799), 106.

82 The Diaries of Benjamin Lynde and of Benjamin Lynde, Jr., ed. F. E. Oliver (Boston: Houghton & Co., 1880), p. 134. For the numerous references Benjamin, Jr., made to dancing, see pp. 133, 135, 157.

83 See “The Jew’s Harp as Aerophone” by Frederick Crane in the Galpin Society Journal, xxi (1968), 66–69.

84 Records and Files of the Quarterly Courts of Essex County, Massachusetts, 1 (1911), 316.

85 Daniel C. Colesworthy, John Tilestons School (Boston: Antiquarian Book Store, 1887), p. 46.

86 Roberts, Artillery Company, I, 185–186.

87 Savage, Genealogical Dictionary, ii, 88–89; Roberts, Artillery Company, I, 284.

88 The writer has examined firsthand an early pewter fife in private ownership. The instrument’s design places it no later than the eighteenth century and it could be considerably earlier. Its known provenance points to a New England origin. That Dyer was a militiaman and an ironmonger and that his “flutes” were located in his shop suggest that he was either making and/or selling fifes. Was he a second fife maker?

89 The range of the mock trumpet was f′ chromatic to g″ or b″ depending on whether or not the instrument was equipped with keys which assisted in reaching the two highest notes. This range was the same as the clarino or highest register of the true four-octave trumpet; only in the clarino register or fourth octave could a “clarino” trumpet player produce a stepwise succession of notes necessary for playing melodies. It should also be noted that trumpeters were not required to be proficient in the entire harmonic series of their instruments; because the trumpet was so difficult a player specialized in one portion of the range. See: Thurston Dart, “The Mock Trumpet,” Galpin Society Journal, vi (1953), 35–40; Caldwell Titcomb, “Baroque Court and Military Trumpets and Kettledrums: Technique and Music,” Galpin Society Journal, ix (1956), 66–70; and Colin Lawson, “The Early Chalumeau Duets,” Galpin Society Journal, xxvii (1974), 125–129.

90 Other lip-vibrated instruments less demanding of the player were also used in the Bay Colony. Madam Sarah Knight made mention of a post horn sounded by the post rider she traveled with part way to New York. (The Journal of Madam Knight, intro. Malcolm Freiberg [Boston: David R. Godine, 1972], p. 9.) The Rev. Hugh Adams of Dover, N.H., in 1724 earnestly believed that by having his two sons blow “two silver trumpets” as Jehovah had commanded before the Israelites went to war, he could evoke God’s protection of his family against the Indians. Although silver trumpets were inaccessible to Adams in the wilderness, he found “horns of cattle” to be as effective. To the sounding of the horns, he attributed the preservation of his family as well as Capt. Lovewell and the volunteer company during their first two Indian expeditions. (Shipton, Sibley’s Harvard Graduates, iv, 330. See also Carleton Sprague Smith’s article in volume I of this book.)

91 Massachusetts Historical Society, Collections, 1st Ser., iv (1852), 12; Sewall, Diary, I, 152; “The Diary of John Marshall,” Massachusetts Historical Society, Proceedings, 2nd Ser., 1 (1884–1885), 153; Sewall, Diary, I, 380, 383; Eileen Southern, The Music of Black Americans (New York, 1971), p. 30; and the New-England Courant, November 30, 1724.

92 Raoul F. Camus, Military Music of the American Revolution (Chapel Hill, 1976), p. 27, reported that “On 22 March 1693/94 John Mawgridge, His Majesty’s drum major general, issued a warrant ‘to presse or cause to be impressed from time to time such numbers of Drums, Fifes and Hoboyes as shall be necessary for His Majesty’s Service either by sea or land’.” Camus in his article in volume I of this book also states that in 1768 the 14th Regiment of Foot had black drummers “whom the colonel of the regiment had bought and trained for that duty while the regiment was stationed in the West Indies.” If this indeed was the case with Charles Blow, then that he was employed by three ship captains means that in fact he had been at some time owned by the three.

93 Sewall, Diary, I, 441–442; 1, 367; 1, 516; ii, 631. The levet or fanfare to herald the year 1710 was no doubt played on January 2nd because the 1st fell on a Sunday.

94 Sewall, Diary, ii, 694; ii, 915.

95 Roberts, Artillery Company, I, 139–140.

The only extant seventeenth-century drum from New England is that by an unknown maker, which descended to its donor to the Connecticut Historical Society from his ancestor Samuel Porter, who was one of the town drummers of Farmington, Connecticut, in 1708 and 1709. Decorating the exterior in brass nail heads are the initials “L D”, perhaps those of its original owner. See below, fig. 374, in this volume.

96 The grand procession of Free Masons was described in detail in the Boston Gazette for June 25, 1739.

97 Dictionary of American Biography; Winsor, Memorial History, ii, 54.

98 For a detailed study of violones and violoncellos see Stephen Bonta, “From Violone to Violoncello: A Question of Strings?” Journal of the American Musical Instrument Society, iii (1977), 64–99.

99 Sewall, Diary, I, 123–124. Although the instrument referred to in the quote is no doubt a bass viola da gamba, a family of bowed stringed instruments quite distinct from the violin or viola da braccio family, it is quoted here to suggest another use for Burnet’s “large bass Violine” outside that of chamber music.

100 Table i records the value of instruments from the harpsichord family. It will be noted that the harpsichord belonging to Increase Gatchell (d. 1729) was valued at £10. Burnet’s instrument is at least six times as expensive as any of the other keyboard instruments in the inventories.

101 “A large bass Violine” was written over an error which had been carefully erased.

102 Perhaps the term clepsicord derived from the word collapse, in the seventeenth century used to describe the state of being broken down (see OED); and the word used here referred to a “folding” harpsichord, or clavecin brisé. This instrument was invented in France by Jean Marius who took out a twenty-year patent on it in 1700. The instrument, made for traveling, was built in three independent sections hinged together, and folded into a long rectangular box convenient for transporting.

103 The manuscript diary of Benjamin Walker, Jr., 3 vols. (1726–1749), I, fol. 3 iv. Massachusetts Historical Society.

104 Lowens, Music and Musicians in Early America (New York, 1964), p. 18.

105 See volume marked cust 3/b, fols. 125–129v, in the Public Records Office, London. This and other custom records are classified as cust 3, volumes 1–8, and begin with the year 1697. For the tax on a variety of musical instruments being shipped in and out of England, see: Guy F. Oldham, “Import and Export Duties on Musical Instruments in 1660,” Galpin Society Journal, ix (1956), 97–98.

106 See Carl Bridenbaugh, Cities in the Wilderness (New York: Oxford University Press paperback, 1971), pp. 188, 330–336, for further background information.

107 Made from sheep’s intestines, fiddle strings might have been produced domestically. The finest quality strings came from near Rome, however, where the intestines of sheep were the smoothest; hence the fascination with Italian strings which were advertised in newspapers throughout the eighteenth century. See David Boyden, The History of Violin Playing from Its Origins to 1761 (London, 1965), p. 111. New-England Corn ant, May 25, 1724.

108 Foote, Annals, I, 211–214.

109 BRC, xi, 222, 236; and ix, 2–3.

110 Foote, Annals, I, 269.

111 New-England Courant, December 2, 1723.

112 Boston Gazette, December 16, 1723.

113 New-England Courant, May 25, 1724.

114 Bridenbaugh, Cities in the Wilderness, p. 464.

1 Recalled as an auction conducted by Mr. and Mrs. Charles Lincoln Ketchum who operated an antiques shop in Old Saybrook at the time.

2 For the period spanning the late 1920s and early 1930s the eighteenth-century English conversation piece was promoted in this country and enjoyed a considerable vogue. Among the larger exhibits were those held at the Minneapolis Art Institute in 1930 and the New York Union League Club in 1933.

3 I am grateful to David McKibben of the Boston Athenaeum who alerted me to the situation at an early date. Subsequent material from the National Portrait Collection and the Metropolitan Museum provided further illumination. I am also grateful to Emanuel Winternitz of the Metropolitan Museum who confirmed the identification of the dulcimer, and to the many persons whose kindness in offering valuable time during one or more of the investigative steps has been of great assistance. They include: Lee Aukamp, Mary Black, Miles Chapel, Louisa Dresser, Gerald Finley, Henry Grunder, Virginius C. Hall, John H. Jennings, John Kerslake, Paul Kiehard, Sara Lichtenstein, Annette Merlis, Sir Oliver Millar, John C. Moon, Pinkney Near, William S. Powell, Jules Prown, Claudia Rummel, Harriet Stryker-Rodda, Edward J. Smits, John Sunderland, Margaret Watherston, the owners of paintings used for comparison, and the staffs of the New York Public Library, Frick Art Reference Library, Swem Library, Virginia Historical Society, Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, British Museum, Victoria and Albert Museum, National Maritime Museum, and the Guildhall Archives, London.

4 William T. Whitley, Artists and Their Friends in England, 1700–1799, 2 vols. (New York: Benjamin Blom, 1968), I, 109.

5 Ellis Waterhouse, Painting in Britain, 1530 to 1790 (Baltimore, 1953), p. 118.

6 George Vertue, ms notes, 6 vols. (London: Walpole Society, 1930–1947), iii, in Walpole Society, xxii (1934), 14.

7 Horace Walpole, Anecdotes of Painting in England (London: Ward Lock: The World Library of Standard Books, [1879]), pp. 299, 348.

8 The English check was made by the Royal College of Music.

9 Reports of the Record Commissioners of the City of Boston, 39 vols. (Boston. Rockwell and Churchill, 1876–1909), xxviii, 53, 277. This series, containing town records, acts of the selectmen, vital statistics as well as miscellaneous papers, is cited henceforth as BRC. BRC, xxiv, 138, 193, 222; BRC, xvii, 203; BRC, xxx, 217.

10 American Marriage Records before 1699, ed. William M. Clemens (Pompton Lakes, N.J.: The Biblio Co., 1926), p. 83; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxiv (1870), 15; BRC, viii, 53; The Diary of Samuel Sewall, 1674–1729, ed. M. Halsey Thomas, 2 vols. (New York, 1973), I, 181, 300, 328; The Notebook of John Smibert (Boston: Massachusetts Historical Society, 1969), p. 93; BRC, vii, 239.

11 George Groce and David Wallace, The New-York Historical Society’s Dictionary of Artists in America, 1564–1860 (New Haven, 1957), p. 356; Frederick W. Coburn, “The Johnstons of Boston,” Art in America, xxi, no. 1 (December 1932), 27–36, and xxi, no. 4 (October 1933), 132–138; William Arms Fisher, One Hundred Fifty Years of Music Publishing in the United States (Boston, 1933), p. 36.

12 See the study “Social Music, Musicians, and Their Musical Instruments in Colonial Boston” by Barbara Lambert in this volume, p. 422 ff.

13 Sewall, Diary, ii, 855.

14 The following is a more complete record of color: Rippingale’s once-green coat is trimmed with red, and he wears red hose. Elliston’s coat is a buff color, lined in red. Hale’s coat is light brown, and E. Low’s is blue with remnants of a salmon color for the trim. W. Low wears a rust-colored coat. Godbolt’s jacket, breeches, and hose are all dark grey. Jonathan Low’s coat is scarlet. The carpet is painted in strong tones of red against a blue field, with a few touches of yellow in the pattern. The design on the dulcimer soundboard is red.

15 Hugh Jones, The Present State of Virginia (Chapel Hill, 1956), p. 80.

16 Louis B. Wright, The Cultural Life of the American Colonies (New York, 1957), p. 13; John W. Molnar, “Art Music in Colonial Virginia,” Institute of Southern College Lectures 1960 (Farmville, Va.: Longwood College, 1961), pp. 66–68.

17 John W. Molnar, Songs from the Williamsburg Theatre (Charlottesville, 1972), p. viii (foreword by Carleton Sprague Smith).

18 Published as selection lviii, “Libraries in Colonial Virginia,” William and Mary Quarterly, 1^st Ser., iii (1894–1895), 251–253.

19 The Secret Diary of William Byrd of Westover: 1709–1712, ed. Louis B. Wright and Marion Tinling (Richmond, 1941), p. 85; p. 41n.

20 North Carolina Wills, 1663–1789, ed. J. Bryan Grimes, xix (North Carolina Secretary of State, 1912), 6; Primrose Watson Fisher, One Dozen Pre-Revolutionary War Families of Eastern North Carolina and Some of Their Descendants (New Bern, N.C., 1958), p. 126; North Carolina Historical and Genealogical Register, ii (1901), 153; i (1900), 58.

21 Acts of the Privy Council of England, Colonial Series: 1680–1720, ii (London: Public Record Office, 1910), 296; Lower Norfolk County Virginia Antiquary, ii (1897), 48; “Records of Hanover County Virginia,” William and Mary Quarterly, 1st Ser., xxi (1912–1913), 58; Henings Statutes of Virginia: 1736–1763, vii (1820), 25, 197.

22 William Byrd of Virginia: The London Diary (1717–1721) and Other Writings, ed. Louis B. Wright and Marion Tinling (New York, 1958), p. 455.

23 Jones, The Present State of Virginia, p. 221 (annotated note by Richard L. Morton); Louis Morton, Robert Carter of Nomini Hall (Williamsburg, 1945), p. 42n.

24 London and Its Environs Described, 6 vols. (London: printed for R. & J. Dodsley, 1761), vi, 99.

25 Mary Mann Page Stanard, Colonial Virginia: Its People and Customs (Detroit: Singing Tree Press, 1970), p. 185.

26 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, xxxiii (1925), 363.

27 The editors of Another Secret Diary of William Byrd of Westover, 1739–1741 (Richmond, 1942), Maude Woodfin and Marion Tinling, identify him as Charles City County merchant, ca. 1737–1751, Thomas Wendy; p. 13n.

28 By coincidence, perhaps, this portrait, given to Colonial Williamsburg in 1952 by Mrs. Pickney W. Snelling of Hartford, a descendant of the sitter, had found its way to Connecticut, the last provenance for A Musical Gathering. Moreover, the portrait of Dering’s Williamsburg acquaintance, Nathaniel Walthoe, with whom he visited William Byrd (Byrd, Diary, 1739–1741, p. 139) also came to Colonial Williamsburg (in 1956) via a Connecticut source, Thomas Williams, a dealer in Litchfield (Frick Art Reference Library records).

29 Byrd, Diary, 1739–1741, pp. 82–83, 131, 139, 140–149, 160, 166–167, 171–179; all refer to the years 1740 and 1741.

30 Louis B. Wright, The First Gentlemen of Virginia: Intellectual Qualities of the Early Colonial Ruling Class (San Marino: Huntington Library, 1940), p. 335.

31 References to indentured servants as musicians occur in the Virginia Gazette for January 13, 1738; May 19, 1738; September 26, 1745; August 21, 1752? October 20, 1752; and later. References to convict servants as musicians occur on July 4, 1751, and later in 1771 and 1772. References to slaves and musical instruments occur on May 5, 1738; March 27, 1746; and later. The subject is also treated in Molnar, “Art Music,” p. 69, and in Albert Stoutamire, Music of the Old South: Colony to Confederacy (Rutherford, Pa.: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1973), p. 27.

32 James Curtis Ballagh, “A History of Slavery in Virginia,” Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, xxiv (1895), 33–37.

33 Molnar, “Art Music,” p. 69.

34 Stanard, Colonial Virginia, p. 309.

35 Letters of Robert Carter 1720–1727: The Commercial Interests of a Virginia Gentleman (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1970), pp. 22–23.

36 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, vi (1898), 3–4.

37 William Byrd London Diary, pp. 456–464.

38 Robert “King” Carter Day Book for October 7, 1722, at the University of Virginia Library.

39 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, xxxiii (1924), 41–42.

40 At least some of these portraits were likely commissioned to be painted from earlier likenesses.

41 It is also of interest here, with regard to the fate of oversize colonial art, to note that the Last Supper had been sold at auction in a Maryland junkshop for $50 in 1840.

42 J. Hall Pleasants, “William Dering: A Mid-Eighteenth Century Williamsburg Portrait Painter,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, lx (1952), 60; Documents Collection, Virginia Historical Society.

43 J. Hall Pleasants, “Biographical Notes, 2858,” Frick Art Reference Library (1957). Dering’s move from Virginia and his South Carolina activities are expanded upon by Graham Hood in “Charles Bridges and William Dering: Two Virginia Painters, 1735–1750,” Antiques, cxii (1977), 935.

44 His name had previously appeared in Waldron P. Belknap, American Colonial Painting: Materials for a History (Cambridge, 1959), pp. 222–223. There is evidence here that he had a number of American sitters in the early eighteenth century, including Jonathan Belcher, Governor of New Jersey, and Samuel Mather, brother of Massachusetts clergyman Cotton Mather.

45 Thomas Wharton Jones, “The Pedigree of Alliston or Elliston of Essex and Kent and of Philipps of Chesham, Bucks., with that of Jones, in continuation thereof,” Herald and Genealogist, v (1870), 401–426.

46 Philip Morant, History and Antiquities of the County of Essex (London, 1768), pp. 126, 133.

47 Surtees Society, Publications, cxxxiii (1920), 104; Sir William Musgrave, “A General Nomenclator and Obituary,” Harleian Society, Publications, xlviii (1900), 146.

48 Painters and Stainers Guild, Journal entry for October 1, 1746, at the Guildhall Library, London.

1 The earliest usage of the word songster in connection with song anthologies I have been able to trace is in the alternate title of The Universal Musician; or, Songster’s Delight (London, 1737), later editions of which appeared in 1738 and 1750. Similar titles followed soon after: The Merry Companion; or, Universal Songster (London, 1739); The Ladies Delight; or, The Merry Songster (London, 1741); The Vocal Medley; or, Universal Songster (York, ?1749); Vocal Melody; or, The Songster’s Magazine (London, 1751) in three volumes; The Goldfinch; or, New Modern Songster (Glasgow, 1753); Melpomene; or, The Songster’s Merry Companion (Waltham, ?1753); The Vocal Companion; or, The Delightful and Merry Songster (London, ?1757). The first usage of the word as part of the regular rather than the alternate title appears to have been in The Polite Songster (London, 1758). The earliest-known similar use of the word on this side of the Atlantic occurs in The Mock Bird; or, New American Songster (New York, 1761). Although the exact meaning of songster as used in these titles is not quite clear, the word gradually came to refer to the collection itself rather than to the singer of the songs it contains.

1 Prior to 1790 most American tunebooks were printed from engraved copper plates. The swift increase in typographical printing which occurred in the 1790s and 1800s signaled the increasingly important role of professional printers in the field of sacred music. See Richard Crawford, “Connecticut Sacred Music Imprints, 1778–1810,” Notes, xxvii, nos. 3 & 4 (March & June 1971).

2 Statistics given here and elsewhere in the article are drawn from my unpublished index of sacred music published in America through 1810, and from the bibliography of sacred American music through 1810 which I have compiled in collaboration with Allen P. Britton and Irving Lowens, to be published by the American Antiquarian Society. The bibliography includes roughly 440 issues of sacred music: approximately 390 tunebooks (collections of 4 or more pieces) and about 50 occasional publications and pamphlets (items containing 3 or fewer pieces). More than 30 additional sacred music editions were published during the period, but copies have yet to be located.

3 The figures given here cover only English-language publications. As early as 1752 there appeared in Philadelphia a two-part work containing Lobwasser’s metrical version of the German psalter and a collection of 700 hymns, reprinted from the German publication Kern alter und neuer (Marburg: Johann Henrich Stock, 1746). Both parts contained monophonic tunes. The Philadelphia work, Neu-vermehrt- und vollständiges Gesang-Buch (Germantown, Pennsylvania: Christopher Saur, 1753; also 3 later editions), served a tradition which by culture, language, and geography was separate from the English-language tradition described here. After 1800 in Pennsylvania and Maryland some interaction between English- and German-language sacred music took place, but that issue is peripheral to this paper.

4 [Simeon Jocelin and Amos Doolittle], The Chorister’s Companion (New Haven: Jocelin and Doolittle, 1782), p. [1].

5 A similar study has recently been completed by Professor John W. Worst of Calvin College, Grand Rapids, Michigan: “New England Psalmody 1760–1810: Analysis of an American Idiom” (University of Michigan, Ph.D. diss., 1974).

6 The tune Psalm 100 New is discussed by Irving Lowens in Music and Musicians in Early America (New York: Norton, 1964), pp. 53–55. It is also mentioned in Theodore Finney, “The Third Edition of Tufts’ Introduction to the Art of Singing Psalm-Tunes,” Journal of Research in Music Education, xiv, no. 3 (Fall 1966), p. 169. Professor Nicholas Temperley of the University of Illinois, who is compiling an index of British psalm tunes to 1750, reported early in 1974 that he had yet to find Psalm 100 New in a British source.

7 Law’s career is covered and all of his publications enumerated and indexed in Richard Crawford, Andrew Law, American Psalmodist (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1968).

8 The Complete Works of William Billings is being edited for publication by Hans Nathan and Karl Kroeger under the sponsorship of the American Musicological Society and the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, making Billings the first American composer whose complete works will appear in a critical edition. Volume ii, the first volume to be published, was issued in 1977, followed by vol. I in 1981.

9 Lowens, Music and Musicians, p. 239.

10 At the beginning of this project I had some difficulty deciding what to tabulate, first choosing core repertory tunes on the basis of the number of different collections (i.e., titles) in which they appeared, and disregarding reprintings of the same tune in more than one edition of the same collection. The basis for that decision lay in the notion that one compiler’s inclusion of a tune in several editions of one tunebook should not count as heavily as several different compilers each including the tune in one edition of one tunebook. Gradually, however, this notion seemed more and more unsatisfactory, since, by appearing in several editions of a popular work, a tune probably achieved wider circulation than in single printings in several less successful works. Since the list was and is an attempt to measure popularity, however roughly, counting the total number of printings seemed preferable. (It might be noted in passing that the two methods produce remarkably similar lists.) An edition by Richard Crawford of the music in the core repertory is in preparation. It will be published by the Institute for Studies in American Music, Brooklyn College, in its Recent Researches in American Music series.

11 A statistical method which took into account the period of each tune’s popularity would have certain advantages over a mere tally of the printings of each tune and would certainly produce a different core repertory list. For example, tunes published in the Bay Psalm Book, 9th ed. (1698), Walter’s Grounds and Rules (1721), and Tufts’ Introduction, 3d ed. (1723), could achieve more than 20 printings from these 3 collections alone by 1765, since they were so often reprinted, usually with little or no change in the music. It might seem, then, that a tune popular early in the century could be included in the core repertory, even though it fell out of favor later on. Conversely, a tune appearing late but enjoying immediate popularity might replace on the core repertory list a tune with less spectacular but more persistent or enduring popularity because of the greater number of tunebooks published toward the end of the period covered here. As it happens, the present list contains one tune of the late-appearing type. Adeste Fidelis was not published in the United States until 1801; however, it enjoyed immediate and enormous popularity. There are no examples of the earlier situation, partly because musical reform after the turn of the century created a strong impetus toward reviving the earlier psalm tunes, and every tune on the core repertory list which was introduced between 1698 and 1725 either maintained consistent popularity through the whole period or regained a place in the repertory during the decade 1801–1810.

12 The compositions which most narrowly missed being chosen include 3 British items: Stephenson’s anthem “Behold I bring you glad tidings,” and the psalm tunes Castle Street and Islington; and 7 American tunes: Bethlehem by Billings, Complaint by Parmenter, Psalm 46 by Chandler, Symphony by Morgan, Victory by Read, Walpole by Wood, and Washington by Billings. None achieved more than 42 printings nor less than 40.

1 See chapter 3, “John Tufts’s An Introduction to The Singing of Psalm-Tunes (1721–1744),” in Irving Lowens, Music and Musicians in Early America (New York, 1964), pp. 39–57, for an explanation of dating the first edition of this work by Tufts.

2 Byron A. Wolverton, “Keyboard Music and Musicians in the Colonies and United States of America before 1830” (Indiana University, Ph.D. diss., 1966), pp. 146–150.

3 For a reproduction of Lewis Deblois’ trade card from which the musical stock is quoted, see this vol., fig. 434, and p. 104 of this writer’s article on Thomas Johnston in Boston Prints and Printmakers 1670–1775, ed. Sinclair Hitchings and Walter Muir Whitehill, Colonial Society of Massachusetts, Publications, xlvi (1973).

4 As James Bishop Peabody pointed out in a letter to the author, Price was, rather than is, buried in Trinity, since the original burials were all dug up and scattered in the nineteenth century at about the time when the third and present edifice was erected.

5 For quotations referring to Price, see the chronology “William Price as Churchman” as well as the list of sources at the end of this article.

6 Henry Wilder Foote, Annals of King’s Chapel, 2 vols. (Boston, 1882), I, 269.

7 Wolverton, “Keyboard Music and Musicians,” p. 49.

8 Mary Kent Davey Babcock, Christ Church, Salem Street, Boston (Boston, 1947), pp. 132–134. Babcock’s book is the source of other information in this article on Christ Church’s organists.

9 Price was followed as organist by Stephen Deblois, Lewis Deblois, Timothy Buck, and from 1750 to 1753 by Johnston’s son William.

10 Reproductions of the Bonner and Burgis maps appear in John W. Reps, “Plans and Views of Colonial Boston,” Boston Prints and Printmakers 1670–1775, pp. 22–31, 40–41.

11 For a listing of sources, and a reproduction of Johnston’s trade card and other prints, see this writer’s “Thomas Johnston” in Boston Prints and Printmakers 1670–1775, pp. 128–131, 87, and passim.

12 A copy of this book which has the imprint “Boston: Printed by Benjamin Mecom at the New Printing-Office near the Town-House, for Thomas Johnston, in Brattle-Street” may date from 1760 and would establish Johnston as publisher of another edition of Walter.

13 Found in the Lemuel Shaw Papers, 1648–1923, a microfilm series published by the Massachusetts Historical Society.

14 Office of the Clerk of the Superior Court of Suffolk County, Superior Court Record No. 172920 (writ of attachment, 1765, against Abraham Stickney of Tewksbury, yeoman).

15 The Records of Trinity Church, Boston, 1728–1830, ed. Andrew Oliver and James Bishop Peabody, 2 vols. Colonial Society of Massachusetts, Publications, lv, lvi (1980–1982) 1, 84.

16 Babcock, Christ Church, Salem, Street, p. 133.

17 Wolverton refers to the June 1763 advertisement of the organ made by Johnston which had been “formerly made use of in Concert-Hall,” and Talmage Whitman Dean, in “The Organ in Eighteenth Century English Colonial America” (University of Southern California, Ph.D. diss., 1960), p. 201, says that the Johnston organ in Concert Hall “was replaced by an imported English instrument.” The Deblois family sold Concert Hall in 1769 to William Turner, and additional information will be needed to test the hypothesis put forth above, that an organ was brought in for Flagg’s concert in 1772.

18 The letter is printed in Letters and Papers of John Singleton Copley and Henry Pelham 1739–1776, published in Boston in 1914 by the Massachusetts Historical Society, and by Lila Parrish Lyman on pp. 73–76 of “William Johnston (1732–1772),” New-York Historical Society Quarterly, xxxix (January 1955).

19 Charles Evans, American Bibliography, 14 vols. (Chicago, 1903–1934; Worcester, 1956–1959), vi, no. 16205.

1 Originally imported around the beginning of the eighteenth century, it contains: stopt diapason 8′ (wood), principal 4′ (wood), fifteenth 2′ (metal), and sesquialtera ii (metal).

2 The Diary of Samuel Sewall, 1674–1729, ed. M. Halsey Thomas (New York, 1973), p. 602.