A Stated Meeting of the Society was held at the house of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, No. 28 Newbury Street, Boston, on Thursday, 24 January, 1918, at three o’clock in the afternoon, the President, Fred Norris Robinson, Ph.D., in the chair.

    The Records of the last Stated Meeting were read and approved.

    The Corresponding Secretary reported that letters had been received from Mr. Henry Cabot Lodge, Mr. William Crowninshield Endicott, and Mr. George Russell Agassiz, accepting Resident Membership; and from Mr. Otis Grant Hammond, accepting Corresponding Membership.

    Dr. Frederick Cheever Shattuck of Boston was elected a Resident Member.

    Mr. Albert Matthews communicated the following paper, written by Mr. John H. Edmonds from material collected under the direction of the late Mr. Frederick L. Gay:


    The Massachusetts Colony Charter of 1629 was vacated in 1684. Charles II died February 6, 1685, and on April 20th following James II was duly proclaimed King in the High Street in Boston. Rumors were rife in the town that Colonel Percy Kirke, Governor of Tangiers, a notorious favorite of Charles II, was to come out as Governor, but in November, 1685, Edward Randolph left England in the Rose frigate, Captain John George, bringing a Commission to Joseph Dudley as President of the Council for New England. Randolph46 notes that Captain George47 was a civil person, that the Rose was the biggest first rate yet one of the worst for sailing and had six months’ provisions aboard. This the Rose surely needed, as she did not arrive at Nantasket until May 14, 1686.48 She brought also the Rev. Robert Ratcliffe, the first minister of the Church of England to come officially, and trouble at once commenced both in Church and State. Dudley and his Councillors were duly installed, but Randolph, as godfather to the new government, naturally tried to keep things in his own hands, though with ill success. Between Randolph,49 Collector of Customs, and Captain George of the Royal Navy, a question of right in the seizure of ships illegally trading soon arose, the most probable cause being the one-third forfeiture of the prizes. President Dudley50 granted three-fourths of the perquisites of Randolph’s office as Secretary and Registrar to his own son,51 a minor, as clerk of the County Court, hobnobbed with Captain George, aided and abetted him. Captain George52 carried the quarrel still further by allowing his men to spread reports that Randolph’s wife was nurse to Lady Nottingham’s children, not married but a Miss, and endeavored to draw him into a duel. Even the presence of a pirate53 on the coast could not lure Captain George from his agreeable task of baiting Randolph and aiding and abetting Dudley, from where he lay at anchor only two cables’ length from the town.

    Things went from bad to worse and were not helped by the arrival of the Dartmouth frigate, Captain George St. Loe from Bermuda. Some idea of conditions may be gained from the deposition (October, 1686) of Richard Wharton, Councillor and Judge of the Court of Vice Admiralty:

    That on the 20th Instant the Deponant being requested by Mr Randolph to accompany him and hear the Complaint of his Deputy against a person then in the Constables hands, and being going up the street towards Mr Ushers,54 intending there to examine the matter, Capt George and Capt Saintloe mett Mr Randolph and the Deponant, and without any provocation in a Violent Scurrilous manner, put Sundry Short and quarrellsome Questions, but had not patience to hear, or receive any Answers but run furiously upon the Constable with their staves lift up against him, causing a great tumult and Royot, and according to the Deponants best observation Capt George struct at the Constable, the Constable holding up his Staffe in this Deponants Sight to defend him Self, upon which Capt Saintloe rayld very much and called the Constable Dogg, and being reproved by the Deponant, he again rayled useing much loud and rayling Language and Said why did the Dogg strike first? upon this furious behaviour of Sd Captaines the tumult increased, and the Deponant seeing not how the Same would be otherwise Suppressed if they and their men further endeavoured a Rescue or Violence to the Constable, prayed them to be peaceable or otherwise he Should be constreined to raise the Towne, to which Capt Saintloe replyed, You show what you will be at, You will be ready to raise the Towne against his Matys Authority, with many other Loud and railing expressions, and Capt George alsoe said now they did see what kind of hands the Government was in, and often repeated they were a Company of pittyfull littel fellows with other reflective and abusive Speeches, both upon the Government, and Mr Randolph, and the Deponant: The Said Capt George in the street telling the Deponant he deserved to be whipt and if he had him in place where he would whipp him. The Deponant further Sayth That Captaine Saintloe neer mr Ushers door very abusively and violently rushed with his cane in both his hands upon the Deponants breast pretending to show him how the Constable managed his staff in the Fray, and held it over the Deponts head, and Sayd, if the Deponant had done what the Constable did he would have broken his head, and afterwards in Mr Ushers house threatned the Deponant with Some unkind treatmts if he caught him on the Water, with many other Scurrilous and abusive language. And the Deponant further Declares that Captaine George after many provokeing words to Mr Randolph Threatned Mr Randolphs Officers to whip them raw and perticularly to Erasmus Stephens that if he Saw him upon the Water passing by his Ship he would take him aboard and whip him till he were Raw, and Capt Saintloe when the Deponant was writing a Mittimus for David Simpson told Mr Randolph it would be better for any of us to Send him to Our Own homes and put him in Our own bedds then to Send him to prison.

    This if it be thought needfull, I am ready to depose upon Oath, and pray that due regard may be had, unto and care taken, to maintaine the Authority of the Governmt, and that the Sd Captaines may be animadverted on according to their behaviours, and if they justify themselves that the matter may be further examined and represented under the Seal of the Government to his Majesty.55

    Affairs were checked temporarily by the arrival of Governor Andros, December 20, 1686. On May 23rd56 following he ordered Captain George to proceed in the Rose to the King’s (now President) Road at Nantasket and four days later, at first opportunity of wind and weather to sail along the coast as far as Pemaquid and the fishing Islands towards Penobscot, to see that no privateers or pirates pest or lie upon the coast and that no vessel lie off to trade contrary to law. Andros also issued the following: “By his Excellency. I Doe hereby approve off & Ordr Thomas Pounds forthwith to repaire on board and act as Pylott of his Maties ffrigatt ye Rose undr the Command of Capt John George. Given undr my hand att Boston the 27th day of May, 1687.”57

    On September 8, 1687, similar orders were issued to Captain George to proceed as far eastward as Cape Sables, with James English58 of Boston as pilot. On April 4th, 1688, he was again ordered to proceed eastward as far as St. Croix and Cape Sables, put into Penobscot to inform as to Mr. Castine who hath liberty to reside there.59 This was in turn followed by a warrant addressed to Thomas Pounds:

    By his Excellency

    These are to Require you forthwith to Repaire on board his Maties ffriggatt the Rose (now bound to Crouse on ye Coast Eastward undr the Command of Capt John George & to take upon you the Charge & Duty of a Pylott for whch this Shall be your Warrant. Dated in Boston the fourth day of Aprill, 1688. E. Andros. By his Excelly Comd John West D Sec̄r̄ȳ60

    For some unexplained reason, this was cancelled and reissued to Richard Shute on April 10th following.61 The Rose made several cruises to the eastward during the summer and her consort the sloop Mary was ordered to sea likewise:

    Sr Edmund Andros Knt Capt Genall Governor in Cheife & Vice Admirall of his Maties Territory & Dominion of New England.

    To Mr Thomas Pounds. These are to will & Require yu forthwith to Repaire on board his Maties Sloop Mary & take upon yu the Charge & Command thereof till further Ordr & all persons belonging to ye sd Sloop are to obey yu as their Mays Commandr & yrself to observe & Execute each Ordr & Direc̄ons as yu shall receive from me for his Maties Service accordingly for wch this shall be yor Warrt. Given und’ my hand & seal of ye Admiralty att Boston ye llth day of July in ye 4th year of his Maties Reigne Annoq Dom 1688.

    By his Excelly Commd62

    Trouble with the eastern Indians having developed, partly through the actions of Captain George63 and the Rose at Castine, Governor Andros with one thousand men went eastward on November 17th. While at Pemaquid, on January 10th, 1689, he received news of a hostile movement of William of Orange against King James, upon which he issued a proclamation to all to be alert for the approach of a foreign fleet and to resist the landing from such. In March following he returned to Boston, and on April 4th John Winslow,64 grandson of Mary Chilton, arrived from Nevis, bringing copies of the proclamation issued by William of Orange on his landing in England. They were soon circulated about the town and reprinted by Richard Pierce, the official printer of the inter-charter government, for Benjamin Harris, whose bookshop was at what is now the south corner65 of Washington and State Streets.

    Through the intervention of Dr. Benjamin Bullivant, Attorney General, Andros endeavored the suppression of this proclamation, but only succeeded in imprisoning Winslow for two weeks, despite his proffered bond of £10,000.66 The inhabitants, whose discontent had been constantly growing over the loss of their Charter, now took a desperate chance and on April 18th rose in rebellion, seized Captain George of the Rose, who happened to be ashore, beat up the town for volunteers, set the ensigns upon the beacon as a signal to the soldiers on the Charlestown side, and seized all in authority they could lay their hands on, including Dudley and Andros. Their reason for seizing Captain George was twofold, first to prevent his interference with their plans, and secondly to prevent his carrying Andros and the others in authority off to France to join King James.67

    The frigate, which was left in command of her Lieutenant, David Condon,68 a Roman Catholic, opened all her ports and prepared for action, in spite of word from Captain George that if she fired one shot the townspeople would kill him, who was practically a hostage. The Fort was taken in the nick of time just as Andros and his company were about to escape from the sconce to the Rose’s boats. The next day the Castle, the Fort, the Batteries, and all the ships in the harbor trained their guns on the Rose, and the townsmen went on board, struck the topmasts, and brought her sails ashore, after a conference with Lieutenant Condon, and the crew took the oath of allegiance to William of Orange.

    On April 20th “A Council for Safety of the People and Conservation of Peace” met in the Town House, and eventually Governor Bradstreet and the officials of 1686 assumed the Government.69 On May 26th the news of the accession of William and Mary reached Boston and the inhabitants felt more sure of their position. Much ill feeling had been aroused against the Rose and her crew by several malcontents70 who accused them of plotting to go to France to King James, of stating that all English ships or those under the Prince of Orange were free prize to them, of cursing the Prince of Orange and such Dutch dogs, of hoping the nations of England and Holland would sink upon the Goodwin Sands, of believing that all would not be well in England until all were Roman Catholics again, of knowing that a French fleet was coming to batter down the town, and of setting fire to the town, etc.

    Several pirates and privateers appearing upon the coast, there was an unofficial embargo on merchant vessels which seriously interferred with the trade of the town, and several of the merchants and most representative men in the neighborhood petitioned for the release of the Rose as follows:

    To the Honble Simon Bradstreet Goverr togeather with the rest of the Assistants and Representatives Assembled in Boston this 10th of June 1689

    The Humble Offer or proposall of sundry of the Merchants and Inhabitants of this Towne of Boston, in regard of His Mats Frigott the Rose now in this Harbor as allsoe in behalfe of Capt John George com̄ander of the same Sheweth That the Jealousies or dangers doubted from Capt Georg and the Frigott being over, Restoration ought to be made unto the said Frigott as she was found in the first revolucon, and the Capt to His Authoritie, for wch we offer these following reasons

    1 That our Coast being infested with Pirates, to the great affrightmt of all merchts & Traders this Frigott with its Officers being released would without any charge secure our Trade and Coast

    2 That notwithstanding the mistakes made about Capt George all or most of Those that are concern’d in Shipping are very well satisfied in his good intentions for ye Generall defence of their Maties Subjects and faithfullness to the Crowne of England.

    3 That we ought to avoid the scandall; that formerly have beene so fatall to us about The Acts of Trade and Navigacon Therefore think the sd Capt ought to be left to persue his instructions therein.

    4 That the Shipp and Stores being of great consequence and value, by these disordrs are subject to all maner of Imbazelmt for wch we leave to consider whear the damage will Lye.

    5 That at this Instant there are diverse considerable Vessells bound out, and others expected in the Loss of any of which will proceed from noe cose than the most Stupidd neglegence possible, By not improving those remedies which are soe easey and in our hands.

    6 That for taking of all Scruple to the Country (who are least concern’d in the danger) The merchts under written and others proffer such assurances as shall be Reasonable ChaRedford Jerr: Dum̄er John ffoye Iams Lloyd Samuel Shrimpton Em Hutchinson J° Nelson Nathll Oliver Peter Sergeant Benjamin Afford Thos Cooper Benja Davis.71

    This was answered by the Representatives’72 appointing the Committee on Eastward Concerns to suppress the pirates, though the Governor and Council on June 12th had consented that the sails should be delivered to Captain George73 on reasonable security, and that if he so “meet” he may attend to them. The House nonconcurred, but in the meantime had ordered74 that a suitable vessel be fitted out to clear the coast of pirates and range the coast of Acadia to secure the fishing vessels, and the Governor and Council consented. On July 4th75 a Committee reported that Captain George was under suspicion of being a person disaffected to their present Majesties, that Lieutenant Condon was a Roman Catholic, and that several others of the officers and men were disaffected to their present Majesties, and the lawful means of releasing the frigate Rose came to an end.

    Governor Andros escaped from the Castle August 3rd,76 was recaptured in Rhode Island August 5th,77 but owing to his indisposition was returned by easy stages to Dorchester.78 Rather curiously on August 8th at eleven at night a Bermudas fashioned boat containing Thomas Pound,79 Thomas Hawkins,80 Thomas Johnston, Eleazer Buck, John Siccadam, Richard Griffin a gunsmith, and Benjamin Blake a boy, took water at the south end of the town near the Sign of the Bull, a tavern located in what is now Dewey Square. They were joined early the next morning at Lovell’s Island by Daniel Lander, Samuel Watts, William Warren, William Dun, and Henry Dipper. They were all more or less armed and, as was customary in that period, intended to take the first vessel they met and proceed in her to the West Indies to prey on the French. They sailed into the Bay and about three o’clock in the morning, four or five leagues off the Brewsters, came up with a small deck sloop belonging to Hull bound in from mackerelling. Under the guise of fishermen they purchased a rial’s worth of mackerell and obtained three or four gallons of water from them, claiming they were bound for Billingsgate, now Wellfleet, though far out of their course. Isaac Prince81 and others of the Hull sloop duly reported their actions to the Governor and Council on their arrival at Boston.

    Pound and company then stood off to sea and three hours after came up with the ketch Mary, a Salem fisherman, Captain Helen Chard, about three leagues from Half Way Rock. She belonged to Philip English,82 and was homeward bound with fish. They made short work of taking her and held the crew prisoners until Saturday night, when they turned three of them loose in the Bermudas boat, promising them their ketch when they had taken a vessel more suitable for their purpose. The pirates said that they expected to be joined by forty more men, and as soon as they had taken a better vessel and a southward one to supply them with provisions, they would go and plague the French. They were all armed, but had only two gallons of powder and so few balls that as soon as they had taken the ketch they melted her leads to make bullets. They carried off with them a man, John Darby of Salem, “volontary,” and forced a boy who had the French tongue to be an interpreter. On Chard’s83 arrival at Salem, information was at once sent to the Governor and Council, and a vessel manned by the Salem and Marblehead84 militia went out after them, but with no success.

    The ketch and her company then proceeded to Casco Bay, where on the 14th they were joined by seven of the garrison of Fort Loyal — Corporal John Hill, John Wattkins, John Lord, William Neff, William Bennett, James Danell, and Richard Phipes, possibly one of Sir William’s numerous brothers.85 They did not come empty handed but brought all they could lay their hands on, including clothing, powder, musket and carbine shot, guns, swords and a brass gun, only leaving the clothes on the backs of those they had left behind. In the mean time the pirates through one of their number, “John Darby,86 a known fisherman, belonging to Salem,” succeeded in getting the doctor then at Falmouth to go on board to treat the master, who he said was Allen, otherwise Helen, Chard. This was part of a scheme to secure his services for the expedition, but the doctor lost his courage and did not join. Silvanus Davis, Commander of Fort Loyal, became suspicious of the ketch, located his deserters upon her, and endeavored to have them return or deliver up what they had stolen, but without success. The pirates then sailed for Cape Cod, and on the 16th under Race Point took the sloop Goodspeed of Piscataqua, Captain John Smart, bound with boards, etc., for Nantucket. They gave him their ketch and took his sloop and bade him if he “came to Boston to tell there that they Knew ye Govt Sloop lay ready but if she came out after them & came up wh them shd find hott work for they wd die every man before they would be taken.”87

    As a result of the continued piracy, the sloop Resolution (which had been built in the Andros régime as a Province Sloop, but somehow or other had got into private hands) was ordered fitted with guns, artillery, ammunition and provisions, to proceed to sea under command of Captain Joseph Thaxter,88 with a crew of forty able seamen, “strenuously to Endeavour the Suppressing and Seizing of all Pirates, Especially one Thomas Hawkins, Pounds and others confederated with them,”89 being “very careful to avoid the shedding of blood unless you be necessitated by resistance and opposition made against you.” And as for “those men who shall go forth in said Vessel . . . It’s Ordered that they be upon usual monthly wages, and upon any casualty befalling any of the said men by loss of Limb or otherwise be maimed that meet allowance and provision be made for such.”90

    Thaxter was not successful, for the reason that Pound and company, after wooding and watering at Cape Cod, had sailed to Martin’s Vineyard Sound, where on August 27th at Homes Hole91 under their bloody flag they took the brigantine Merrimack92 of Newbury, Captain John Kent. After robbing her of 20 half barrels of flour, 2 hogsheads of sugar, 1 hogshead of rum, 3 guns, and 1 hundredweight of tobacco, they let her go, and sailing through the Sound with the wind belowing hard at north-north-east, were forced to Virginia, where they were kept in the York River for eight days by the easterly winds. Luckily for them, the man of war ketch had been sunk shortly before and the station ship was on careen. Here they were joined by John Giddings and Edward Browne and kidnapped a negro belonging to Captain Dunbar. The weather moderating, they came back to the Sound and at Tarpaulin Cove93 met with a Salem bark, Captain William Lord,94 and as she was evidently more than they cared to tackle, they bought an anchor for four hundredweight of sugar and sold them their Virginia negro for £12. They then chased Captain Alsop’s ketch into Martin’s Vineyard Harbor on Sunday, and if the inhabitants had not risen in force, would have cut her out. Pound and company then went over the shoals with Captain Lord, and at Cape Cod Thomas Hawkins deserted. On the following Saturday they took a Pennsylvania sloop under Cape Cod, but as she had no pork aboard, let her go and went back to Homes Hole, where on October 1st they took a New London sloop, Captain John Picket,95 from which they got 39 barrels of pork and beef, 7 firkins of butter, 13 cheeses, 3 barrels of Indian corn, and 8 bushels of peas. They then went to Tarpaulin Cove, where they lay for two days, waiting for a favorable chance to go to “Corazo.”

    Matthew Mayhew96 of Martin’s Vineyard, then in New York, had in the meantime informed the Governor and Council of Massachusetts of their depredations, and on September 30th. the sloop Mary, formerly commanded by Pound, was ordered to sea with a crew of twenty men under command of Captain Samuel Pease,97 late Commander of the Duke of Courland’s ship Fortune,98 200 tons, 12 guns. Benjamin Gallop was commissioned Lieutenant and they were furnished with a barrel of powder, 50 pounds of small shot, cartridge papers and match, with instructions to search and surprise Thomas Hawkins, Thomas Pound and company, but “to prevent ye Sheding of blood as much as may bee.” The following is the survivors’ story:

    On the 30th day of September Anno Dom. 1689 being Monday at night in Prosecution of the sd designe set saile in the Sloope Mary aforesd being mannd with twenty able men (all) Volunteers, directing our Course for Cape Cod, and when we arrived there wee understood, that the said Pounds & his Company were gone to the Westward, we directed our Course that way expecting to meet them at Tarpaulin Cove; On Friday following — being the fourth day of October com̄ing off of Wood’s hole, a Canoo came off and told us (we being then in company with a Briganteen of wch Simon Davis was master) wee should goe no further, for there was a Pyrate at Tarpaulin Cove, upon which Wee presently gave a great shout, and the word was given to our men to make all ready which was accordingly done, and the wind being at SSE. and blew hard, quickly after we were all ready we espied a Sloop ahead of us, we made what Saile we could, and quickley came so neere, that we put our Kings Jack, and or Sloop Sailing so very well we quickly came within Shot, and. or Captn ordered a great Gun to be fired thwart her fore foot, on that a man of theirs presently carryed up a Red flagg to the top of their maine mast and made it fast, our Captn then orderd a musket to be fired thwart his fore foot, he not striking we came up with him, and or Captn com̄anded us to fire on them which accordingly we did, and also called to them to strike to [the] King of England, Capt Pounds standing on the quarter deck with his naked sword in his hand flourishing, said, come aboard, you Doggs, and I will strike you presently or words to yt purpose his men standing by him with their Guns in their hands on the Deck, he taking up his Gun, they let fly a volley upon us, and we againe at him, at last wee came to Leeward of them, supposing it to be some Advantage to us because the wind blew so hard and so or weather side did us good, they perceiving this gave severall Shouts Supposing (as we did apprehend) that we would yield to them, wee still fired at them, and they at us as fast as they could loade & fire, after a little space we saw Pounds was shot, and gone off the deck, while we were thus in the fight two of our men met wth a mischance by the blowing up of some gun powder which they perceiving by ye Smoke (we being pretty near them) gave severall shouts and fired at us as fast as they could, wee many times called to them, telling them, if they would yield to us we would give them good quarter, they utterly refusing to have it, saying ai yee dogs we will give you quarter By and by, we still continued or fight, having two of our men more wounded, at last our Captn was much wounded, so that he went off the deck. The Lieut quickly after ordered us to get all ready to board them which was readily done, wee layd them on bord presently, and at or Entrance we found such of them that were not much wounded very resolute, but discharging or Guns at them, we forthwith went to club it wth them and were forced to knock them downe with the but end of our muskets at last we queld them, killing foure, and wounding twelve, two remaining pretty well. The weather com̄ing on very bad, and being desirous to get good Doctors or Surgeons for or wounded men, we shapd our Course for Rhode Island, and the same night we secured or Prisoners and got in between Pocasset & Rhode Island, the next day being Saturday the fifth of October we got a convenient house for or wounded men, got them on shore, and sent away to Newport for Doctors who quickly came and dressed them, or Captaine being shot in the Arme, and in the Side, and in the thigh, lost much blood and continued weak & faint, and on friday after being the eleventh day of October he being on board intending to come home, we set saile and were come but a little way before he was taken with bleeding afresh, so that we came to an Anchor againe, and got him on shore to another house on Rhode Island side, where he continued very weake, in the afternoon was taken with bleeding againe, and with fitts, he Continued that night, and loseing so much blood, on Saturday morning the twelfth day of October departed this life, we buried him at Newport on Rhode Island the Monday following. That munday at night we set saile from Rhode Island and arrived at Boston on Saturday the 18th of October with fourteen Prisoners. The Bloody fflagg was not put above Pounds his vessell before we fired at them.

    BenjN. Gallop

    Daniel Langley

    Colburn Turell

    John frizell

    Abraham addams

    John I P Pane

    his marke.99

    The prisoners were duly lodged in Boston’s new stone gaol, which had a dungeon in it, walls four feet thick, and all kinds of irons to keep them there. The treasure,100 including the sloop, was duly appraised at £209–4–6, and out of this Lieutenant Benjamin Gallop’s charges and expenses of £35–9–9 were promptly paid.101 On December 4th a bill for a brief for the collection in the several congregations for the relief of Captain Samuel Pease’s widow, who with four orphans was in a poor and low condition, and for the care of two of his company that were wounded, was passed by the Representatives and concurred by the Magistrates.102 As the owners of the sloop declined to pay the salvage ordered on her, she was condemned to her captors.103

    Pound and company did not get off so easily, as is evidenced by the following bill:

    Elisha Cooke Esqr Dr £

    To the Cure of Tho: pounds Shott in ye Side & in the Arme & Severall bones Taken oute


    To the Cure of Thom: Johnson Shott in Jaw & Severall bones Taken Oute


    To the Cure of Elizar Bucke 7 holes in his Arme


    To the Cure of Richard Griffen Shott at the Eare & oute his Eye & Lost it


    To the Cure of John Satterdam Shott Through bothe his Leggs . . .


    To Edward Browne Shott in the hand & Carried away all The Topp of Joynt


    To John Gidden Dressed severall times


    To Richard Phips Shott in head


    To Danniel Lander Shott throw the Arm


    To Will Warren Shott in the head



    Thomas Larkin

    [Endorsed] Tho. Larkins Account of Pirates Cure 1690 Charged E. Cooke104

    Thomas Hawkins, deserting at Cape Cod before blood was shed, fell in with the Nauset men, who used him roughly and turned him over to Jacobus Loper, a Portuguese whaler and oysterman who had been on the Cape since 1665.105 He was brought to Boston and delivered to the authorities, though he tried to escape to the Dutch privateer “Abraham Fisher a Scotch Rotterdammer,” then in Salem Harbor.106 With fourteen other pirates he was confined with shackles and chains in the stone gaol above referred to, along with Mary Glover the Irish Catholic witch, Edmond Angier, and others.107 On the 9th of January following, several bills of indictment for piracy and murder were rendered by the Grand Jury, covering only the Salem ketch Mary, the brigantine Merrimack, the Province Sloop Mary, and the murder of Captain Pease.108 Most of them, Thomas Pound, Thomas Hawkins, Thomas Johnston, Eleazer Buck, John Siccadam, William Dun, Richard Griffin, Daniel Lander, William Warren and Samuel Watts, were found guilty and with William Coward, Peleg Heath, Thomas Storey and Christopher Knight, who had imitated them, were sentenced “To be returned to the place from whence they came and from thence to be carried to the place of Execution and there be hanged by the neck until they be dead.”109 On the 23rd of January it was further ordered that Thomas Pound, Thomas Hawkins, Thomas Johnston, William Coward, and Eleazar Buck, be executed on Monday next the 27th of January and that John Green, Marshal General, cause the sentence to be executed upon them.110 On the 17th of January, Judge Sewall with the Rev. Cotton Mather had visited and prayed with them at the prison.111 On the 27th, chiefly through Mr. Wait Winthrop’s earnestness, only Thomas Johnston died. Sewall had joined in reprieving Pound and Buck at Governor Bradstreet’s and Messrs. Winthrop, Addington, and Shrimpton followed him to his house with another reprieve for Hawkins, who was ready to be turned off before it took effect. The Governor, Winthrop, Shrimpton, Addington, and Phillips reprieved Coward, and all desired that his three companions might be spared.112

    On February 20th, on petition of Thomas Hawkins and others, the sentence of death was remitted unto Hawkins, William Warren, Samuel Watts, Daniel Lander, Richard Griffin, John Siccadam, Eleazar Buck, and William Dunn on payment of twenty marks — that is, £13–6–8113 — each in money for charges of prosecution and imprisonment or to be sold into Virginia, Tom Pound excepted. On the 24th Pound was further reprieved at the instance of Mr. Epaphras Shrimpton and sundry women of quality.114

    On April 20, 1690, the Rose frigate, whose sails, etc., had been returned by the King’s command, sailed under Captain George from Nantasket for Old England,115 and carried Thomas Hawkins the pirate, whose sentence had been remitted, and Thomas Pound116 his captain, whose sentence was not. She proceeded to Piscataqua and after lying there a month sailed on May 19th with a convoy of mast ships. On the 24th she met a French man of war — that is, privateer — of 26 guns from St. Malo’s, off Cape Sables, and after a brisk fight of two hours they both drew off. Captain George was deliberately shot and killed by the French captain, and the Rose also lost her master, Mr. Waggoner, and several others including “Hawkins the Pirate.” Thomas Pound duly reported the action to Sir Edmund Andros on his arrival in Falmouth, England, July 8th, 1690.117

    It seems incredible that piracies could be openly committed by twenty-five men, seven of whom were deserters in the bargain, and that only one — Thomas Johnston, a limping privateer — should be hanged, and that apparently for his past sins. Of the twenty-five, four were killed in the action at Tarpaulin Cove, seven were evidently considered only as deserters, ten of the remaining fourteen were convicted but only four were specifically sentenced to be hanged. The defence of Hawkins, Warren, Watts, Lander, and some of the others was that they were forced, which was customary.

    The most probable explanation of the whole matter is that after legitimate means failed to secure the sails of the Rose frigate, Thomas Pound, late her pilot, and Thomas Hawkins staged the performance to commit piracy without shedding blood, in order that the Rose frigate might be given her sails and sent out after them, where there was nothing to prevent them from joining forces and going either to King James or King William as they saw fit. It is a curious coincidence that Pound and company should start on their career just as Andros had made his escape from the Castle to that famous resort of Massachusetts outlaws, Rhode Island, sometimes called Rogues Island.

    Hawkins said on Loper’s sloop, which brought him prisoner to Boston, “that if the manawar Slope had com out against them the most of ye Company had bin on thaire Side: & . . . that Capt Gorge fitted him out” and that “thay Should have hur.”118 Johnston, in his last words at the place of execution, said the Rose frigate supplied them with ammunition. The Rev. Increase Mather said that they went out in one of the Rose’s boats.119 Their challenge sent to the Government Sloop on August 16th was part of the game. Unfortunately instead of the Rose frigate, the Province Sloop came out, with results disastrous to the pirate.

    Hawkins was the son of Captain Thomas Hawkins, privateer, and Mary his wife. She had married for her third husband Henry Shrimpton. At the time of the Revolution, April 18th, 1689, Captain George was confined in the house of her stepson Colonel Samuel Shrimpton (on the west corner of Exchange and State Streets), and he was the leading spirit in the movement of July 10th to have the sails of the Rose returned. Two of Pound’s crew, Henry Dipper and John Hill, were members of Andros’s company of redcoats, commanded by Francis Nicholson, the first English Regulars to appear in this country, brought over in 1686.120 On the day set for the execution, as already stated, only Thomas Johnston died.121 Pound was excepted from the general remission of February 20th, but on the 24th was further reprieved at the instance of Mr. Epaphras Shrimpton and “sundry women of quality.”

    Hawkins made a deed of gift to his mother before setting out on this expedition, and she did not desert him in his trouble.122 Rebecca Thomas was sent daily by her to the prison with victuals for him, and she was told by Captain Pound that if Hawkins had not been the first to board the Salem ketch, he would have killed him like a dog, in other words that he was a forced man.123 All through this affair can be found evidence tending to show that Hawkins was unduly put forward as a leader, for obvious reasons. Hawkins’s sisters124 had married the leading men of the Colony. Elizabeth Hawkins was the second wife of Adam Winthrop, uncle of Wait Winthrop, who worked so earnestly for reprieves. On his death she married John Richards, who was one of the Court of Assistants that tried the pirates. Sarah Hawkins had married Robert Breck for her first husband, and secondly the Rev. James Allen, minister of the First Church, who was the largest real estate owner in Boston at that time. Abigail Hawkins married first Samuel Moor, secondly Thomas Kellond, and thirdly, while Hawkins was in prison for piracy, the Hon. John Foster. Hannah Hawkins had married Elisha Hutchinson, one of the Court of Assistants that tried the pirates and one of the petitioners for the release of the Rose. Certainly these were “women of quality,” and Epaphras Shrimpton was a nephew of Henry Shrimpton their stepfather.

    During Captain Pound’s sojourn in New England he familiarized himself with the coast, and after his return to England there was published in 1691, —

    A New Mapp of New England from Cape Codd to Cape Sables Describeing all the Sands Shoals Rocks and Difficultyes together with a Sand Draft of the Mattathussetts Bay Exactly Surveyed by the Author Tho Pound. Sold by Phillip Lea at the Atlas in Cheapside, by Willm Court at the Mariner and Anchor on Tower Hill; and by George Flower near Ratliffe Cross.125

    Captain Thomas Pound’s Map of New England, 1691

    Engraved for The Colony Society of Massachusetts from the only known copy the Library of Congress

    By “Mattathussetts Bay” is of course meant Boston Harbor. While too much cannot be claimed for its accuracy, Boston Harbor being contorted to fit the sheet, the Mystic River being unrecognizable, the Fox Island Thoroughfare shown as part of an island, etc., still it is the second known engraved map of Boston Harbor and the first that can be identified as such without the name. A peculiar confirmation that Pound the pirate and Pound the cartographer were one is that the only wharf shown, of the many on the Boston waterfront, is Bull Wharf (at what is now Dewey Square), on which stood the Sign of the Bull, the tavern from near which Pound and company started on their piratical career. The only known original of the engraved chart is in the Library of Congress, from which a somewhat reduced reproduction was issued in 1912 by the late Frederick Lewis Gay in an edition of 150 copies. The inset of Boston Harbor was reproduced continually until 1758;126 then the Chart made in 1759 by Professor John Winthrop127 of Harvard superseded it. Even the much more accurate Admiralty Chart of 1705128 could not hold its own with it.129 Sailing directions for Boston Harbor, first issued for a reproduction of it in the English Pilot, the Fourth Book for 1706, ran continuously through all of its forty or more editions till 1794, without mention of Boston Light, which was illuminated in 1716. The Pound Chart was dedicated to Charles Gerard, first Earl of Macclesfield, Privy Councillor and Lord President of the Marches of Wales, who was probably instrumental in Pound’s appointment as Captain of the frigate Sally Rose of the Royal Navy on August 5th following.130 The Rose was formerly taken from the Salletine pirates, and Captain Pound served in her on the Channel Station, touching in France, Holland, and Sweden.131 On February 2, 1695, he was transferred to the Dover Prize, succeeding Captain Short, and sent to the Irish Station, where he remained until with the Dover he was sent to America April 17, 1697, to serve on the Virginia Station under his old patron Governor Andros, until March 22, 1698, when he sailed for home.132 Losing his command between September 15, 1698, and June 20, 1699, he retired to private life and died in 1703 as of Isleworth, county Middlesex, gentleman, leaving only a widow Elizabeth.133

    Various illustrative documents follow.


    While this was doing, the people of Boston were Alarmed with Suspicions buzz’d about the Town, by some belonging to the Ship, That the Rose Frigat now in our Harbour was intended to carry off our Late Governour for France, & to take any of our English Vessels that might be coming in unto us; and we apprehended our selves in the mean time very ill provided, if an Attacque from any of the French Fleet in the West Indies were perfidiously made upon us. ’Tis impossible to express the Agonies which filled the minds of both Town and Country; but the consideration of the extream Ferment which we were boiling in, caused several very deserving Gentlemen in Boston, about the middle of April, to enter into a Consultation, how they might best serve the Distressed Land in its present Discomposures. They considered the Directions given in the Princes Declarations (of which at last we had stolen a sight) and the Examples which the whole Kingdom of England (as far as we could learn) had set before us. They also considered, that the Governour being mov’d to call a Generall Council in this extraordinary juncture, instead of this, he never so much as called his Council here at hand to communicate unto them any part of the Intelligence relating to the Late Affairs in England. They likewise considered, That though they were above all things inclinable to stay a little, hoping that every day might bring some Orders from England for our safety, yet they could not undertake for such. Temper in all their provoked Neighbours. Wherefore they Resolved, That if either the outragious madness of our Foes, or the impatient motion of our Friends, did necessitate any Action, they would put themselves in the Head of it, and endeavour to prevent what ill effects an Unform’d Tumult might produce.

    By that time the Eighteenth of April had given a few Hours of Light unto us, things were push’d on to such extremities that Bostons part in Action seem’d loudly enough and hastily called for. Accordingly, the Captain of the Frigat being then on Shoar, it was determined that he must be made incapable either to Obstruct, or to Revenge the Action, by Firing on, or Sailing from the Town, him therefore they immediately seized. There were not very many acquainted with the measure that were to be taken; but the Action was now begun, and the Rumour of it running like Lightning through the Town, all sorts of people were presently inspired with the most unanimous Resolution, I believe, that was ever seen. Drums were beaten, and the whole Town was immediately up in Arms.134


    Secondly, Jealousies were augmented by his involving the Countrey in a War with the Indians, by means whereof he hath occasioned the Ruine of many Families and Plantations; yea the Death or Captivity of we know not how many Souls. For he went (with the Rose Frigat,) and violently seized, and took and carried away, in a time of peace all the Houshold Goods and Merchandises of Monsieur Casteen a Frenchman at Penobscot who was Allied to the Indians having Married the Daughter of one of their Princes whom they call Sagamores or Sachems; and when this was done, it was easie to forsee, and was generally concluded that the French and Indians would soon be upon the English, as it quickly came to pass. After the Flame was kindled, and Barborous Outrages committed by the Indians, Sir Edmund’s managery was such as filled the Countrey with greater fears of an horrid design. For Bloody Indians whom the English had secured, were not only dismissed, but rather courted than punished by him.135


    Having related the Crimes of the New-Englanders by Land, They come next to declaim against them as Criminal also at Sea. ‘Your Majesties Frigat Ordered for the defence and security of of the Coasts against Pirats, dismantled and made wholly unserviceable, while the Pirats Infested the same.’ Ay, and what if the worst Pirats came from on board of that Frigat? What if their Ammunition & Provisions were thence delivered to them? What good did that Frigat do New-England? Unless this were so, that it fetch’d home the Plunder of Casteine, upon which began the Bloudy War? or that the Hull lay wallowing in Boston-Harbour to awe rather than protect the Town, and Domineer over the honest Traders in their passage, mean while her men playing Reakes on shoar to the great Offence and Disturbance of the Inhabitants.

    As for the peoples Dismantling of that Frigat in the time of the Revolution, we need use no Vindication; the proper Judges thereof have not Condemned but Commended what they did therein. What Religion the Captain professed we know not, but the Lieutenant had declared himself to be of King James his Religion; and how well they were like to protect the Protestant people may be easily Imagined. It is well known that the Captain, in his return with her for England, was full fraught with a Bloody Malice against that honest people, which in a time he would have shown had not a French Bullet by the way carried him to his own place; and so it becomes us to say less of him: doubtless he wants not enbalming by the Art of the Apothecary!

    Nevertheless, seeing there is a noise made of Pirats in this Paragraph, it obliges us (for the Vindication of New-England) to tell the World, that there was a crew of Pirats under the command of one Pounds, which lay robbing Vessels on the Coast; these were pursued by a small Vessel of Brisk Bostoneers, who in Their Majesties Name, and under Their Colours, maintained a Bloody Fight with the Rogues and took them: One of them was Executed, and in his last words at the Place of Execution, confessed and affirmed that the Rose Frigat had supplyed them with their Ammunition. Others of the Crew broke Prison and were Sheltered on board of that Frigat (of which Pounds was one) then fain lower down and out of Command, and a Messenger sent from the Council to demand them, could have no return but such Barbarous Incivilityes as it were a shame to mention.136


    Boston, April 22d, 89.

    Hond Sir,

    The consideration of my sending you a blank, wherein only the declaration was inclosed, seems to deserve a check, and constrains me to an apology, not having so much as liberty granted me by the messenger to write two or three lines, whereby you might have understood the present state of things, which, by this time, you are doubtless acquainted with; but lest it should prove otherwise, I have taken the pains to give a brief account. — I knew not any thing of what was intended, until it was begun, yet being at the north end of the town, where I saw boys running along the streets, with clubs in their hands, encouraging one another to fight, I began to mistrust what was intended, and, hasting towards the town-dock, I soon saw men running for their arms, but before I got to the red lion,137 1 was told that Capt. George and the master of the frigate were seized and secured in Mr. Column’s house,138 at the north end, and when I came to the town-dock, I understood that Bullivant and some others of them were laid hold of, and then, immediately, the drums began to beat, and the people hastened and ran, some with, and some for arms. Young Dudley and Colonel Lidget, with some difficulty, attained to the fort. The governor immediately sent Dudley on an errand, to request the four ministers, Mr Joyliffe and one or two more, to come to him at the fort, pretending that, by them, he might still the people, not thinking it safe for him to go to them. They returned for answer, that they did not think it safe for them to go to him. Now, by this time, all the persons whom they concluded not to be for their side, were seized and secured, except some few who had hid themselves, who afterwards were found, and dealt by as the rest. The governor, with Palmer, Randolph, Lidget, West, and one or two more, were in the fort. All the companies were soon rallied together at the townhouse, where assembled Capt. Winthrop, Shrimpton, Page, and many other substantial men, to consult matters; in which time the old governor came among them, at whose appearance there was a great shout by the souldiers. Soon after, the jack was set up at the fort, and a pair of colours at beacon-hill, which gave notice to some thousand soldiers on Charlestown side that the controversy was now to be ended, and multitudes would have been there, but there was no need. The frigate, upon the news, put out all her flags and pendants, and opened all her ports, and with all speed made ready for fight, under the command of the lieutenant, he swearing that he would die before she should be taken, although the captain sent to him, that if he fired one shot, or did any hurt, they would kill him, whom they had seized already; but the lieutenant, not regarding, kept those resolutions all that day. Now, about four of the clock in the afternoon, orders were given to go and demand the fort, which hour the soldiers longed for, and had it not been just at the nick, the governor and all the crew had made their escape on board the frigate, a barge being sent for them, but the soldiers, being so near, got the barge. The army divided and part came up on the back side of the fort, part went underneath the hill to the lower battery or sconce, where the red coats were, who immediately upon their approach retired up to the fort to their master, who rebuked them for not firing on our soldiers, and, as I am informed, beat some of them. When the soldiers came to the battery or sconce, they presently turned the great guns about and pointed against the fort, which did much daunt those within, and the soldiers were so void of fear, that, I presume, had those within the fort been resolute to have lost their lives in fight, they might have killed an hundred of us at once, being so thick together before the mouths of the cannon of the fort, all laden with small shot, but God prevented it. Then they demanded a surrender, which was denied, until Mr. West and another should first go to the council, and, after their return, we should have an answer, whether to fight or no. Upon their return, they came forth from the fort, and went disarmed to the townhouse, and from thence, some to the close gaol, and the governor, under a guard, to Mr. Usher’s house. The next day they sent the two colonels to demand of him the surrender of the castle, which he resolved not to give, but they told him, if he would not give it presently, under his hand and seal, he would be exposed to the rage of the people, and so left him; but he sent and told them that he would, and did so, and they went down and it was surrendered to them with cursings, and they brought the men away and made Capt. Fairweather commander in it. Now, by the time that the men came back from the castle, all the guns, both in ships and batteries, were brought to bear against the frigate, which were enough to have shattered her in pieces at once, resolving to have her. It is incident to corrupt nature to lay the blame of our evil deeds any where rather than on ourselves, so Capt. George cast all the blame now upon that devil Randolph, for had it not been for him he had never troubled this good people, earnestly solliciting that he might not be constrained to surrender the ship, for by so doing both himself and all his men would lose their wages, which otherwise would be recovered in England, giving leave to go on board and strike the topmasts and bring the sails on shore, and so he did. The country people came armed into the town, in the afternoon, in such rage and heat, that it made us all tremble to think what would follow, for nothing would satisfy them, but that the governor must be bound in chains or cords, and put in a more secure place, and that they would see done before they went away; and, to satisfy them, he was guarded by them to the fort.139


    June 12, 1689, Boston. Captain George, R.N., to the Secretary of the Admiralty. This is my first opportunity of writing to you since January, when I gave you an account that H.M.S. Rose was so much injured by the worm that she could not remain on the Station without considerable repair. These last five months this place has been full of rumours from England of the Prince of Orange’s landing, of the flight of the King to France and of his death there, after which King William and Queen Mary were proclaimed; but no confirmation arrived before two ships came in with their Majesties’ proclamation on the 26th and 29th May. None the less, on the 18th of April, the people, pretending dissatisfaction with Sir Edmund Andros’s government, rose up in arms, seized me first and run me into the common gaol, by the instigation of Robert Small, my carpenter, who had absented himself from his duty and joined the rebels some days before. Some hours after the Governor’s coming down to the Council, there was a pretence that he designed to deliver the Government to the French, and Small spread a report that Sir Edmund intended to fire the town at one end and I at the other, beat the rest down with the frigate’s guns, and escape in the smoke to France. The fort being surrounded by about fifteen hundred men was surrendered, and Small traversed severall guns against the frigate and would have fired them if he had not been prevented. He proposed several ways of taking and burning the ship, which were not followed. Next day the Governor was committed prisoner to the fort and myself to Colonel Shrimpton’s house, who was very kind to me through all the affair. The same day the Castle surrendered. I was sent for by the Council of Safety (as they called themselves), who asked me for an order to my lieutenant to surrender the frigate. I said it was not in my power, being a prisoner, that I could not give such an order and that my lieutenant would not obey it if I did. They told me my commission was of no force, and urged me to take one from them and serve the country. I told them my commission was still good until invalidated by one from the crown of England, that I could not accept a commission from them and did not believe they dared give me one. They still persisted in their resolution to take the ship by force, but I advised them not, as there would be a great slaughter before she was taken and that the King’s ships never did surrender. I told them too that if they would let her ride without molestation there would be no danger from her, for the Lieutenant had no orders to move and would not until orders came from England; but while they were thus discoursing with me they sent two or three men aboard who persuaded the lieutenant and crew to strike yards and top-masts and declare for the Prince of Orange. They acquainted me with this, and remanded me to my confinement. On the 22nd the Council sent an order for the delivery of the sails, which are now in their custody. Nor was the carpenter yet quiet, for he procured a Marshal to be sent aboard by the Council to bring ashore several men to bear witness against me. This being refused by the lieutenant, the earpenter sent messages advising the men to come ashore by force if necessary, as the Council would take it kindly and would secure them their wages. On the 1st of May, at five in the morning, they left the ship and went to him, when he got them to sign a paper saying I was going to France. Such a thing never entered my thoughts, but the paper was received with much favour by the Council though I was unable to obtain a copy of it. I represented to the Council the mischief that might happen to a King’s ship by such disorders, and pointed out that the King’s Navy being governed by Act of Parliament was wholly independent of any Government ashore. They then advised the men to go on board their ship and submit to their officers, which they did, excepting the carpenter and half a dozen more. On the 6th May, there was a fire at the north end of Boston, and the carpenter spread a report that I had caused the town to be fired, and raised a concourse of people, who broke open the doors of my lodgings and carried me prisoner to the fort. At the same time the carpenter sent two or three armed boats to the frigate, fetched away the lieutenant and the men that would not side with him ashore, and put them into the common gaol, where they lay three days until the Council sent them on board again. The carpenter’s design in this last action was to get a commission from the Council to command the ship, which he declares was promised him. Two days afterwards I was released from the fort and acquainted the Council that unless the carpenter was secured the King’s ship would not be safe; but they objected. I have since been assisted by Colonel Shrimpton in moving for the sails, but without success. On the 7th inst. an order was sent to the lieutenant to send sixteen men on shore to give evidence against me. The lieutenant sent the paper to me for my directions, and I answered that if I were aboard I should not take the responsibility of parting with men on such an order. I then went to the Government and said I should rather have expected the return of my sails, but they answered that they should not be returned without orders from England. What more they mean to do I know not. They threaten to dismantle the ship still further, but I hope that they will be stopped by orders from England. There are several ships in harbour which dare not sail for fear of pirates. I enclose copies of letters which have passed on the subject. Many of my men have deserted; and the gunner and boatswain have both declined their duty since the troubles begin. Signed. Jo. George. Endorsed. Read, 10 August, 1689.140


    To the Honble the Governor and Council The Declaration of Isaac Prince mast’ of a Smal Deck Sloop — belonging to Hull —

    This Informant Saith that upon the 9th August 89 as he with ye rest of his Boates Company were bound in to ye Port of boston from mackrell Catching, Foure or five Leagues off from Brewsters Islands they mett with Thomas Hawkins in and with his Boate called a Barmudas Boate, who hailed the sd Sloop, and afterwards came up with us In ye interim desiring us to lye by the Lee & noe sooner had he come with us but asked of us whether wee had any makarell and water to Spare, wee replyed wee had: and Spared him 8 penny worth of mackrell & 3 or 4 gallons of water he being very Shie of comeing by or Sloops side lay only by or quarter, on of ye company belonging to or Sloope being upon her quarter looking over the Same into the Boate, Espied as he judged Twelve men wch he saw through the cracks of sd Hawkins Boates deck or covering, another of us Saw as near as he guessed five or Six men, a third Man of us Saw a man abaft peepe up with his head and a fourth man of us Saw Severall men as he thought move in the hold judgeing them to be drunken men, wee askt him whethr he was bound, to Billingsgate sd Hawkins replyd, wee asked him how he came soe farr this way, he againe replyd twas all one to him Though he was there wch caused us to suspect him to be upon noe good designe

    Isaac prince

    henery Chamberling

    Georg field

    Edward Wright

    his # mark

    Boston 10th August 1689.

    Isaac Prince farther adds that at the time abovesd Hawkins was very Cheerful and merry

    Isaac prince

    Boston: 9h January 1689. Isa Prince made Oath in ye Court of Assistants to ye truth of ye above written Declaration.

    Jurat Attestr IsA Addington Secry141


    Helen Chard of Salem Com. of the Ketch Mary of Salem appeared before mee this 12th August 1689 and made this following relation (viz) that on fryday last past being the Ninth day of Aug’ as he was Comeing from Sea with a fare of fish in a Ketch of Mr. Phillip English; of Salem, about three Leages from hälfe way Rock in Massachusetts Bay — he was then & there taken by Thomas Hawkins & Comp Being Eleven men & one Boy in a small Burmodus fashioned Boate — Tho Hawkins Capt, — & thay know but one more of the Comp̄ which was a limping privateer called Johnson, who kept them prisoners untill Satterday night in which time thay heard them say thay had fourty more listed which thay Expected would Come of to them, and that thay would have a Better Vessell as soon as possible and take one Southward Vessell to Supply them with provisions and then thay would goe & plauge the french on Satterday night thay dismist him & Two more of his Comp̄ turning them away in sd Boate which thay took them with, telling them thay should have theire Ketch againe when thay had taken a better Vessell for theire designe and thay should have the Boate to ketch Mackerill in untill thay returned the Other, he farther related that they all had fire Armes but had no more than two gall° of powder & soe few Bals yt as soone as thay had taken them, thay melted theire Leeds to make Bullets, soe takeing with them one man & a boy of ours the man Volontary by Joyneing with them, & the Boy thay keept to be an Interpretr for them, he haveing ye french tongue; We Left them waiteing to take the next Sutable Vessell, thay Could meete withall from any part they tooke from us the Said Catch Mary & all hir apurtenances & provisions & Loading of Fish

    helling Chard

    Ashly Burges

    his A Marke

    Test John Hathorne Assist

    Hellen Chard & Ashly Burges psonally Appeared before the Grand Jury & my self & made Oath ye their testimony to wch they had Subscribed is ye truth & what farther testimony he shold give in this case shold be ye truth as Attests

    Ia: Russell Assist

    Boston 8 Ianuary 1689–90

    Boston. 9° January 1689. Helen Chard, and Ashley Burgis (One of the Company belonging to the within named Katch) made Oath in Court of Assistants to ye truth of ye within written Narrative, before Tho: Hawkins then at ye Barr.

    Jurat Attestr

    Isa Addington Secry

    Helen Chard and Ashley Burgis add upon their Oath that as soon as Tho: Hawkins came on board the within named Katch Mary, said Hawkins put the sd Master Helen Chard from the Helm, and tooke the Helm himselfe

    helling Chard

    Ashley A Burgis

    his marke.

    Boston. 11° January. 1689 Helen Chard and Ashley Burgis made Oath in Court of Assistants That Thomas Pound then at ye Barr was one of the Company with Thomas Hawkins within named that took away from them the within named Katch Mary and her Loading according as is within related and declared they did not then know said Pound by name, but well know that sd Pound was one of that Company.

    Jurat. Attestr JsA Addington Secry142


    Fallmoth 19th. Aug 1689



    Thes in humble submetion Com to aquainte yor Honors that as ytt wee have made noe Discovery of the Enemy najther by land nor water ytt som of our scouts are Dayly abrode by Wallter & Land pray God keepe them of from us for shoold they Com in a Grate body wee are but in a weake Condition to Receve them: upon the 12th of this instant soom time in the night thare Arived a Catch & Came to Ancor about 4 mile from this forte, early in the morning (when wee Beate the Revalle to Call all our men to Geather on thaire Arms the which wee doe 2 or 3 times a day to prvent supprisell) wee see a Long Boate with 3 hands in her Coming up toward the Towne [the] Boate Came to the shore & the men one of them Called Jn° Darby a knowne fisherman Belonging to Salom Come ashore to mee the other 2 men filed soom waiter I Demanded of Jn° Darby from whence thay came hee said from Kape Sabells a fishing the Catch belonging to Salom one Allen Chard of Salom [master] & all soe said that a privettere Bregendene att Cape Sapells had Taken them & had took from them soom Led thaire bread & wallter but did them noe farther harem I asked if thay did Know the masters name of the Bregendene Jn° Darby said that he did not know naither did thay Aske for they was afraid of them & was Glad they woold Let them Goe i asked Jn° Darby why Allin Charde did not Com vp to Towne he said the master had hurte his foot & that thay had thare fare of fish on Boord being about 1800 fish, thay only wanted waiter & did Intend with all speed for Salom Jn° Darby asked if heare was a doctter in towne & desird him to goe on bord the Catch to see the masters foot which the doctter did but before the doctter got on Boord som of our people that had bin on Bord brought mee word that it was a privetere Catch & that thay had many men on Boord I asked for Allin Chard and people said thay could not see him on Boord but thay see one capt pownds & one Tho hackins on Bord which gave mee Caus to suspect them for to be Roges the Docttor came up to towne but he was in sevrall (Tales) as soom time he woold say thay were upon an honest acc°pt sumtimes that thay had but a feaw men on Boord some times that thay had many men on Boord which Gave mee Caues to suspect that the doctor did intend to make one with them & often the doctor was parseved to be discorsing with the souldiers beloning to the fort after he Came from Bord; at night after the Gard was sett the Tato Beate & above 12 at night i saw all our souldiers at thare qrters & the sentinells sett i Charged hee that had the command of the Gard to see that Good watch should be kept Toward the wallter side in the night when all was still & quiett the whole Gard & sentinells Tooke thaire Arems & Robd the Rest of the souldiers that was a sleepe of thaire clothes except what was on thaire backs thaire Amonetion & some of thaire Arems went ought of the forte Took a Grate Boate that was a float & went on Board the said Catch. 14th morning being Callem i sent a Cnow to see if thay Coold see the Catch and if thay Coold to Get them to Demand our men our Canow overtooke them at Portland & came by thaire sid demanded Capt pounds to delivd vp the souldiers that had Run away from his majestys forte hee said he woold not our men said if not deliver the men that hee woold deliver what thay had stoale viz: Amonetion Arems & Cloathes & that all though the men woold nott Return them selfs thay shoold Return what thay had Caried away that was not thaire owne thay said what thay had thay woold Keepe & what thay Coold Gett thay woold take Giveing our men Thretting speeches & saing thay did want a beatter vessel & that thare one Chowne in a sloope Belonging to Georg (Hesh) in this Harbor & thay woold have him all though thay shoold waight for him 2 or 3 weeks the 2 men I sent in the Canow to spake with them was Jos Dows & Siv: Androws the Curcomstances Considered we are in a very sad Condition for wee have not forse to Ingage with any Enemy that shall assalte us by Land neither have wee any vessell to defend us by waiter Soe that wee Ley for a pray for all both by sea & Land all which quite discorreges our peopell I humbly pray yr Honrs that wee may have soom shutable assistance for our Defence for Land & sea & I Hope wee shall not bee found negligent vpon our Duty Hoping our shalop will be spedily Returned to vs with such In corrigment from yor Honors that may Revife our all most fainting sperits J subscrib my selfe as I am

    Yor Honours most Humble Sarvant

    Silvanus Davis143


    To The Honble The Govr & Councill now Sitting in Boston The Information of Jn° Smart —

    I Jn° Smart Mr of the Sloop Good Speed of Piscataqua bound from thence to Nantuckett & coming to Anchor under race point of Cape Codd was yesterday morning being the 16th instt abt 7 o clock boarded by 8 or 9 armed men from a Small Ketch that Rode by us who Violently carried us from our Sloop On board Sd Ketch where wee saw between 20 & 30 men of whome I Certainly Know but two Vizt Thomas Hawkins & — Pound who were reputed Capt & Master of Said Compa who piratically took from us the Said Sloop loaden wth boards [and] Some other things belonging to Mr Peter Coffin, they also took from us Some of or Sea clothes, & gave us the Small Ketch wth wch wee came hither, they Were short of Provisions & told us they had landed 25 men to gett Cattle, & bid us if wee came to Boston to tell there that they Knew y° Govt Sloop lay ready but if she came out after them & came up wh them they shd find hott work for they wd die every man before they would be taken

    John Smart

    August. 17° 1689

    I David Larkin part Owner and one of the Company belonging to the abovementioned Sloop and being on board her at the time of her being Seised as abovesd do affirm to the truth of the above written Information.

    david larkin

    Boston, August. 19°


    John Smart and David Larken made oath to the truth of this Information, whereto they have Subscribed. Sworn before the Govr & Councill.

    Isa Addington Secry144


    Information being given that Thomas Hawkins, — Pounds and others confederated with them have lately piratically surprised and taken two Vessells within the Massachusetts Bay the One a Katch belonging to Salem and the other belonging to Piscataqua, and are supposed to be waiting to com̄it farther Robberies.

    It’s Ordered that the Sloop Resolution Joseph Thaxter Com̄ander be forthwith fitted with Gun’s Artillery Am̄unition & Provisions and that fforty able Seamen be Ship’t upon her to be speedily sent forth for the Securing of the Coast and Vessells passing in and out upon their lawfull business; The said Joseph Thaxter to be comissioned to cruse with said Vessell upon the Coast in search for the said Pirates or others who upon Examination and search shalbe found to be upon the like wicked and unlawfull designe, and to pursue Surprise and in case of resistance and opposition by force of Armes to Subdue kill and destroy them; and such as they take to bring them and Vessells into Boston to be proceeded against by the Authority according to Law.

    And for Encouragement to those men who shall go forth in said Vessell upon that Expedition It’s Ordered that they be upon usual monthly wages, and upon any casualty befalling any of the said men by loss of Limb or otherwise be maimed that meet allowance and provision be made for such. And the Treasurer is Ordered to furnish and supply all provisions and necessarys for seting forth of said Vessell.

    Voted in the Affirmative by the Governor and Councill

    Jsa Addington Secry

    Consented unto by ye Representatives augst 19th 1689

    Ebenezer Prout Clerk.145


    To Joseph Thaxter Capt

    Whereas you are appointed, by the Governor Councill & Representatives of ye Massachusetts Colony Capt of the Sloop Resolution man’d with thirty able men for their Maties Service for ye Securing their Maties Subjects and their vessells yt are imployed upon their lawfull Occasions and for ye Suppressing of all such as ply upon this Coast on a piratical designe. These are their Maties names to require and Impower you to take charge of the said Sloop and men and ym to discipline & com̄and and prosecute yr designe Especially against Thomas Hawkins & one Pounds who with a number of armed men have piratically Seised two Vessells belonging to their Maties Sibjects and finding them or others on ye like piratical Accompt you are to take and bring into this Harbour of Boston, to be proceeded with according to Law And in case they oppose and resist you therein you are to Subdue and bring them under by force of Armes, And yor men are alike reqrd to yield due obediance to all yor lawfull com̄ands In Witness whereof I have hereunto put my hand and affixed the Seale of this Colony. Dated in Boston this 20th of August. 1689. Annoq R.Rs et Regina Willielmi & Maria pm°

    S. Bradstreet Govr

    By order of ye Convention of ye Govr & Councill and Representatives

    Is. Addington Secry146


    Boston 20th August, 1689.

    Capne Joseph Thaxter

    You being appointed Capne of the Sloop Resolution now fitted out for their Majesties Service to Cruse up and down within the Massachusetts Bay and upon this Coast for the Securing of Merchant Vessells belonging to their sd Majesties Subjects and Suppressing of Pirates, to which you are Com̄issioned &c.

    you are to improve the first good wind and weather and Saile with said Vessell from Boston upon the said Expedition

    you are carefully to Endeavour to preserve and secure all Merchants Vessells upon their lawful buisness and to yield them all necessary assistance.

    you are strenuously to Endeavour the Suppressing and Seising of all Pirates, Especially one Thomas Hawkins, Pounds and others confederated with them, who by force of Armes have lately piratically Surprised two vessells within the Massachusetts Bay belonging to their sd Majesties Subjects, and to bring them and Company with the Vessell they are in unto Boston to be proceeded against according to Law.

    you are to keep yor Company in good Order and to require their Obediance to you as their Com̄ander.

    you are to be very carefull to avoid the sheding of Blood, unless you be necessitated by resistance and opposition made against you

    you are from time to time as you have opportunity to give notice and advice to the Governor of yor proceedings.

    you are to attend such Orders and Instructions as from time to time you shall receive from the Governor & Councill here.

    you are carefully to preserve the Stores and appurtenances belonging unto & now put into sd Vessell from Spoyle or imbezelment. Wee judge you may come into this harbour once in fourteen Dayes unless necessarily detained in prosecution of yor Comds wch wee leave to yor discretion

    S. Bradstreet GovR.

    By order JsA Addington Secry147


    Mart: Vineyd in the prvence of New York, Augt 29h 1689: This publique instrument of protest made at the harbr at Edgartown sheweth; that on the eight and twenteith day of this instant August appeared before me Matthew Mayhew Notarii publique, John Kent, Commander of the Brigantine Merimack of New England and declared that being bound to the port of Boston in New England, on the Seaven and twenteith day of this instt August comeing to anchor in the harbor at homeses hole in the evening of the said day, about one or two hours before the sun setting in order to go over the sholes in the next morning, a Sloope which followed them down the sound, came to them hoisting up a bloodie flagg, commanded the said Master on bord the said Sloope and that they haveing not veered Cable Sufficient, Veering out more thretned to fire on them if they Veered more; whereuppon the said John Kent seing no other remedie being under their Command, went on Bord Said Sloope and about ten men armed went on Bord sd Brigantine; and took from on bord the said Brigantine, twenty half Barrells of flower, shipped at New York of which Sixteen were on fraught Consighned to Joseph Townsend of Sd Boston, the other four belonging to prsons then on bord said Brigantine; as also two hogsheads of Sugar, and one hogshead of rumme, consighned to the said Joseph Townsend; being all marked A: H: viz: what was consighned to said Joseph Townsend: as also three gunnes, belonging to the vessel companie & also about one hundred weight of Tobacco, though certain weight they (cannot) tell: Therfore the said Master protesteth, against one who went by the name of Thomas Pounds, pretended Capt: of the said Sloope. as well as other [of] the Companie; being in estimation about five and twenty men for takeing all and everie said goods & armes, as pirats, and doth declare that the said goods were taken wholly by force and constraint by piracie and robberie, and open violence; and that they were in no wise Capacitated to evade or hindr the same, either by flight or force; nor did in any wise bargain contract nor agree with any, or all the said Companie who took the said goods; but that they were taken wholly against their will by plain and absolute force, in witness whereof the said John Kent Master of said Brigantine; appeared the eight and twenteith of this instt August, and made report heerof, and thereof before mee made oth thereof Robert Almeric Mate; Jonathan Woodman, Saylor, Mr. Benjamin Peck, Nathaniell Peck, Timothy Tucker, passengrs on Bord said Brigantine, made oth to the above prtest, this 29h of Augt 1689: Before me

    Matt. Mayhew

    Not. publique.

    These may Certifie whome it doth or may Concerne yt this day the sixteenth day of the month of September Anno Dom. one thousand six hundred eighty and nine Appeared before me John Herbert Coward notary and Tabellion Publick dwelling in Boston in the County of Suffolk in New England John Kent of Newberry mariner master of the Briggantien merrimack and Jonathan Woodman Sailer to sd Briggantien made oath they saw Mathew Mayhew signe the within Protest & is also att the Instance and request of the sd Jn° Kent is Recorded in my (the sd Notary) Office in the eight book of Records in page one hundred fifty three and four —.

    [Notarial Seal]

    In Premissoriūm fidem

    Jn° HerbT Coward Not: Pub:

    16: 7b 168

    Jonathan Woodman & John Kent psonally appeared before ye Grand Jury & myself and made Oath yt what this writeing containes is ye truth & nothing else refering to Pound & Compa and what they farther shall add refering to this matter shall be ye truth & nothin else as Attests

    Ia: Russell Assist.

    Boston January 8th 1689–90.

    Boston 11° January 1689 Jonathan Woodman and John Kent personally appearing in Court of Assistants respectively made oath to the truth of what is conteined in this within written Evidence referring to the felony and piracy com̄itted by Thomas Pound and Company; this sworn in presence of Thomas Pound then at the Barr.

    Attestr JsA Addington Secry148


    Councill Sept 30 1689

    Present S. Bradstreet Esqr Govr

    John Richards

    Wait Winthrop

    James Russell

    Samll Shrimpton

    Elisha Cooke

    John Phillips

    Comiss̄ion was granted to Samuel Pease Captain of the Sloop Mary fitted out with twenty men to Search for and Surprise Tho: Hawkins and Tho: Pounds with his Company haveing com̄itted severall piracys, And a Com̄on granted to Benja Gallop to be his Lieutenant, And an Order given them to ye Com̄issionr for ye Warr to furnish them with a barrell of Gunpowder 501 of small Shot Carthrage papers and match Also Instructions given to Capne Pease to Endeavour the takeing of ye pirates by surprise & to prevent ye Sheding of blood as much as may bee.149


    Boston within the Massachusetts Colony in New England. By the Gover and Councill.

    To Samuell Pease Captn

    Whereas Thomas Hawkins and Tho: Pounds with a certain number of Armed men joyned with them have piratically Surprised and Seized severall Vessells belonging unto their Majesties Subjects of this Colony and other parts of the Country and are now in a smal Sloop by them taken, crusing about and infesting of this Coast to the great hazard of Vessells comeing in or going out upon their lawfull imployment. And forasmuch as you are appointed Captn of the Sloop Mary, Now fitted out and man’d with twenty able seamen for their Majesties Service to Secure their Majesties Subjects and their Vessells passing in and out about their lawfull Occasions and to Suppress the said Pirates, These are in their Majties Names to Authorise and impower you said Capne Samuell Pease with yor aforesd Vessell and men to go forth in the Prosecution of the sd designe and to cruze upon this Coast for the discovery of sd Pirates and them finding to surprise and Seize and the vessell they are in and bring them with you to Boston that they may be secured in order to their being proceeded against according to law. And in case they make opposition and resistance against you you are by force of Armes to Subdue and bring them under your power; Commanding your Officers and Seamen to Obey you as their Captain and to observe your lawfull Commands, And you to Observe and Obey all such Orders and instructions as you shall from time to time receive from the Governr and Councill. In Testimony whereof the common Seale of the abovesd Colony is hereto affixed. Dated the 30 day of Seper 1689. And in the lst year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord and Lady Wm & mary by the grace of God King and Queen of England S&c   Signed

    S. Bradstreet Govr

    Past in Councill

    IsA Addington Secry.150


    Declaration of Samuell Pease, Master & Henry Lowder, Mate, Ship Fortune, belonging to the his Highness Frederick Casmire, Duke of Courland, July 19, 1689, to the Governor & Councill.

    Shipped in New England151 in the service of the Duke, bound for Madera, then Isle of May to load salt, and then to Tobago for pay and clearance to Courland or home, At Isle of May found Englishmen from Plymouth O. E. lately robed of their ship and all but their lives by a French Man of War and a Pyrat. French intended to take Tobago. Sailed to Barbados and their met Mr Allex. Faber Agent to the Duke & ye next man to the Governor of Tobago who prevailed upon us to wait there for news from Tobago. An English Ship from there informed us that the Inhabitants intended to force us to carry them to Martineco or elsewhere; advised with Coll. Salter and Governor Stead, decided to return to New England; asking permission to dispose of enough of our salt for victuals &c. Signed, and sworn before Them, by Pease July 23 and Lowder the 24th152


    I Jacobus Loper aged forty years testifieth that in the time of my bringing thomas hawkins to boston prison from his pyracy heard him say that noset men ware a pasel of Roughes & that if he got Cleer at boston that he would be Revenged on them for thaire base dealing for said he they be wors pirts then pounds & Johnson and severel times he ye sd hawkins urged me this deponent to Conseel him at boston or to let him goe by night or to send ye Slope to Sailem whith oysters then he might escape with ye Duch privateers he also said that if the manawar Slope had com out against them the most of ye Company had bin on thaire Side: & further Said that Capt gorge fitted him out I told him that Sartinly he was desind to goe Aprivateering before he went out; else why did he make a deed of Gift to his mother & tell me & others that that lettell boate he would turn her intoe a biger vessell he ye sd hawkins said that he did not [say] that thay would have gon to Robbing and taking vessels of our oen nation with out Commition I this deponent asked him whaer did you intend to get Commision his answer was we intended to get Commition at St thomases then sd I did you meen to Goe theather with your lettel boate: he was upon this Surprised & wholly Silent: I ferther told him that it apeerd by his words that he would first take a biger vessell as he before said & did: & that he was a foole & would hang him self by his much discorce then he answered, by God thay kant hang me for what has bin don for no blood has bin shed to the above truths I subscribe

    Jacobus Loper.153


    humphry Turner Aged twenty Sixe yeares testifieth: that he being on Bord of Jacobus Lopers Slope whaer also oen Thomas hoawkins was: whiych S.d. Loper was a bringing him to boston & in ye time of his being on S.d. board: I this Deponent after much discours heard S.d. hawkins Say that noset men were a crew of Roughs & (if he ever gott cleer at boston from this troble that is now on him as he did not question but he should) that he would com op with them for theire base Deeling with him & further heard him Say that he would fain Cepe privet at boston till he did know by his frinds how it would Goe with him but Said he, I know that Loper will Deliver me up to the othority: I this deponent Said to him ye Sd hawkins to try him that I did not question but that Mr Loper would let me goe with ye Slope to Sailem with oysters & there he mite have an oppertunity to Goe on bord the manawar thaire: & upon this ye S.d. hawkins urged mee severel times to spake to Loper to let him be on bord & to kepe him privet til we mite goe to Sailem that then he might Escape withe the duch man of war and further heard ye .S.d. hawkins Say that pounds & Johnson whisht sevverel times that ye manawar Slope would com out for thay knew that ye most of them that would Com in hur would be on theire Side & then thay Shuld have hur: further I heard him often expres himself in maney Reviling & Spitefull words ageinst noset peple: for yt which I this deponent heard Mr Loper Reprove him Saying that there was yet a Revengefull Spiret in him which would bring him to Ruine &c loper asked him whather ware you desind at your furst Going out ye S.d. hawkins answd to St. thomeses: with maney swaring & curssing Speeches his Cheefest discorse wass: to the trouth of this above S.d. I know &: am Ready to testify toe when caled —154


    Boston 23d October, 1689

    Wee ye Subscribers being appointed by ye Honord Governr and Counsel to prize a Sloope and what was Taken in her from Pirats by ye late Capt Pease & Compa value them as followeth

    £ s d

    Imprim a Sloope & all her furniture wth a pcell of boards in ye floor


    36 Barrells and half of porke



    3 Barrells of Beefe



    14 Casks and 1/3 of flour



    3 Barrells of Indian Corne



    3 Barrells of pease



    3 Barrells muscovad Sugar



    6 ferkins of butter



    4 Cheeses


    ½ hhd of salt


    ½ Barrell Trayne Oyle


    2 Small Barrells Tarr


    15 Musketts, Shatter’d and a Barrell


    6 old Swords and 3 Baggonetts






    a pcell of old Iron


    8 Caduce boxes


    a broken case of bottles


    1 box of books paper and instruments



    Tymothy Prout Senr

    Daniel Edwards

    Adam Winthrop155


    William R.

    Trusty and Welbeloved, We Greet you well, Whereas we have been made acquainted by Our Com̄issiors for Executing the Office of Lord High Admirall, with the Complaint made to them by Capt. George Com̄ander of our frigat the Rose, that he had not Onely been put under restraint on Shore but the Said Frigat disabled from our Service by the taking away of the Sails and Countenancing the Ships Company against the Com̄ander, Whereby he had been hindred from Securing our Subjects in those Seas from Pirates, and other Enemies, infesting the Coasts of New England, and from taking Care that the Acts of Navigation be duely Observed; Notwithstanding the Assurance that had been given by Severall of the most Considerable Merchts of our Town of Boston of His Behaving himself towards us According to his Duty and Trust, We Repose in him, We do therefore Will and Require you to cause the Sailes and other Furniture of the Said Frigatt to be restored, and made good unto Him and the Same to be Put into a Condition of being employed by him, in the defence of our Subjects against Pirates and Other Enemies, And in Causing the Acts of Trade and Navigation to be duly Observed as much as in him Lyes According to Such Instructions as he hath or may receive from us, Or our Said Comissiors in that behalf, And so We bid you farewell, from Our Court at Hampton Court the 15th day of August 1689 In the first Year of our Reign

    By His Majesties Command


    To such as for the Time being take care for Preserving the Peace & Administring the Laws in Our Colony of the Massachusetts Bay in New England on America.

    Dec. 4th. 1689, [Govr & all the Magistrates &c] Whereas for the quieting of the People, and Preventing of inconveniences then Suggested to be feared the Sails belonging to the Rose frigatt were some time Since brought on Shore and laid up to be Safely Kep’t, In Obediance to his Majesties Com̄ands in his Royall Letter given at his Majesties Court, at Hampton Court the fifteenth day of Augt Last Past, It is Ordered that all the Sails, and any other furniture, and Appurtenances belonging to the Said Frigatt now on Shore, being under the Care of Capt Timothy Proutt be forthwith restored and delivered unto the Order of Captn John George Commander of Said Frigatt This by the Governr and Councill.156


    Whereas Captn Samuel Pease did voluntarily expose himselfe in the Service of their Majesties & this Countrey, in the late Expedition against the pirates, who infested the Coast, & did much dam̄age to their Maties Subjects here, in which Expedition he lost his life, & hath left a widow, & foure Orphans in a poore & lowe Condition It is Recom̄ended to the ministers of the Severall Towns in this Colonie, to make a Collection in their respective Congregations for the releife of the Sd Widow & Orphans; & paying for the Cure of Two of the Companie, belonging to the Sd Captn that were wounded in the Sd Service, the money that shalbe gathered, to be putt into the hands of Major Generalle Waite Winthrop & Mr Adam Winthrop, to be Improved for the ends aforesd, as they shall Judge meete,

    Boston Decembr 4th 1689 Past in the affirmative by the Representatives Desiring the Governr & Magestrates Consent

    Ebenezer Prout Clerk

    Past by ye Magistrates

    Ja. Russell p order.157


    To the Honrable Simon Broadstreet Governer & Councill & Representatives An Account of the Prisson Charges June ye 27, 1689

    £ s d

    To 41b of Candles


    To mending handcufs & Chaines


    To 61b of Candles


    To the Cleansing of ye houses office


    To new glase & mending of Glas


    To 3 Coard of woode


    To mending of ye dungeon


    To 1 Keye for ye Prisson


    To meddicens for the wounded men


    To money Paide for dressing ye wounded men


    To shackles & Chaines & Rivetts ffor ye Pirotts


    July ye 17th To one Indian Keeping a month


    To one Keeping more five weeks


    witch Comes to in all


    The above acctt is allowed by the Representatives an yt the Tresurer do pay the prison Keepr wth as much speed as may be wth Convenienty

    Decbr 16th 1689 past by the Representatives in the affirmative desireing the Honble Govr & Councills consent

    Ebenezer Prout Clerk

    Consented by the Councill

    Attestr JsA Addington Secry

    die predict158


    Edward Randolph to Anthony Brockholes

    [Boston] Common Goal Dec. 28, 1689.

    Capt George received orders to go for England and convoy home ye 2 masts ships, arrived at Piscataqua; he has laid his ship by ye wharfe, taken out her gunns and powder (a very scare comodity here) I feare he will meet with trouble from his men, when he cannot keep them aboard, and ye same men who made them mutiny before, are as ready (as ever) to ye like or worse damage to him and his ship upon ye first occasion. . . .159


    Janry 3d 89


    Their Maties Shipp Rose being now come to the Wharfe, I send this to give you an Acct of Three or Four prisonrs I have on board which cannot be safely kept while the Shipp Lyeth there, wherefore my desire is you’d send an order to the prison keeper of Boston directing him to receive them into his care and there to hold them, untill I have an opportunitie of taking them on board their Maties said Shipp againe This being all yt now offer from


    Your friend & bro:

    Jo: George.160


    To the Honble Simone Broadstreet Govr & Councill & Representa —

    The humble Petīōn̄ of John Arnold Prison Keeper humbly sheweth to your Honnor the Names and the Account of those Prissoners which have been Comm̄itted by your honnor

    Your humble Petīōn̄er humbly Prayeth that your honnr would be Pleased to Concider my Condition i am now above fifty Pounds out of Purse & have not Penny to Pay besides my sallere I am dayly at Verry great Charge for the maintainance of the Prissoners humbly Requesting that your honnor would be mindefull of me who is your hum̄le servant to Command

    John Arnald

    Ap11 21st 89 Hugh Stone

    £ s d

    To 32 weeks


    Edmond Angeir

    To 32 weeks


    mary Glover

    To 32 weeks


    Will Tomblin

    To 16 weeks


    Will Niff

    To 10 weeks


    Will Bennet

    To 10 weeks


    Thomas Hawkins

    To 7 weeks


    To Keeping 14 Pirotts 5 weeks


    To ye ffees of these Prisoners



    November ye 25th 1689 An Account Given into yor honnor before & which Past both houses of Cash Laid oute


    The above account allowed by the Representatives & the Cuntrey Treasurer & County treasurer to pay it as the Law directs

    4th Jany 1689–90

    Ebenezer Prout Clerk161


    To the Honnorable Simone Broadstreet Governr & Councill & Representatives —

    An Account of the Remaineing Prisoners & Charges since ye 25th of November

    £ s d

    To Hugh Stone five weeks


    To Edmond Anger Ditto


    To Mary Glover Ditto


    To Will Tomblin Ditto


    To Will Niff Ditto


    To 14 Pirotts Ditto


    To ye man that dyed in Goal 3 weeks


    To 5 Pirotts that Came in last


    To Martin William, Coyner 6 weeks


    To 2 Keeys for ye prison


    To Irons for Jordan


    To Irons for ye Last pirotts


    To 10 Coard of wood at 8s per Coard


    To 1 Coffin & other Expences


    To the Keeping of ye Prison 6 months & seven days



    The above acctt is allowed by the Representatives & Cuntry Tresurer & County tresurer to pay it as the Law Directs 4th Jany 1689/90

    Ebenezee Prout Clerk.162


    Boston in the Massachusetts ss.

    The Jurors for or Soun Lord & Lady William & Mary by the Grace of God of England, Scotland, France & Ireland King & Queen defenders of the Faith — Doe present That Thomas Pound of Boston aforsaid Mariner upon Fryday the Ninth day of August 1689 & in the first yeare of ther Majesties Reigne upon the high Seas that is to say about three Leagus from half way Rock in the Massachusetts Bay Then & their upon the Catch Mary of Salem Hellen Chard master and upon the said Master & Men being in Number about ffive of his Majties Leage People then & their in the King & Quens peace being upon their lawfull Occasions with fforce & Armes An Assault did Make and as a ffelon & Pirat with Swords & Guns did enter And the Said Master & his Company in great ffear of Body put, And the Said Katch with all hir apurtenances & loading of ffish being of the Vallue of Sixtie pounds of ye Goods & Chattells of their Majesties Leige People, from the Said Master ffellonously & piratically tooke & Carryd away, And Soe the Juriors aforesaid upon their Oaths doe Say that the Said Thomas Pound upon the high Seas aforesaid upon the day & yeare aforesaid in Maner & forme aforsaid the Said Katch Mary & her loading of ffish from the Said Master did ffelonously take & Carry away Contrary to the peace of or Soun Lord & Lady the King & Quene their Crown & dignity And the Laws & Statutes in that Case provided & Made, &c.

    Billa Vera Bernard Trott fore man in ye name of ye rest Jany ye 8th 1689–0.

    Boston 10th January 1689. Tho. Pound being arraigned at ye Court of Assistants thereto pleaded not guilty and put himselfe on Tryal by God and the Country

    Attestr JsA Addington Secry163


    Boston ss.

    The Jurors for or Soun Lord & Lady Willm & Mary By the grace of God of England, Scotland, France & Ireland King & Quene & defenders of the Faith Doe psent that Thomas Pound of Boston aforsd Mariner upon the 27th day of August 1689 in the first yeare of their Majesties Reigne — Upon the high Seas that is to Say in Martins Vineyard Sound Then & Their upon the Briganteen Marymack of Nubury John Kent Master then & their with his Company in the King & Queens peace about their lawful occasions being An Assault did make & the Said Brigenteen with force & Armes did enter & the Said Master & Company in great fear of Body putt, and Out of the Said Briginteen of the goods & Chattells of their Majesties Leige people, that is to Say eighteen half barrells of flower two hogsheads of Sugar one hogshead of Rhum & three Small Armes to the Vallue of Forty pounds Fellonously & Piratically from the Said John Kent did take & Carry away, And Soe ye Jurors Upon their oaths doe Say that Thomas Pound aforsaid upon the high Seas aforsaid upon the day & yeare aforsd in manner & forme aforsaid the said Brigenteen did enter & as A Fellon & Pirate from the Said Master The Flower, Sugar Rhum & Small arms to the Vallue of Forty pounds as aforesaid Fellonously did take & Carry away Contrary to the peace of or Soun Lord & Lady the King & Queen their Crown & dignity and the Lawes & Statutes in that behalfe made & provided &c.

    Billa Vera Bernard Trott fore man In ye [name of] ye Rest Jany 8 1689–0.

    Boston. 11o January 1689 Thomas Pound being arraigned in Court upon this Indictmt upon reading the same thereto pleaded guilty

    Attestr IsA Addington Secry164


    John Kent Master of the Briganteen Merrimack of Newbury and Johnathan Woodman (of full age) one of ye Company belonging to sd Briganteen Sworn Say That upon the twenty seventh day of August, 1689, comeing with sd Briganteen from New Yorke through Marthas Vineyard Sound bound for Boston they were chased by a Sloop and comeing to Anchor in Homess hole in ye Evening of ye aforesd day; the said Sloop came to anchor by them and put abroad a red flagg at ye head of their Mast and the sd John Kent was com̄anded on board said Sloop and about Ten men armed of ye sd Sloops Company went in ye Boat of said Sloop on board ye Briganteen and haled her to ye Sloops Side and forceably took out of sd Briganteen twenty halfe barrells of Flower two hogsheads of Sugar and one hogshead of Rhum and three small fire arms which they took into ye sd Sloop and carryed away with them, there being about five and twenty men in number on board sd Sloop most of them armed. Eleazer Buck being one of said Sloops Company then on board, said Eleazer Buck being now a prisoner at ye Barr, who at that time said he was enticed away on a pretence of goeing against ye French

    Boston. 13o January 1689

    Sworn in Court of Assistants

    Attestr IsA Addington Secry 1

    John Kent

    Jonathan Woodman


    The Deposition of John Pickett aged thirty Yeares or thereabout mastr of the Sloope Brothers Adventure of New London and Stephen Lomar aged Thirty Seven Years or thereabout mate of sd Sloop, Testify and Say, That on the First day of Octobr 1689 being Tuesday and rideing att an Anchor in Homes hole Bound for Boston from New London aforesd and Loaden with provisions, haveing beene Forced by Badd weather to an anchor, came to Saile the said Tuesday about Seaven of the Clock in the morning and about nine came up to them a Pirats boat knowne by the name of Capt Pounds Boate and Boarded them with Seaven men and Commanded their helme by force to steere [th]em to the Said Pirates Sloope that Lay off, and when neere them brought them to an anchor, and then more of ye Piratts Company came on board in their Boate, and declared that they wanted Provisions and took out of them what they wanted; the particulars to what att present they know is taken away as followeth, Vizt Thirty Seaven barrells of Porke, three barrells of beeife, Eleven bushells of Pease in one sack, Seaven firkins of Butter, nineteen or Twenty Cheeses, Six Barrells of Indian Corne, and what quantity in Baggs ye piratts carried away not yet knowne, with Severall other things wch belong to ye sd Sloop and Farther Say not

    John Pickett

    Stephen Lomer

    John Pickett & Stephen Lomar psonally Appeared And made Oath to ye Truth of what is above written Octobr ye 7th 1689 before

    Ja. Russell Assist165


    Boston 19th Octobr 1689.

    Thomas Pound Examined Saith, That about the Eighth or Tenth day of August last past in the present year, 1689, this Examinant together with twelve men more vizt Tho. Hawkins, Thomas Johnson Henry Dipper, Richard Griffin, Richard Hodges, Eleazer Buck, William Dun, Daniel Lander, Samuel Watts, William Warren, John Sickadan and Benja Blake a Boy, Seven of them being Armed, went off from Boston in Thomas Hawkins his Boat, tooke water at the South End of the Town neer the Signe of the Bull, haveing agreed and combined together, to take the first Vessell they should come up withall and go away to the West Indies to make a Voyage against the ffrench, went from Boston upon a Thursday about one aclock in the morning, and Sayled into the Bay, and the next day being Friday about three aclock Spake wth a Sloop belonging to Nantasket, and bought some ffish of the men that Sayled in said Sloop, when they came neer up with said Sloop, they kept all the men in Hawkins his Boat close save ffive who pretended to be affishing, two or three houres afterward they came up with a ffishing Katch belonging to Salem one Chard master, and boarded her, and tooke the said Katch, and put three of the Katches men into Hawkins his Boat and sent them on shoar, the other two of the Katches men were willing to Stay and go in the Katch.

    The Examin’t further Saith that they Sailed with said Katch to Casco to water and upon arrival there two of the Garrison Souldiers came off in a Canoe on board the Katch and told us they would go along with us, vizt Jno Lord & James Daniel, and said they would go ashoar and fetch some more men, and accordingly in the night said two men with ffive more came on board the Katch bringing with them their Cloths and Armes and So they Sayled with said Katch the same day from Casco toward Cape Cod, and came to anchor off the highland of the Cape, and rode all night, the next morning they Espyed a Sloop at anchor neer to them, and sent our Boat with seven or Eight armed men and tooke the said Sloop whereof one Stephen Cross was master, the Sloop belonging to Piscataqua and was laden with deale boards, and then this Examin’t and his Company went into said Sloop, and put the Sloop’s Company into the Katch and sent them away, And put in with said Sloop to Cape Cod, and some of the Company went ashore (whereof Tho: Hawkins was one), and killed ffour Shoats, and wooded and watered, and then Sayled to Martyn’s Vineyard Sound, and on or about the twentyeth day of August met with a Briganteen belonging to Newbury, John Kent master from New Yorke, and sent the Boat with ffour or ffive hands on board said Briganteen, and brought her neer to or Sloop’s side, out of which Briganteen wee tooke Eighteen halfe barrels of Flower, two hogsheads of Sugar and one hogshead of Rhum, and three small Armes and so dismist the Briganteen. After which Sayling through the Sound with the wind blowing hard at North North East wee were forced to Virginia and went into Yorke River where we were kept by Easterly winds Seven or Eight dayes, two English men and a Negro came on board us in a Float and came away with us; the said men brought with them a peice of black Searge and some yards of Linnen Cloth and an old Mison Saile and some Gaules, the men were named John Gidins and Edward Browne. From Virginia wee came back into the Sound, and at Tarpolin Cove met with a Barque blonging to Salem riding in said Cove William Lord master, and went on board her and bought an Anchor of him for which paid a Cask of Sugar about ffour hundred weight and sold to said Lord ye Negro wee brought from Virginia at the price of twelve pounds for which he drew a bill upon Blaney at Elizabeths Island. Then wee came over the Sholes in company of Lord’s Barque, as far as Cape Cod, and the Boat going on shoare there Hawkins left us. Afterwards upon a Saturday night about three weekes since wee Espyed a Sloop and weighed and gave chace to her and brought her to anchor under the Cape, who said they came from Pensilvania, enquired of them whither or no they had any Porke on board, they saying that they had none wee dismist them, and wee went back again over the Sholes, and at Homes his Hole met with a Sloop riding there one John Picket master from new London (as he said) out of which Sloop wee tooke thirty nine barrells of Porke and Beife, Seven firkins of Butter, Thirteen cheeses, three barrels of Indian Corn and Eight bushells of Pease. From thence wee removed to Tarpolin Cove, there lay about fforty Eight houres intending for Corazo, and upon ffriday the ffourth day of October instant, Capne Samuel Pease Com̄ander of a Sloop from Boston came up towards us, and wee came to Saile, and stood away, but Captne Pease out Sayled us and fired severall Shot towards us but did not strike our Vessell, wee descried their King’s Jack before they ffired; after wee had received severall Shot from the sd Sloop there was a red fflagg put up at the head of our Mast, and our men fired at them, and wee continued fireing one at another about the space of an hour, this Examinant received two Shot one under his Ribs and another in the Arme, ffour of our men were slain and nine wounded. Thomas Hawkins was many times on shoar at severall places at Elizabeth Islands, Cape Cod and Casco, and was never restrained or confined on board as a Prisoner. Afterwards Pound said that Dun, Lander, Warren & Watts came on board Hawkins his Boat in Capne Edwards his Boat in ye Broad Sound.   Thomas Pound.

    This Examinacon taken ye day and year first above written before the Governor and Sundry of the Magistrates met at the Town house in Boston, Signed by sd Pound.

    IsA Addington.

    William Dun, Daniel Lander, Samuel Watts and William Warren, Examined Say, that these Examinants went in Company of Thomas Pounes and others in Thomas Hawkins his Boat, lookt at Poune to be their Com̄andr and were along with him from the time of his going from Boston sometime in the beginning of August 1689, until the time they were taken by Captne Pease, and were belonging to him and assisting at the Seising and robing of all the Vessells.166


    Boston Octobr ye 4th 1689.

    Thomas Hawkins examined sayth that on ye eighth day of August last abt 11h at night he went out from heare with five men besides himself Vzt Thos Pounds Thos Johnson Eliazer Buck John Siccadam Richd Griffin a Gunsmith & Benj Blake a boy intending for Nantaskett & there to put ye five aforementioned on shoar for wch they had payd him before 2s 6p money & wn yey came to Long Island they brought him to anchor & rid yr till morning, then they told him they wd goe out afishing with him & when yey came nere Lovells Island they heard men launching a boat & sayd there they ar, & yn a boat came off to ym & layd ym on board, being five of ym, vzt, Danll Samll & William thir surnames he (not) knowing & one Wm Dun &c & yn towed his boat out to sea, & threw his fish casks overboard, Sth yt Pounds Griffin Buck & Johnson had guns; & yt ye last five had armes but know [not] what, yn yey went on board a Nantaskett Sloop & bought a Rlls worth of Mackrell of yn & then stood off to sea again & he went to Sleep: ye 9th yey went aboard ye Ketch belonging to Salem Mrs name Chard & tooke her & gave his boat to three of the men & two of sd Ketches Company went with them; ye 10th day went Eastward & arrived at Cascoe how long he was going knows [not], yr yey filled water, stole a calfe & three sheep from an Island; yn yr came 7 souldiers on board of ym in ye night & Pounds with ym, yn yy cam to Cape Cod & tooke a sloop yr belonging to Piscataq. laden with boards & gave ye Sloops company the Catch to carry her home to ye Owners, yn yey hurried up into ye Sound & rid in Tarpollin Cove & yr spyed a vessell & followd her into Holms’s hole wch was a Brigantine wch yey siezed & tooke out of her 20 Casks of flowr 2 hhds sugr & 1 hhd Rum̄ & three small armes: yn filled [water] & went to Virginia to buy provitions with sd goods. yr yey heard yt ye man a war Catch was sunk & yr Frigat was going upon ye Careen, so yt yey could [not] follow ym, yr Pounds & Johnson went on shoar in ye mouth of James River, & ye sloop lay onground 24 hours & after yey gott her onfloat tourned out again, & thought yey were chased by a sloop but outsayled her & she stood into James River again: while yey were in Virginia, two men came on board in a float named Jno Giddings & Edw. Browne, whom yey wd [not] suffer to goe on shoare again yn yey went on board ye sloop to wch ya sd Giddings &c belonged & brought from thence a ships Mizen sayle a ps searge ps of Dowlas 10 Books Galls & Copperas as they told him, he being kept in ye hold most of ye time they were in Virginia wch was about 6 or 7 deyes, yn came from Virginia & went into tarpollin Cove again & filled water, yn came out & chased Alsops Catch into Martins Vineyard, went on board a Brign Wm Lord master & yr Alsops men told ym yt Hawkins wd be hangd if ever he came to Boston, & yn yey told ye Examinent wen yey came on bord again yt yrfore he had better stay contentedly wth ym, & by yt means he had leave to come onshoar upon ye Cape neer ye Race point & after he was on shoare he made his escape from ym & went to ye fisherman at work yr, & desired ye sd fisherman to preserve him from sd Pounds & his men in case yey shd find him, & yn meeting with Mr Loper desired him to let him goe with him to Boston wr he arrived ys day. he further Sth yt a Negro came on board of ym while at Virginia belonging as he sd to Capt Dunbar of Yorke River wch yey brought away & putt him on bord Lords ship: also yt ye time he came from Pounds & his Crew was Saturday last about noone

    Thomas Hawkyns

    Examinent capt Die prdict cor Elisha Cooke Assist.167


    Anno R: Rs. et Reginae Gulielmi et Mariae ꝑmo Tuesday the seventh of January. 1689.

    The Court met by Adjournmt and sat de die in diem (Except the Sabbath) untill the seventeenth of ye same month.

    Holden by Thomas Danforth Esqr Deputy Governor

    James Russell

    John Richards

    Samuel Appelton

    William Johnson

    John Hathorne

    Elisha Hutchinson

    Samuel Sewall

    John Phillips

    John Smith

    Jeremiah Swayne

    8o Janry Severall Bills of Indictment against divers prisonrs for piracy and murder were com̄itted to the Grand jury.

    9th. the Grand jury brought in their bills of Indictment & were dismist untill munday the 13th instant at one oclock.168

    Thomas Pound of Boston marriner being Indicted by the Jurors for our Sovereign Lord and Lady the King and Queen upon their Oath’s by three severall bills of Indictment, as followeth. That is to say. 1st. That he sd Pound upon friday the ninth day of August 1689 on the high sea’s vzt about three Leagues from halfe way Rock in the Massachusetts Bay, upon the Katch Mary of Salem Hellen Chard master and upon the sd. master and men with force and Armes an Assault did make And as a Felon and pirate wth swords and Guns did enter, and the sd Katch wth her appurces and Lading of Fish being the value of sixty pounds of the goods and Chattels of their Majesties Liege people from the said Master felonously tooke and carryed away &ca. 2d. Also that he said Thomas Pound upon the twenty seventh day of August 1689. on the high sea’s Vzt. in martyns vineyard Sound, upon the Briganteen merrimack of Newbury John Kent master an Assault did make and with force and Armes the said Briganteen did Enter and out of the said Briganteen of the goods and Chattels of their Majesties Liege People to the value of fforty pounds feloniously & piratically from the sd. John Kent did take and carry away &ca prout in ye Indictmt. 3d. Indictmt. That the said Thomas Pound on the fourth day of October 1689. upon the high sea’s That is to say, in Martyns Vineyard Sound upon the Sloop Mary of Boston then sayling under their Maties Colours and upon the Com̄ander namely Samuel Pease and Company, then and there upon their Maties Service, said Pound being under a Red fflagg which he in defiance of their maties Authority purposely put up at the head of the mast, with force and Armes and Assault did make and with Bulletts which he out of small Gun’s feloniously shott the body of the said Samuel Pease in severall places did strike and mortally wound, of which mortall wounds the said Samuel Pease did grievously languish untill the twelfth day of the said October and then of the said mortall wounds dyed. And so the said Thomas Pound of his malice forthought on the day aforesaid the said Samuel Pease in manner and forme aforesd did feloniously kill and murther contrary to the peace of our sovereign Lord and Lady the King and Queen, their Crown and dignity, the laws of God and this Colony, —. The said Thomas Pound, being arrainged at the Barr upon Each of said Indictments severally, confes’t himself guilty of the charge laid in his Second Indictment as aforesd. relating to the Briganteen Merrimack John Kent Master, unto the other two Indictment pleaded not guilty and put himself on Tryal by God and the Country. The Jury were called and Sworn, who upon a full hearing of the Evidences sworn on behalfe of their maties and what was said by the prisonr in his defence, brought in their Verdicts and found the sd Thomas Pound guilty of the Felony and piracy whereof he hath been Indicted: And also guilty of the felony and murder whereof he hath been Indicted. The Court adjudged the said Tomas Pound to have the sentance of death pronounced against him (which was accordingly declard by the Deputy Governr) That is to say, That he said Thomas Pound be returned to the place from whence he came and from thence be carryed to the place of Execution and there be hanged by the neck untill he be dead.

    17th. Janry.

    The Court likewise ordered that John Green marshall Generall cause this sentance to be executed upon the sd Thomas pound — on Munday the twenty seventh of this instant January and that the secretary (being thereto by Law appointed) signe warrant for the same.169


    17th January 1689 Present Tho. Danforth Esqr Dept Govr, John Richards, James Russell, Samll Appleton, Wm Johnson, John Hathorne, Elisha Hutchinson, John Smith, Jonathn Corwin, John Phillips, Jeremiah Sweyne

    The Court Adjudged and ordered that the severall persons hereafter named tryed at this Court for their lives, That is to say Thomas Hawkins found guilty of Piracy, Thomas Pound, Thomas Johnston, Eleazer Buck John Sickterdam William Dun Richard Griffin, Daniel Lander and William Warren severally found guilty of ffelony Piracy and Murder Samuel Watts found guilty of murder. William Coward, Peleg Heath, Thomas Storey, and Christopher Knight severally found guilty of Felony and Piracy ha[ve] the Sentance of death pronounced against Each and every of them (That is to say) to be returned to the place from whence they came and from thence be carried to the place of Execution and there be hanged by the neck untill they be dead. — which Sentance was pronounced against Each of the said persons severally by the Depty. Governor They being brought and Set to the Barr.170

    Adjourned to Thursday 23th. of January instant at nine in the morning and then met.

    Present. Thomas Danforth Esqr Depy Govenr

    Wait Winthrop

    John Richards

    Sam11 Shrimpton

    William Johnson

    Sam11 Sewall


    Elisha Hutchinson


    John Smith

    John Phillips

    Jona Corwin

    Ordered that Thomas Pound, Thomas Hawkins, Thomas Johnston, William Coward and Eleazer Buck ffive of the condemned prisonrs sentanced to be hanged, be Executed on Munday next the twenty seventh of January instant, notice thereof to be forthwith given them by the Marshall; And that John Green Marshall Generall cause the Sentance of this Court pronounced against them to be Executed upon them and every of them on Munday the 27th instant. And the Secretary (being thereto appointed by Law) to signe warrant for the same.

    The Court dismist.171


    To The honnorable Simone Broadstreet Esqr and Councill and Representatives

    The humble Petic̄on of will warren Samuell wattes & Daniell Lander humbly sheweth to your honnors that wee being under the Command of Thomas Edwards Commander this Ten months Past not haveing our wages humbly Requesting that yor Honnor would be Pleased to Concider our Poore Condition Lyeing in ye Goale, and that wee may have our wages to defray ther Charges hear wee understand that he is bound Away for Sea and have not made any Compliance with us and wee being under Close Confinement not haveing the opertunity of Lookeing after our wages humbly begīng your honnors Assistance and your Petioners Shall for Ever Pray172


    To the Honble the Governor Depty Governour, with the Worshipll Magistrates now assembled in the Court of Assistants Sitting in Boston Janry 16 1689

    The Humble Petition of Daniel Launder William Warren and Samuel Watts prisors and Convicted Malefactors

    Most humbly Sheweth to yor Honrs

    That yor Poore afflicted and distressed Petitionrs and prisonrs having been not above seven dayes in this country (and butt two dayes after they were cleared from Capt Edwards Ship and not then recd their wages, before they were Simply beguiled and Enticed and deluded in Boston by a parcell of men Strangers to ye Petitiors (two of them by name called Eliezer Buck and Thomas Johnson) to goe against the french, telling them they had a Vessell in ye Bay fitted with provisions ammunition and hands, for said designe, judgeing to returne back in Two or three Months time, upon which faire pretences (through Ingorance) not doubting of the Truth thereof, they went downe to ye Islands in their Mastrs boate with Expectation to meet wth ye sd Vessell fitted as aforesd but instead thereof went on board Hawkins Boate where were severall of the Company, wch boate plyed about ye bay ye Company told ye peticonrs they Expected to meet with her butt at length Espyeing a Ketch in The Bay ye company took her the contrary to ye petitionrs consent who begged of them for gods sake not to meddle with any English men, acquainting ym that assuredly they would Hazzard their lives, butt by no meanes could be disswaded therefrom and after the Ketch was taken they went to Casco Bay (pretending to yr peticonrs that they were to Stay on board ye sd Vessell till they got on board ye Vessell fitted to goe agt ye french as aforesd which proved butt a sham to ye Petitiors) and in Casco Bay after the company had taken a Sloope there & sent home ye Ketch, they proceeded farther till at length Taken by Capt Pease, and in the fight with him the peticonrs fired not one Gun nor offered to doe the same Butt now fforasmuch as yor Peticonrs Stand convicted of the Piracy and murder proved against them, and daily expect the Sentence of death to be righteously prounced upon them, Yett yor poore distressed petitionrs, humbly praye yor honrs for Christ Sake to putt on bowells of Compassion, and yt when ye Sentence is passed on them, their Majties and yor honrs mercy may be Showne to these their poor Subjects and Objects of pitty in their distresse by repreeving them from the Sentence of Death justly demerritted for that they were soe foolishly and Ignorantly drawne to the perpetrac̄on of that wickedness wch was never intentionally in their hearts however really committed and in soe doeing yor poore petitiors shall ever acknowledge their Majties & yor honrs great Grace favour and clemency to them: And as in duty bound shall ever pray

    Daniel Launder

    William Warren

    Samuel Watts173


    24 January 1689 Present the Deputy Goyr [&c]

    Agreed that this Convention be henceforth termed a General Court and be Accounted such in all Respects.

    To the Kings most Excellent Majesty The humble Address, and Petition of the Governr and Council and Representatives of the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay Conveyed in General Court, at Boston

    May it Please Your Majesty We have been Hond with the receipt of Yr Majties Several Gracious Letters of the 30th of July, the 12th & fifteenth of Augt last past and do with all humble and hearty thankfulness Acknowledge the goodness of God in the Favour, We have found in Your Majties Gracious Acceptance, and Answer of our former Addresses, And that Yor Majestie has been graciously Pleased to Authorise and empower us to Continue the Administration of the Governr over Yr Colony; Which We humbly informed Yor Majty we were in the exercise of according to our Charter Rules. Your Majtys Command relating to the Rose Friggat were forthwith Observed, and Your Other Com̄ands for the Sending home Sr Edmund Andros, and others alike Seised, and under Confinemt are now attended by this first Opportunity of Shipping, We have also dispatch’d some Gentn from hence to wait upon Your Matie with this our Address have impowered them; together with some others upon the Place (already concerned for us) to manage our Affairs On whose behalf We humbly Supplicate Your Maties favour. We are Sensible, That there are those, who have been Industrious to inkindle, and forment disturbances among us that they might have Plausible Pretences to Misrepresent us, wch Carriage is the Less Surprising to us, when we reflect upon many of their Words, and Actions manifesting their disatisfacion to the Alteration of the Governt in England. We also crave Leave humbly to Acquaint Your Majty That Several ill Men combining together have Coim̄tted divers felonies and Piracys, and that we might Put some Stop to their progress in so fatal a Design, We were Necessitated to grant Com̄issions to Suppress, bring in, and Secure them; In wch enterprise the Captn Commissioned for that Service was Slain and four of the Pirates, Notwithstanding woh, and during the imprisonment of the Remainder, Others were so insolently hardy as to Surprise and run away with another Vessell, and her Cargo. These daring Mischiefs constrained us for the Necessary Preservation of the Peace, after Tryall, and Condemnation, to Order the Execution of Some of the Instigators and Leaders of those Enemies of Mankind, for the deterring others from the like Intollerable Practices Having Confidence that what hath been done in that regard will be no way Offensive to Your Majty We humbly Supplicate Yor Majtys farther Grace and favour for the Continuation and Confirmation of our Anct Charter Rights and Priviledges both Civil and Sacred For the obtaining of which the Estates and Lives of Our Fathers, & Predecessors were expended. . . .

    May Your Majty have a Long and Prosperous Reign So Prays, Your Majtiea very Loyal, & Dutyfull Subjects and Humble Suppliants, The Govern’ and Council, and Representatives of Yr Colony of the Massachusets Signd Simon Bradstreet Govr Boston Jany 24th 1690. The above written Address was voted and Agreed by the whole Court.174


    The Governour and Councill of the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay in New England.

    To all unto whom these presents shall come Greeting &ca

    Know ye That Whereas Captain Samuel Pease and Lieutenant Benjamin Gallop did voluntarily Offer and haveing received Comission from the Governour and Councill of the abovesd Colony did Expose themselves with their Company in an Expedition for the Suppression of Pirates that infested this Coast and had Surprized taken and plundered severall Vessells and Goods belonging to their Majesties Liege People; which Expedition (allthough the said Capne Pease therein lost his life) was attended with that good Success that the said Captain and Company Subdued the said Pirates and divers of them together with the Sloop or Vessell wherein they Sayled and severall of the Goods by them taken as aforesd were by the said Lt Gallop and Company brought into the Port of Boston in ye month of October last past. Whereupon Proclamation was publickly made for the Persons claiming the sd Vessell or Goods to appear and shew forth their claims by a Set time and to Agree with the said Lt & Compa for Salvage of yc same: And some principally concerned in the Vessell appearing & refusing to pay the Salvage demanded the time prefixed being now long since elapsed

    The Govr & Councill do declare that the sd Lt Ben Gallop & Company for their hazard Loss time & Expense in the recovering of Sd Vessell and Goods out of the hands of ye Pirates do very well deserve the sd Vessell and goods Or the full value and worth thereof

    Signed S. Bradstreet Govr.

    15o ffebry 1689–90.175


    Feb. 20, 1689–90. Present Thomas Danforth Esqr Depy Governr Major Winthrop, Major Richards, Collo Shrimpton, Mr Russell, Mr Johnson, Mr Hathorne, Mr Hutchinson, Capt Sewall, Capt Smith Mr Corwin, Major Phillips

    Upon Reading the Petition of Thomas Hawkins found guilty of Piracy, at the Last Court of Assistants for this Colony, and sentenced to be Put to Death, Humbly Praying the ffavour of this Court, The Court do remitt the Sd Sentence of Death unto the Said Thomas Hawkins, and he paying the Charges of the Prosecution and Imprisonmt, his release from Prison is hereby Ordered. The Magistrates Ordered that the Said Thos Hawkins pay Twenty [silver] Marks176 in Money for the Charges of His Prosecution and imprisonment. . . .177

    Voted that William Warren be remitted the Sentence of Death, which was justly Passed upon Him by the Last Court of Assistants, for Felony, Piracy and Murder, And paying the Charges of his Prosecution, and imprisonment his release from Prison is hereby Ordered. The Magistrates Order that Said Willm Warren Pay to the Treasurer Twenty Marks in Money for Charges of Prosecution & Imprisonment [as also Samuel Watts, Daniel Lander, Richard Griffin, John Sickterdam, Eleazer Buck and William Dunn].178


    An acct of the Fight between the Rose ffrigatt and a ffrench Man of War off of Cape Sables.

    New England.

    We left Piscataqua the 19th of May and on the 24th of same off of Cape Sables were chased by a ffrench Man of Warr of 30 Guns full of Soldiers for Port Royall or Canada, Our Convoy, Capt George when the Enemy came up under English Colours hailed him Thrice & answer’d me tell you by and by, Imediatly put Abroad his ffrench Colours and fired a broad side on the Rose and not less than 300 small armes, the Rose made close to him, & then gave him his Fire to good purpose, and Our Ship Capt Clark on his Quarter, we continued an Obstinate fight at half Musquett shott distance near 2 hours, Capt Holmes having only Two Guns stood off, the Rose had her Mizzon shott down, her Ensign, her sailes and Rigging much Torn but so Bored ye ffrench Man’s sides that his Ports were made Two or three into one it was almost quite Calm, else we had Run Thwart him with our head, and possibly might have sent him Low enough but we had not winde enough, so we Lay on his Quarter which we fired, that he was necessitated to cutt down and Cast into ye Sea wch was so much as to burn in Our View half an hour as it floated in ye Sea We saw his Capt and Lieut fall & believe we could not Kill less then a hundred of his men, his Tops were full of Grenadiers & ffuzees wch we saw fall like Pidgeons and Multitudes of his men Slaughtered on his Decks, we had taken him for Certain would Our heavy Ship have workt, but he was a quick Sailor and so gott away Capt Georg and Mr Wiggoner Slaine with Muskett shott, 5 Comon men more were slain, 7 desperately wounded Mr Maccarty’s man Michael lost his arm, Paul Main, Sam Mixture and Tho: Hawkins the Pirate amongst the slain, we had none kill’d or wounded on Board us save only a dogg kill’d. We had only Two Guns 15 Musqetts 30 Men. Our Canvas and Riggin wounded with their Chain Shott and Ball179


    An abstract out of severall Letters Recd from New England by a small Vessell from Road Island, one Mr John Strainge master, written to Thomas Brinley

    Boston July the 7th 1690

    An abstract of a Letter from Thence in the same vessell.

    There has lately been on our Coast a french Privateere or Pirot of 26 Guns come from St Malo’s in January has taken 13 sayle of vessells and gone to St Peter’s at New foundland: this same vessell about five or six weeks agoe mett as they say with Capt George 200 Leagues off this Coast with two mast men Engaged Capt George four hours found him to strong for him ran for itt; ye Capt says he tooke Perticular aim att a Commandr on the Deck (who was brandishing his sword and Encourageing his men) & shott him downe; soe that tis concluded here twas Capt George; wch god forbid, I wish he may live to appeare at White hall this french man lost 12 men & 30 wounded saies had he received a broad side more he had beene taken, complains that Capt Clarke fell on his quarter & Raked him fore & aft wounded a great many of his men.

    There is talke of a garrison lost at Exeter, Piscataqua and two foot Company’s cutt off by the Indians, wee are Encompassed with troubles.180


    Faimouth July ye 8th 1690.

    Honoured Sr

    Its my duty to Acquaint you of my Arrivall here with some Pro-seedings of new England sence your departure. That upon ye 17th of May last ye Indians with severall french did sett upon Casco and burnt ye fort and towne and tooke all before them Carrying away men women & Childering and did send into Piscataqua that they would be there suddenly; samon falls taken Major frost besett and all ye Rest of ye Province of Maine Deserted Yorke Excepted: I am afraid that this Sommer they will doe a greate deale of danage moore then thay can expect if they have not Releife from England, its the Generall descourse but they make little Resistance nor take any care, Upon ye 19 of may we sailed and 40 Lea SE by Et from Cape Sables ye 24th of May: we mett a french man of Warr of 30 Gunns who came along our side and bid us strike for ye King of france and fired a broadside into us, but in two hours wee satisfied him wee would not goe, disabling him in such a manner I question whether he got in to ye Shore safe, and thanks be to god lost but very few men: and Came to little damage, for Cap’ & Master was Killed and 3 men more and 7 men wounded: We hope in some small time to injoy ye happeynesse to Pay our Respects to you and hope shall not be out of your mind: Paul Magen dyed of his Wounds: We Remaine


    Your humble servants to Command


    Tho: Pound

    In hast to saue ye Post


    Wee humbly desire your honour to favour us with a line or two for we know not how long we shall stay here

    We came with ye mast shipps

    From on Board Their Majesties Ship Rose Capt Condon: Comandr

    [Addressed] For Sr Edmund Andros at The Lord Cravens in Drewery Lane London.181

    Mr. Matthews also read the following communication, prepared by Mr. Roger P. McCutcheon:


    The English newsbooks had become fairly well established before either the journalists or the tradesmen awoke to the possibilities of advertising. It is true that Mercurius Britannicus on February 1, 1626,182 mentioned as “this day published an excellent Discourse,” the Epithalium Gallo-Britannicum. This, however, was an “isolated instance.”183 Aside from such publications as achieved notoriety through condemnation by Parliament, notices of books began to appear with regularity in 1646. Since 1643, Samuel Pecke had edited A Perfect Diurnall of some Passages in Parliament, a weekly newsbook of some importance, which ran (after 1649, with John Rushworth as chief editor) till 1655. Oxford had just surrendered, and Pecke paused in his discussion of the victory to recommend to his readers “a booke now in the Presse and ready to be published, entituled Magnolia Dei Anglicana, or Englands Parliamentary Chronicle, and the most exactest hitherto collected,” not forgetting to name the booksellers of this “exact Narration.”184

    Press notices of this sort, printed as news, yet including the names and locations of the interested booksellers, come out frequently after this. No less than seven such notices occur in the Perfect Diurnall alone, before Henry Walker, in Perfect Occurrences for April 2, 1647, announced the Divine Right of Church Government.185 At first no charge seems to have been made for such announcements. Editors inserted them from friendship for the booksellers, or from genuine interest in the books themselves.

    In July, 1650,186 an important change took place. The book notices were no longer printed as news items, but were placed together on the last page of the newsbook. Usually they were printed in small type, and were separated from the news by a rule. After this change, notices of books appear almost every week. It is worth mention that these advertisements usually read as “this week published,” and that at first the booksellers listed books only once. By December 1, 1651, however, the same books are advertised in successive weeks as “newly extant.”187

    In 1651 advertisements of a different nature begin to appear. These are at first “lost notices;” later we find medical advertisements and professional cards. Books made up most of the advertising as late as 1655, when the Publick Intelligencer separated the books from the other advertisements.

    Both in number and value, there is much variety in these early advertisements. One week’s list may comprise half a dozen books; in the next issue, only a single volume may be advertised. A like variety is noticeable in the importance of the books. A series of sermons, if preached before Parliament, received as much space (and probably was rated as highly) as a tract of Milton’s. Needless to say, these book notices form a valuable addition to the well known but incomplete Thomason Catalogue.188

    Of particular interest are the notices of Americana, which appear first while book advertisements were being carried as news items, and which continue to occur after the advertisements and the news are separated. The following titles have been taken from the remarkable set of English newsbooks in the Gay Collection in the Harvard College Library.189 Occasionally books have been included because of their connection with well-known Americana, but most of the titles bear in themselves the reason for their inclusion. The books are listed in the order of their appearance, with references to the newspapers where the advertisements occur. The references have been made especially full, since the pagination and the numbering of these early journals are often inaccurate. The advertisements are reprinted as they occur, without corrections. In addition, the dates assigned to the books by the Thomason Catalogue are included in parentheses; books which are not listed in the Thomason Catalogue are marked non-Thomason. Copies of books found in four libraries are indicated by the following abbreviations:

    A =

    Boston Athenæum

    B =

    Boston Public Library

    H =

    Harvard College Library

    M =

    Massachusetts Historical Society

    1. There is newly set forth in print a briefe, but excellent Treatise, containing the Doctrine of godlinesse, or living unto God, wherein the body of Divinity is substantially proposed, and methodically digested by way of Question and Answer, by that Reverend and learned Teacher, M. Ja. Norton of New England; printed for Edmund Paxton, and are to be sold at his shop in Pauls Chaine neer the Doctors Commons.

    Perfect Diurnall, no. 242, p. 1946, March 20, 1648.190 (Non-Thomason.)

    While this is the first advertisement of an American book in an English newspaper, Nathaniel Rogers’s Letter discovering the Cause of Gods continuing Wrath against the Nation (copies in A B H), dated from Ipswich December 17, 1643, and printed in London in 1644, had been given considerable space in two newspapers on its publication. Rogers on p. 10 blamed the Parliamentary organ, Mercurius Britanicus, for “scornefull dishonours put upon his Majesty.” Mercurius Aulicus, the royalist newsbook printed at Oxford, rejoiced that such a book had been printed in London according to order. The account reads: “The scurrility of their Pamphlets is grown so unexpressibly shameful, that the Zealots of New-England, do both preach and write against it, for an instance whereof be pleased to looke into a Printed Letter written by Master Nathaniel Rogers, now in New-England.” Britanicus in defence admitted that he had gone far, but by way of jest, “that baiting my Intelligence with some sport, I might be read, as well in the Court as the City,” and cited “Master Peters” and “the famous and godly Master Prynne” as worthy examples of his own course: see Mercurius Britanicus, no. 46, p. 365, August 5, 1644. The controversy was still on three weeks later: see Mercurius Britanicus, no. 49, p. 387, September 2, 1644.

    2. There is a Book intituled Virginia, Impartially examined of a smale price, and sould by Mr. Bourne on the South side of the Royal exchange, and Mr. Mariot next to the Kings head Tavern at the lower end of Chancery lane, which treats of Roavoke, now called Carolina Virginia, and Maryland, and hath the approbatien of the wisest and knowingest men to be the greatest and best foundation for this Kingdomes good, by way of Trade, that was ever yet discovered. It is a booke directing men of all conditions to the improvement of their Estates; written only and solely for the publike good by Mr. Bullock, And since it is not fit a booke of such a nature should be stifled: I thought good to incert it here, that all men might know where to have it.

    Perfect Diurnall, no. 301, p. 2484, May 7, 1649. (April 25, 1649, by William Bullock, Thomason.) B

    Bullock was never in Virginia, as he tells us in his introduction, but in spite of the fact that he had to write the book in six nights, as he says, it abounds with details of the highest interest. This is reprinted in Force’s Historical Tracts, vol. hi: see Church Catalogue, iii. 1136.

    The use of italics for emphasis was not a general practice in the book notices of this period.

    3. And a small peece of the discription of the new World, America Islands and Continent, &c. by George Gardiner of Peckham, Esquire; are to be sold by Tho. Pierrepoint, at the signe of the Sunne in Pauls Church-yard.

    Perfect Diurnall no. 59, p. 760, January 27, 1651. (January 6, 1650–51, Thomason.)

    Gardiner’s book is not in the British Museum, nor is it in Sabin.

    4. Christ the Fountaine of life, Sundry choyce Sermons upon part of the fift Chapter of first Epistle of Saint lohn, by Mr. Iohn Gotten of New England. Sold by George Calvert at the half Moone in Watlingstreet.

    Perfect Diurnall, no. 74, last page, May 12, 1651. (June 4, 1651, Thomason.) BH

    5. The Saints Digniry191 and Duty, together with the danger of Ignorance and hardnesse, by that reverend Divine Thomas Hooker of New England, are to be sold by Francis Eglesfield at the Marigold in Pauls Church-yard.

    Perfect Diurnall, no. 79, last page, June 16, 1651. (July 8, Thomason.) H M

    6. There is published a new impression of that excellent book Intituled, The Gospel Covenant, or the Covenant of Grace opened; Preached in Concord in New England, by Peter Bulkeley, sometimes fellow of Saint Johns Colledge in Cambridge, and are to be sold by Tho. Kembe at the Harrow in Duck-lane, and Andrew Kembe at St. Margarets Hill.

    Perfect Diurnall, no. 97, p. 1388, October 20, 1651. (Non-Thomason.) ABHM

    The first edition was in 1646 (B M). This was Bulkeley’s most famous work. Tyler, in his History of American Literature, i. 217, calls it “one of those massive, exhaustive, ponderous treatises into which the Puritan theologians put their enormous Biblical learning.”

    7. Also the Jewes Synagogues, a Treatise concerning the ancient Orders and manner of worship used by the Jewes in their Synagogue Assemblies, gathered out of the Jewish Rabines, and such moderne Authors, as have beene most conversant in the study of Jewish customes. By Will. Pinchton of Pringefeild in New England. . . . sold by I. Bellamy at the three Lyons in Cornehill by the Exchange.

    Perfect Diurnall, no. 102, p. 1468, November 24, 1651. (December 31, 1652, Thomason.) B H M

    All copies are dated 1652.

    8. Americans no Jews, or improbabilities that the Americans are of that race, by Hamon L’Estrange Knight, printed for Hen. Seile over against Dunstans Church Fleetstreet.

    Perfect Diurnall, no. 103, p. 1502, December 1, 1651. (October 5, 1651, Thomason.) H

    The Harvard copy is dated 1652. The author was Sir Hamon L’Estrange (1583–1654), though the book is “often erroneously attributed to his son,” Hamon (1605–1660) (Dictionary of National Biography, 1909, xi. 994). It is a rejoinder to Thomas Thorowgood’s first tract, Jewes in America (1650), and was answered by Thorowgood in 1660.

    9. There is newly published a Book intituled, The Bloody Tenent yet more Bloody; or a Rejoynder to Mr. Cottons Bloody Tenent of Persecution for cause of Conscience. . . . printed for Giles Calvert at the Black spred Eagle neer the West end of Pauls.

    Perfect Diurnall, no. 133, p. 1956, June 28, 1652. (April 28, 1652, Thomason.) B H

    A part of the controversy between Williams and Cotton, which had begun in 1644. Professor Gammell in his Life of Williams calls this unusually mild for a controversial work: see Church Catalogue, iii. 1196.

    10. There is newly published, The City192 Magistrates power in matters of Religion debated and impartially stated according to bounds and grounds of Scripture, and all objections answered. With an answer to a Pamphlet called, Ill news from New England. By Tho. Cobbet Teacher of the Church of Lyn in New England. . . . sold by Ph. Stephens at the gilded Lyon in Pauls Church yard.

    Perfect Diurnall, no. 166, p. 2508, February 14, 1653. (February 15, 1653, Thomason.) B H

    The B and H copies are dated 1653. The Ill news from New England (1652, B H M) was by “John Clark of Road Hand, Physician.” The book carries on the title-page a very interesting endorsement from Obadiah Sedgwick, who “allowed” the book to be printed.

    11. Strength out of weaknesse, or a Glorious Manifestation of the further Progress of the Gospel among the Indians in New-England. . . . sold by John Blague and Samuel Howes at their Shop in Popes head Alley.

    Perfect Diumall, no. 140, last page, August 16, 1652. (August 4, Thomason.) BHM

    Number 6 of Eliot’s Indian tracts, and the first one published by the Corporation for the Propagation of the Gospel among the Indians in New England, which was incorporated in 1649. It covers Eliot’s labors for the year 1651, with letters from several others: see Church Catalogue, iii. 1191. B also has the second and the third editions, both dated 1652.

    12. A Treatise of Liturgies, power of the Keys, and of matter of a visible Church: in answer to Mr. Ball. By Tho. Shepperd, late Pastor of New England. . . . sold by Andrew Crook at the green Dragon in Pauls Church yard.

    Perfect Diurnall, no. 154, p. 2316, November 22, 1652. (November 20, Thomason.) H

    The Harvard copy is dated 1653.

    13. The Sea mans Grammer; containing most plain and easie directions, how to Build, Rigge, Yard, and Mast any Ship whatsoever, with divers practical experiments in the Art of Gunnery, also the charge and duty of every Officer in a ship and their shares: with the use of the petty Tally. Written by Captain John Smith, sometime Governour of Virginia and Admiral of New England, sold by Andrew Kemb at St. Margarets Hill in Southwark.

    Perfect Diurnall, no. 158, p. 2380, December 20, 1652. (November 6, Thomason.)

    14. A Discussion of that great point in Divinity, The sufferings of Christ; And the question about his righteousness, Active, Passive, and the Imputation thereof; By John Norton Teacher at Ipswich, in New-England. Sold by Geo. Calvert at the half-Moon, and Joseph Nevill at the Plough in Pauls Churchyard.

    Perfect Diurnall, no. 195, p. 2972, September 5, 1653.193 (August 11, Thomason.) BHM

    Norton was “appointed to draw up this Answer by the Generall Court,” in reply to William Pynchon’s Meritorious Price of our Redemption. Pynchon had been brought up before the General Court on account of his book, and admitted some overstatements; his sentence was postponed. Pynchon returned to England in 1652, as a result of the trouble: see Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of America, iii. 357. Norton’s work evidently struck his publisher as a bit hazy, for we find a note from “The Stationer to the Reader,” which gives a very brief outline of the treatise, “For the better understanding of the following Treatise” (p. 1).

    15. A History of New England, from the English planting in the year 1628 till 1652. their form of Government civil, military, and ecclesiastick. Their wars with the Indians, their troubles with Gorlonish, their manner of Gathering Clunches,194 with the names of their Governors, Magistrates and Ministers.

    Perfect Diurnall, no. 218, p. 3116, February 13, 1654. (November 29, 1653, Thomason.) A B H M

    By Edward Johnson, and usually known by the running title of “Wonder-working Providence.” It is the earliest published narrative relating generally to New England. For a long time this was attributed to Thomas Hooker. It had a poor sale in England, and the bookseller four years later bound it up as a part of Gorges’s America Painted to the Life: see no. 27, below; Church Catalogue, iii. 1218; Sabin, ix. 281. All copies are dated 1654.

    16. The Orthodox Evangelist, containing the Principle points in Religion, with the state of the blessed, the Condition of their Souls from the instant of their dissolution, and of their persons after their resurrection, by Iohn Norton Teacher of the Church at Ipswich in New-England. . . . Sold by H. Crips, and Lodo. Lloyd at their shop in Popes head Alley.

    Perfect Diurnall, no. 237, p. 3638, June 26, 1654. (May 9, Thomason.) BHM

    17. A Brief Exposition with practical observations upon the whole book of Ecclesiastes, by the late worthy Divine Mr. John Cotton, published by Anthony Tuckney D. D. and Master of St. John Colledge. . . . sold by Ralph Smith at the Bible in Cornhill, London.

    Perfect Diurnall, no. 241, p. 3702, July 24, 1654. (Non-Thomason.) ABHM

    B, H, and M also have the second edition, 1657.

    18. The Covenant of Grace, discovering the great work oi a Sinners Reconciliation to God; together with certain quaeries tending to Accommodation between Brethren: written by Mr. John Cotton of Boston in New-England:Whereunto is added, A discuss of Civil Magistrates power in Matters of Religion; by some Elders of divers Churches: Printed for John Allen at the Rising Sun in Pauls Churchyard.

    Perfect Diurnall, no. 256, p. 3932, November 6, 1654. (Non-Thomason.) BH

    The title-page was printed to cover three pamphlets published in 1654: Cotton’s New Covenant, his Certain Queries, and The Result of a Synod at Cambridge. See Sabin, v. 16. The B and H copies are dated 1655. No. 19, below, is a later advertisement of the same book, for a different bookseller, Egglesfield. The names of both Allen and Egglesfield appear on all the title-pages, however, and it may be that Allen was the original projector of the edition, being joined later by Egglesfield, who then advertised the book as his own. Allen afterwards sold the Treatise of the Covenant of Grace: see no. 30, below. No. 18 has a note “to the Reader” signed by “Thos. Allen,” who prepared no. 30 “for the Press.”

    19. The Covenant of Grace, discovering the great work of Sinners reconciliation to God; By Mr. John Cotten of New-England. . . . sold by Francis Egglesfield at the Marygold in St. Pauls Churchyard.

    Perfect Diurnall, no. 274, p. 4220, March 12, 1655. (Non-Thomason.)

    20. America, or an Exact Description of the West Indies, more especially of those Provinces under the Dominion of Spain, faithfully represented by N:N: Gent and are to be sold by Edw:Dod at the Gun in Ivy-lane.

    Perfect Diurnall, no. 292, p. 4500, July 16, 1655. (June 9, Thomason.) A B

    This was apparently written to instigate the English to conquer the Spanish dominions in America. The map printed with this is from the same plate as the map in Father Thomas Gage’s New Survey of the West Indies, London, 1655 (copies in A B H), and was later used for Gorges’s America Painted to the Life: see no. 27, below, and Church Catalogue, iii. 1239.

    21. There is puplished a brief Exposition, with practicall observations upon the whole book of Canticles, never before printed; by that late pious Divine, Mr. John Cotton pastor of Boston in New England. Published by Anthony Tuckney, D.D. Printed for Ralph Smith, at the Bible in Cornhill near the Exchange.

    Perfect Diurnall, no. 301, p. 4644, September 17, 1655. (Non-Thomason.) BH

    Not to be confused with A briefe Exposition of the whole Book of Canticles, first printed in 1642, and again in 1648. (B has 1642 and 1648; H has 1642; M has 1648.) This is a distinct treatise, differing in arrangement, and containing about twice as much material: see Sabin, v. 14.

    22. The Method of Grace in the Justification of Sinners. Being a Reply to a Book written by Mr. William Eyre of Salisbury, entituled, Vindiciae Justificationis gratuitae, or, The Free Justification of a Sinner justified. By Benjamin Woodbridg Minister of Newbery in Bark-shire. Sold by Edmund Paxton in Pauls Chain neer Doctors Commons.

    Mercurius Politicus, no. 314, p. 7041, June 19, 1656. (June 10, Thomason.) BHM

    Woodbridge was the first graduate of Harvard College. He received his degree in 1642, and shortly afterward returned to England. He became minister of Newbury in Berkshire, and was silenced for nonconformity in 1662. Cotton Mather called him “a Star of the first Magnitude in his Constellation.” See Sibley’s Harvard Graduates, i. 20–27.

    23. Anti-Socinianism, or a confutation of certain gross Errors, and Socinian Heresies, lately published by Will Pinchyn Gent, in a Dialogue called, The Meritorious Price of our Redemption. Also a brief description of the Lives, and a true Relation of the Death of the Authors of the Socinian Heresie, and when, and by whom it was brought into England. By N. Cheney, MA. and Minister of Gods Word.

    Mercurius Politicus, no. 313, p. 7025, June 12, 1656.195 (September 16, 1656, Thomason.)

    In the British Museum Catalogue, the author’s name is given as Nicholas Chewney.

    The Meritorious Price of Our Redemption, published in 1650, had been answered by Norton: see no. 14, above. It was condemned to be burnt in Boston by the marshal: see Sabin, xvi. 153.

    24. The Doctrine of Life, or of Mans Redemption, by the Seed of Eve, the Seed of Abraham, the Seed of David, &c. Also sundry other Fundamental Points are discussed and cleared from some common mistakes; as Daniels Chronology of Seventy Sevens, about the Jews calling: With the true Nature of our Lords Sufferings. By Edward Holyoke of New-England. Sold by Nath. Ekins, at the Gun in St Pauls Church-yard.

    Publick Intelligencer, no. 108, p. 92, November 16, 1657. (Non-Thomason.) BH

    The author, of Lynn, Massachusetts, left a copy of this book to each of his sons-in-law, “as their best legacy:” see Church Catalogue, iii. 1261. All copies are dated 1658.

    25. There is this day published the Life and Death of that ever deservedly famous Minister of Christ (in the Work of the Gospel) Mr John Cotton, formerly Preacher of the Gospel at Boston in Lincolnshire, since Teacher of the Church of Christ at Boston in New-England. By John Norton now Teacher of the same Church, Author of a Book, entituled, The Orthodox Evangelist. Both sold by Lodowick Lloyd at his shop next to the Castle Tavern in Cornhil.

    Publick Intelligencer, No. 118, p. 426, April 4, 1658. (April 14, 1658, Thomason. For the Orthodox Evangelist, see no. 16, above.) A B H M

    In addition to the subject matter, this book is of interest since it contains at the end a five-page catalogue of books published by Lloyd. Not until much later did the booksellers regularly avail themselves of this means of advertising.

    26. A Practical Exposition on the first Epistle of John, with Observations, Reasons, and Uses. By John Cotton, late Pastor of Boston. The second Edition, much corrected, and enlarged with the Addition of an Alphabetical Table.

    Publick Intelligencer, no. 128, p. 561, June 7, 1658. (Non-Thomason.) B M

    The first edition, copies of which are in H and M, was printed in 1656.

    The title-page reads: “A Practicall Commentary, or An Exposition with Observations, Reasons, and Vses upon the First Epistle Generall of John.” While the advertisements for the most part follow the title-pages very closely, similar departures are found.

    27. America Painted to the life. The true History of the Spaniards proceedings in the Conquests of the Indians, and of their Civil Wars amongst themselves, from Columbus his first discovery to these later times. As also of the original undertakings of the advancement of Plantations into those parts, with a perfect relation of our English discoveries; for the better understanding of those Countreys, a Map is affixed. Published by F. Gorges Esq; . . . sold by Nathaniel Brooks at the Angel in Cornhil.

    Publick Intelligencer, no. 163, p. 221, February 14, 1659. (March 2, 1659, Thomason.) A B H M

    See no. 15, above. The title-page, in red and black, makes an effective advertisement. There is no doubt that Johnson’s book, bound in with this, was included without Gorges’s knowledge. An advertisement in Mercurius Publicus for September 13, 1660, states that Gorges felt himself much injured by the inclusion: see Church Catalogue, iii. 1218.

    28. The History of the World; or an account of Time. Compiled by the Learned Dionisius Petavius; and continued by others to the year of our Lord, 1659. Together with a Geographical Description of Europe, Asia, Africa, and America. Sold by Humphrey Moseley at the Princes Arms in St. Pauls Churchyard, Luke Fawn at the Parrot in Pauls-Churchyard, Francis Titon at the three Daggers in Fleetstreet, George Sawbridge at the Bible on Ludgate-hill, and Richard Tomlins at the Sun and Bible in Pyecorner.

    Publick Intelligencer, no. 163, p. 220, February 14, 1659. (Non-Thomason.) ABHM

    29. A Catechism containing the chief Heads of Christian Religion. Published at the desire, and for the use of the Church of Christ at New Haven in New England. By John Davenport Pastor, and William Hooke Teacher.

    Mercurius Politicus, no. 565, p. 412, May 5, 1659. (May 5, Thomason. Also advertised in the Publick Intelligencer, no. 175, p. 412, May 9, 1659.)

    30. A Treatise of the Covenant of Grace, as it is dispensed to the Elect Seed, effectually unto salvation. Being the substance of divers Sermons preached upon Acts 7. 8. by that eminently holy and judicious man of God, Mr. John Cotton, Teacher of the Church at Boston in N.E. The second Edition, by a Copy far larger then the former, and corrected also by the Authors own hand. This Copy was fitted for the Press by Mr. Tho. Allen Minister in Norwich. . . . sold by John Allen at the Rising Sun in Pauls Churchyard.

    Mercurius Politicus, no. 568, p. 460, May 26, 1659. (May 26, 1659, Thomason.) B

    H has the 1671 edition, which according to the title-page was “corrected, and very much Enlarged, by the Authors own Hand,” although Cotton died in 1652.

    31. A Disputation concerning Church Members and their Children, in answer to xxi Questions; wherein the state of such Children when Adult, together with their duty towards the Church, and the Churches duty towards them, is discussed by an Assembly of Divines at Boston in New-England. . . sold by Sam Thomson at the Bishops-head in Pauls Churchyard.

    Publick Intelligencer, no. 181, p. 508, June 20, 1659. (June 4, 1657, Thomason, the day the assembly was actually held.196) H

    32. Golden Apples, or seasonable councel from the Sanctuary to the Rulers of the Earth, held forth in the resolution of sundry Questions and Cases of Conscience about Divisions, Schisms, Heresies, Blasphemies, and the Toleration of them. By Mr. Anthony Burgess, Mr. Edm. Calamy, Dr. Hill, Mr. Richard Vines, Dr. Reynolds, Mr. John Cotton, Dr. Sibbs, Dr. Amesius, Mr. Jere. Burroughs, &c Brought together by Sam. Clarke, Pastor of Bennets Fink, London. Sold by Tho. Underhil at the Anchor and Bible in Pauls Churchyard.

    Publick Intelligencer, no. 183, p. 556, July 4, 1659. (July, 1659, Thomason.) BM

    33. The Christian Commonwealth, or the Civil Policy of the Rising Kingdom of Jesus Christ. By John Eliot, Teacher of a Church of Christ at Roxbury in New England.

    Mercurius Politicus, no. 594, p. 872, November 17, 1659. (October 26, Thomason.) B

    This had been written nine or ten years before it was printed. After the Restoration, the Governor and Council of Massachusetts, fearingjthat the republican sentiments expressed in the book “might be represented to their disadvantage,” condemned and suppressed the book in May, 1661, and a retraction by Eliot himself was made public. A very rare book: see Church Catalogue, iii. 1264; Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of America, iii. 357; Massachusetts Colony Records, vol. iv. pt. ii. pp. 5–6.

    34. The Heart of New-England rent at the Blasphemies of the present Generation, Or a brief Tractate concerning the Doctrine of the Quakers, demonstrating the destructive nature thereof, to Religion the Churches and the State with remedies against it, by John Norton, Teacher of the Church of Christ, at Boston in New-England. . . . sold by John Allen at the Rising Sun in Pauls Church- Yard.

    Mercurius Politicus, no. 603, p. 1033, January 19, 1660. (January 12, 1659–60, Thomason. The book is also advertised in Publick Intelligencer, 212, p. 1029, January 23, 1660.) B

    The Colony had passed a law against Quakers as early as 1654. In October, 1658, Norton was appointed to write a book on the doctrines of the Quakers. It was published first in Cambridge, 1659, then in London in 1660. In return for his services, Norton was given a grant of land by the General Court. He was not unused to writing books by order: see no. 14, above, and Church Catalogue, iii. 1293. Copies of the 1659 Cambridge edition are in H and M.

    35. The Parable of the Ten Virgins opened and applied from Matth. 25. 1,-13. Wherein the Difference between the sincere Christian and the most refined Hypocrite, the Nature and Characters of Saving and Common Grace; the Danger and Diseases incident to flourishing Churches or Christians, and other spiritual Truths of great importance, discovered, and practically improved: By Thomas Shepard, late worthy Pastor of the Church of Christ at Cambridge in New England. Sold by John Rothwel at the Fountain in Cheapside, and by Sam. Thomson at the Bishops-head in Pauls Churchyard.

    Mercurius Politicus, no. 612, p. 1183; March 22, 1660. (Non-Thomason. The book is also advertised in Publick Intelligencer, 223, p. 1183, March 26, 1660.) B H M

    36. Jews in America, or, Probabilities that those Indians are Judaical, made more probable by some Additional to the former Conjectures. By Thomas Thorowgood, S.T.B. Norfolciensis.

    Parliamentary Intelligencer, no. 36, p. 577, September 3, 1660. (July 26, Thomason.) H

    Thorowgood was a friend of John Eliot’s, and an efficient promoter of missionary work among the Indians. He had published a first part in 1650 (copies in B H). This is a new work, in answer to L’Estrange’s Americans no Jewes: see no. 8, above. Thorowgood appends a twenty-eight page letter of John Eliot’s on this subject, which affirms the belief, rather common then in New England, that the Indians were descended from the Lost Tribes: see Church Catalogue, iii. 1298.

    Mr. Julius H. Tuttle exhibited an engraved portrait of the Electress Sophia of Hanover, and read the following note on a portrait of her which once hung in the Boston Town House:

    The early education of Jonathan Belcher, the son of Andrew a Councillor of the Province, included a few years spent in Europe, where his friendly associations were with the Princess Sophia. The following letters, now first printed, relate to her portrait which he brought with him on his return home late in 1705 as a present to the Province. The Act of Settlement in 1701 vested the right of the Crown of England in her on account of her Protestant faith. It will be remembered that the Electress Sophia, born in 1630, was a daughter of Frederick V,. Elector Palatine, and Elizabeth, daughter of James I; that in 1658 she married Ernest Augustus (1629–1698), later (1679) Duke and then (1692) Elector of Hanover; that among her children were George Lewis, afterwards George I of England, and Sophia Charlotte (1668–1705), who in 1684 married Frederick I (1657–1713), first King of Prussia; and that she died May 28, 1714, or a few weeks before Queen Anne, whose death occurred August 1st.


    London Decembr 27th 1704

    Mr John White197

    Sr Since my last of July 7th I reflect with regret on my Negligence, That I have not ’Ere now done iyou ye Justice and my Self the honour and Satisfaction of writing you Very pticularly, for my long Silence and remisness I humbly Ask yr pardon, I do assure, It has not been from any want of a due Respect, but in Londn A Man hardly knows When to Set down to write, so many pleasing objects Continually prest themselves to your View, and Every day Affords you something New and diverting, I doubt not but my father has hinted to you my design of going into Holld and Germany, Since my last I have made a Tour of about 1000 miles in those Countries and Its too tedious to Relate here, What Vaiiety I saw in those places, so shall Omit pticulars,’till I have the pleasure to set down with you for A Mo or so, only to Relate my travels. I will Just tell you That Holland Is a fine, pleasant Country A place of Vast trade And A people neat to ye last degree Germanyihas many pleasant towns, at Hannover I was Entertain’d by the Princess Sophia (who Is next heir to the Crown of Engld) as If she had been my mother, She has done our Countrey the honour of her picture, Which I shall bring with Me. Indeed all parts of Europe, Where I have been Seem to be gardens of pleasure and delight, I take a great deal of Satisfaction, in the Revolution of my thoughts on my travels. I have wrote my father by this Conveyance And Sent him all publick news, which I doubt not he will Com̄unicate to you, as I have opportunity shall write you Again, hoping you will pardon my Impertinency; pray remember yr Charge Most pticularly for shall make pticular Inquiry of that Matter on my return When yr leisure will allow, the favr of a line shall be a great obligacon [   ] health and happiness being with [

    Sr yr Ass[   ]

    [   ]

    [Addressed] To

    Mr John White


    In Boston

    N England

    ꝑ the packet

    [   ]

    [Endorsed] Belcher to White


    about his Travels198


    Boston Feb. 6th 1705[-6].199


    At your Arrival two months Since you acquainted me of her Royal Highness the Princess Sophia’s favour to this Province, in bestowing upon them her Effigies, which I have now order’d to be disposed in the Council Chamber, with her Majesties.200 And I desire your Attendance with the Council And Officers of the province presently, to drink her Majesties & Royal Highness: health, it being her Majesties birthday.201 And I further desire you to take the first Occasion to Acquaint One of her Royal Highness’s ministers with whom you may have a Correspondence of our duty herein

    I am sr

    your very humble servant

    J Dudley.

    Mr. Belcher

    [Addressed] To Mr Jonathan Belcher



    Copy of a Letter from the GovernoR of New-England to JnO Chamberlayne EsqR

    Boston March 1st 170⅞


    At Mr Jonathan Belcher’s last return from England he brought with him the Picture of Her Highness the Princess Sophia which he acquainted me was a present to the Province, I forthwith disposed it in the Council Chamber in this Place with Her Majestie’s; I am very desirous that any just acknowledgment of this Honour and favour done to the Province should be made, but having no Correspondent nor Acquaintance in Her Highness’s Court, nor having any Letter from thence, I knew not who to write to:

    Mr. Belcher is yet Sollicking that he may have something proper to send thither advertising of his doing his Duty.203

    Sr You are at Home in Her Majties House, and I can freely refer it to you in my Name to write to your own Correspondent in that Court (where I well know you have been) to do me and Mr Belcher right in that matter, I am


    Yor most humble Servant

    Joseph Dudley.204


    May It please your Royal Highness

    When I had the great honour & happiness (four years past) to pay my respects & duty to yourself & most serene family, I Very well remember the particular mark of Respects, you were pleas’d to do Her Majty: of Great Britain’s Subjects in New England, by honouring them with your Effigies, As a present, and I as well Recollect the honour you were pleas’d to do me, by Com̄anding me to write your Royal Higness from thence of Its reception & the promise I then made you of sending some small matters from thence, Which was the product of that Countrey and not Com̄on here or of the growth of Europe: —

    It is with no small Confusion, that I Reflect on my Negligence in not so doing, and how to Apologize or what Excuse to Make I know not, unless That my having now made a Journey purposely to throw myself at your Royal Higness’s feet, & humbly ask forgiveness, May be something of Atonement for my fault, And I herewith, offer you the thanks of Her Majesty’s Governour in N England for your Respect to that Countrey, and have brought with me the Candles205 of which I formerly spoke, and an Indian Slave, A native of my Countrey, of which I humbly ask your Royal Highness’s Acceptance & am with all Imaginable Respect & duty.

    Most Illustrious Madam

    Your Royal Highness’s

    Most Obedient

    Humble servant

    JonA Belcher.


    September 12th 1708.206

    What became of the Electress’s portrait? When the Town House was burned in 1711, we are told that “Some Gentlemen took care to preserve Her Majesties Picture,”207 but there is no mention of Sophia’s portrait. But that, too, evidently escaped the fire, for we hear of it again in 1739. On June 6th of that year, in the Massachusetts House of Representatives, —

    A Motion was made and seconded by divers Members, that Mr. Agent Wilks be directed to procure Copys of the Pictures of King William and Queen Mary of glorious Memory, from the best Originals that can be found at full Length, in order for their being set up in the Council Chamber, with the Pictures of their Majesty’s Royal Successors &c.208

    And on June 7, —

    The Motion made the 5th209 Instant for sending for Copys of the Pictures of their late Majestys King WILLIAM and Queen MARY, was revived, and after some Consideration thereon the following Vote passed, viz.

    Whereas this Government have the Honour of the Pictures of the late Queen ANNE, King GEORGE the first, and his present Majesty,210 together with the late Queen CAROLINE,211 and the Princess Sophia:

    Voted, That Mr. Agent Wilks at the Charge of the Government in the most suitable Manner that may be, procure Copys from the best Originals that can be found of King WILLIAM and Queen MARY, in the fourth Year of whose Reign His Majesty’s good Subjects of this Province were happily incorporated by the present Royal CHARTER, and that the Pictures be at full Length, and set up in the Council Chamber.

    Sent up for Concurrence.212

    The only allusion, except the above, I have found to the portrait of Sophia is in an address delivered in 1885 by the late Dr. George H. Moore, who said: “Before the year 1739, the gallery had been enriched by the addition of portraits of King George the First and King George the Second, together with those of the then late Queen Caroline and the Princess Sophia.” And in a footnote he added:“Princess Sophia — sister of George II, wife of Frederic William I of Prussia, and mother of Frederic the Great.”213 For several reasons this identification cannot be accepted. First, the House vote distinctly says “Princess Sophia.” The daughter of George I and sister of George II was not Sophia, but Sophia Dorothea.214 Secondly, in the House vote the word “late” refers in the one instance to Queen Anne and George I, and in the other instance to Queen Caroline (who died in 1737) and Sophia. Thirdly, Sophia Dorothea had in 1706 married Frederick William I, the second King of Prussia, and did not die until 1757. Obviously in 1739 she would not have been called “Princess Sophia” — even if that had been her name — since for thirty-three years she had been Queen of Prussia. Fourthly, there would have been no pertinency in sending to Boston the portrait of a woman who, though the daughter of one king and the sister of another, was in no way connected with this country. No doubt the sole reason why the Electress Sophia sent her portrait by Belcher was because she was heir to the throne of England. Finally, if it be asked why Sophia was called “Princess” and not “Electress,” the title by which she is historically known, the reply is that on the death of her husband in 1698 she ceased to be Electress, and that from 1698 to her death in 1714 she was usually called by her contemporaries the Princess Sophia.215

    Though the portraits of Anne and of Sophia survived the great fire of 1711, they succumbed to that of December 9, 1747, which completely destroyed the interior of the Town House. “As the Fire began in the middle or second Story,” says a contemporary account, “the Records, Books, Papers, Furniture, Pictures of the Kings and Queens, &c. which were in the Council Chamber, the Chamber of the House of Representatives, and the Apartments thereof in that Story, were consumed.”216

    The portrait I have brought to-day is a mezzotint, loaned to the Bostonian Society in 1881 and given to it in 1886 by the late William H. Whitmore. It bears the following inscription:

    The true Effigies of the most Illustrious Princess Anna Sophia of Hanover declared by a late Act of Parliament for settling the Succession in ye Protestant line to succeed to the Crown of England after Her Matie Queen Ann and her Royal Issue. Done from ye Original brought from Hanover by ye Rt Honble Tho: Ld Raby. and dedicated to his Lordshipp by his most humble Servant I.B. Sold by Iohn Bowles opposite to Stocks Markt & at Mercers Hall Cheapside I: Simon fee: Cum Privilegio

    Thomas Wentworth (1672–1739) was created Baron Raby in 1695 and third Earl of Strafford in 1711; on the coronation of Frederick, Elector of Brandenburg, as first King of Prussia in 1701, he was sent to Berlin as envoy; in 1703 he was again sent as envoy, and, after visits to the Hague and Hanover, reached Berlin in June; he paid a visit to England in July, 1704, but was back in Berlin in November of that year.217 The portrait brought by Raby is not the portrait reproduced in the mezzotint now exhibited, for the plate has undergone various changes.218

    Mr. Horace E. Ware communicated a note on the periodical cicadas, and said:

    Under date of the year 1633 Governor Bradford speaks of an invasion of the Colony during the spring by a vast swarm of insects:

    It pleased Ye Lord to visite them this year with an infectious fevoure, of which many fell very sicke, and upward of 20. persons dyed, men and women, besids children, and sundry of them of their anciente friends which had lived in Holand; as Thomas Blossome, Richard Masterson, with sundry others, and in ye end (after he had much helped others) Samuell Fuller, who was their surgeon & phisition, and had been a great help and comforte unto them; as in his facultie, so otherwise, being a deacon of ye church, a man godly, and forward to doe good, being much missed after his death; and he and ye rest of their brethren much lamented by them, and caused much sadnes & mourning amongst them; which caused them to humble them selves, & seeke ye Lord; and towards winter it pleased the Lord ye sicknes ceased. This disease allso swept away many of ye Indeans from all ye places near adjoyning; and ye spring before, espetially all ye month of May, ther was such a quantitie of a great sorte of flies, like (for bignes) to wasps, or bumble-bees, which came out of holes in ye ground, and replenished all ye woods, and eate ye green-things, and made such a constante yelling noyes, as made all ye woods ring of them, and ready to deafe ye hearers. They have not by ye English been heard or seen before or since. But ye Indeans tould them yt sicknes would follow, and so it did in June, July, August, and ye cheefe heat of som̄er.219

    The flies to which Bradford refers were probably seventeen year cicadas, sometimes erroneously called seventeen year locusts. The last appearance of the swarm indigenous to Plymouth and Barnstable Counties was in 1906. They were then very abundant in the towns of Sandwich, Falmouth, and Bourne.220 This swarm is next expected to appear in 1923. The difficulty, however, in placing the swarm of 1906 in succession of the swarm of which Bradford tells is that if we trace back the seventeen year periods from 1906 the ancient swarm should have appeared in 1634, not in 1633. If, however, it shall ever be shown that the Bradford swarm actually appeared in 1634 — in which case, of course, Bradford was mistaken in the year221.— or if it shall ever be proved that since then, from whatever cause, there has been an interval of eighteen instead of seventeen years between two successive appearances, the difficulty of establishing the succession will be removed. In the interests of natural history it is to be hoped that evidence will be forthcoming to settle the question in one of these ways or in some other way.

    Mr. Henry Lefavour exhibited a leaflet described as follows:

    The Rev. Joseph Belcher, a graduate of Harvard College in the class of 1690, was the minister of the church in Dedham from 1692 until his death on April 27, 1723. Afterwards there was found in his study a letter which has been printed in at least twenty-three editions,222 though no copy of the first edition has hitherto come to light. The heading of the second edition is in part as follows:

    A Copy of an excellent LETTER

    Wrote by the Reverend

    Mr. J.E. of Guilford, Deceased, to his Brother

    Mr. B.E. of Roxbury,

    Found in the Study of the Reverend

    Mr. Joseph Belcher,

    Late of Dedham, since his Decease:

    The Second Edition, very carefully corrected

    from Five several Manuscripts: . . .

    It is dated at “Guilford, May 18, 1664;” is signed “J. E.;” and the colophon reads, “Boston: Printed in the Year 1738.” The author was the Rev. Joseph Eliot (H. C. 1658) and the recipient was Benjamin Eliot, sons of the Apostle Eliot. The copy now exhibited is of the hitherto unknown first edition. The heading reads:

    A Copy of a LETTER,

    Found in the Study of the Reverend,

    Mr. Joseph Belcher,

    Late of Dedham, since his Decease,

    An Answer to this Question,

    How to live in this World, so as to live in


    It is neither dated nor signed, but begins “Dear Brother.” The colophon reads: “Boston: Printed & Sold by B. Green, in Newbury-Street. 1725.”

    Mr. Henry H. Edes made some remarks concerning proposed legislation at the State House, whereupon it was —

    Voted, That the Council be requested carefully to consider pending legislation proposing to repeal the Vital Records Act and to take, in the name of the Society, such action, if any, as the Council may deem expedient.