A Stated Meeting of the Society was held at the house of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, No. 28 Newbury Street, Boston, on Thursday, 28 February, 1918, at three o’clock in the afternoon, the President, Fred Norris Robinson, Ph.D., in the chair.

    The Records of the last Stated Meeting were read and approved.

    The Corresponding Secretary reported that a letter had been received from Dr. Frederick Cheever Shattuck accepting Resident Membership.

    Mr. Worthington C. Ford made a brief report of the proceedings of the Fourteenth Annual Conference of Historical Societies, held in Philadelphia the last week in December, with an outline of the proposed plans for the future.

    Mr. Ford read the following communication:


    The word periwig has a history. It has no claim to recognition, for it was of bastard origin and has almost passed into disuse except when resurrected by ambitious embryonic poets or dramatists who depend upon word coloring in place of substance. The proper word was peruke, itself of unknown or doubtful derivation, an Italian word perruca, passing into English through the French from peruque late in the fifteenth century. Ingenious speculations upon its beginnings have not resulted in overcoming phonetic difficulties. In both French and English of the sixteenth century a peruke was a natural head of hair, but already it was applied to an artificial object, a skull-cap covered with hair so as to represent the natural hair of the head, and the word was degenerating into a corrupt form of perwyke, whence periwig. Women first adopted the contrivance, as is only fitting in our gallery of beauties on public display, and Queen Elizabeth is said to have had no less than eighty-five attires of false hair; while her rival Mary, Queen of Scots, by her indulgence in such vanities has queered her portraits with posterity, and added one more confusion to a complicated career.223 From being an adornment or a substitute where nature was defective, the periwig became in the seventeenth century a distinctive feature of costume, and as a fashionable head-dress was carried to absurd extremes. Lyly wrote in 1579: “Take from them their perywigges, their paintings, etc., and thou shalt soone perceive that a woman is the least parte of hir selfe.” Barnaby Rich, in The Honestie of this Age, etc. (1615), wrote: “These attire-makers within these forty years were not known by that name; and but now very lately they kept their lowzie commodity of periwigs, and their monstrous attires, closed in boxes, — and those women that used to weare them would not buy them but in secret. But now they are not ashamed to set them forth upon their stalls, — such monstrous mop-powles of haire, so proportioned and deformed, that but within these twenty or thirty years would have drawne the passers-by to stand and gaze, and to wonder at them.” Players always wore periwigs, and, a century later, Cato at the first performance of Addison’s play wore one costing fifty guineas. Courtiers under the Stuarts commonly wore periwigs, and hence the denunciation of them by Puritans. For men to wear their own hair long, displeased these judges of innovations, and Prynne wrote a tract on The Vnlovelinesse of Lovelockes (1628), which called out a savage remark from one of his oppressors at his trial — that he could grow Lovelocks to conceal his closely cropped ears.

    A whole library could be collected on what has been written about hair, real or artificial, and wigs could furnish material for many essays, some of which would involve questions of great historical moment. I must confine my attention to a single chapter concerned with our colonial history. My task is to glance at the prejudice against wigs so strongly expressed by a leading character in the colony and province of the Massachusetts Bay, one whose interests ranged from counting hairs on the head to splitting hairs on the Apocalypse. I refer to Samuel Sewall, a performer who is never dull and never more interesting as a humorist than in his most serious moods.

    Why Sewall should have entertained such a dislike of periwigs is difficult to imagine. He was not a bigoted adherent to puritan views, for he indulged himself in marriages and in funerals to an excess — mere pleasure to be derived from them being the measure. The follies and fripperies of fashion had been discouraged in Boston from the early days of the plantation, as John Cotton’s preaching against veils and Governor Winthrop’s discouragement of treating.224 Expense of dress does not figure in Sewall’s Diary as a growing evil, and the cost of a periwig could not have been large.225 No one would claim that Sewall had a correct eye for beauty, either in persons or in nature, and would thus be led to condemn wigs as tending to ugliness. The aesthetic did not appeal to him, little as there was in his surroundings, and the difference between hair, some hair, and no hair, would not have engaged his thoughts if personal looks alone were involved. If he rested upon the Scriptures, that source of all inspiration and test of truth, he could not have gained much comfort. The writer in Canticles (iv. 1) says: “Thy hair is like a flock of goats, that lie along the side of Gilead,” not a compliment acceptable to woman; and Michal, David’s wife, when she deceived Saul’s messengers, represented David’s head on the pillow by a net of goat’s hair. The Nazarite vow obliged man and woman to let the hair of their heads grow long; but the later priests did not wear the hair long but polled their heads. Sewall himself had his hair cut once in three or four months when a young man.226 In 1689, when in England, he agreed “to pay for being trimmed by the quarter,” that being the custom, and it cost about 2s. 4d. a quarter.227 As a special indulgence, a week after paying his barber he was trimmed by his cousin Henry Ward.228 He must have seen many periwigs while on his English mission, and the sight did not modify his dislike of the manufactured adornment. It is impossible to give the cause of this dislike, and we must content ourselves by extracting from his Diary the comments he made as he saw the use spread among his neighbors. If he failed to stem the tide, he has left us in no doubt of his convictions.

    Massachusetts Bay was becoming degenerate, the older generation said. It is always becoming degenerate. We have been so told at intervals, and that may be true and yet account for its vitality and strong influence. In Sewall’s day both clergy and laymen discouraged what improprieties they met. Mr. Willard, speaking to the seventh commandment, “condemns naked breasts.”229 In 1685 the ministers formally complained of a dancing master who had set up mixt dances at the time of meeting on Lecture Day, and was reported to have said that “by one Play he could teach more Divinity than Mr. Willard or the Old Testament. Mr. Moodey said ‘twas not a time for N[ew] E[ngland] to dance. Mr. [Increase] Mather struck at the Root, speaking against mixt Dances.”230 Mr. Allen devoted a sermon against observing December 25 — our Christmas — calling it anti-Christian heresy and speaking against the name.231 Increase Mather, in March, 1687, preached “sharply against Health-drinking, Card-playing, Drunkenness, profane Swearing, Sabbath-breaking, etc.”232 — perhaps the presence of Andros in town adding to his zeal. A May-pole occasioned almost a riot at Charlestown.233

    The clergy appear to have been divided on the subject of periwigs, showing that it had not reached a decision by a council.234 Sewall mentioned Alsop’s235 sermon to Hayward as an argument against. Picture his feelings on a Sabbath six years later when Cotton Mather, in preaching on Hypocrites, seemed to glance at his pet antipathy. “In his proem said, Totus mundus agit histrionem. Said one sign of a hypocrit was for a man to strain at a Gnat and swallow a Camel. Sign in’s Throat discovered him to be zealous against an innocent fashion, taken up and used by the best of men; and yet make no conscience of being guilty of great Immoralities. T is supposed means wearing of Perriwigs: said would deny themselves in any thing but parting with an opportunity to do God service; that so might not offend good Christians. Meaning, I suppose, was fain to wear a Perriwig for his health. I expected not to hear a vindication of Perriwigs in Boston Pulpit by Mr. Mather; however, not from that Text. The Lord give me a good Heart and help to know, and not only to know but also to doe his Will; that my Heart and Head may be his.”236 Perhaps this may have been one of the reasons for the differences which occurred between Sewall and Mather on several occasions.

    July 8, 1677, he was shocked by the appearance in church of a female Quaker, “in a Canvas Frock, her hair disshevelled and loose like a Perriwigg, and her face as black as ink.”237 Unable properly to describe her condition he compares her disordered head to a periwig. In 1685 he noted two persons taken into the church wore periwigs on the occasion,238 and late in the same year he remonstrated with John Hayward, the Public Notary: “I speak to him about his cutting off his Hair, and wearing a Perriwig of contrary Colour: mention the words of our Saviour, Can ye not make one Hair white or black: and Mr. Alsop’s Sermon. He alledges, the Doctor advised him to it.”239

    His position was strengthened by receiving a manuscript treatise against periwigs from the Rev. John Higginson in November, 1697, with directions to do with it as he pleased. “I mention’d Printing it. He said [he] would not have it done while he liv’d however.”240 But a second shock awaited him, when the son of his own clergyman, young Josiah Willard, came out in a wig. Sewall expands on the subject:

    Tuesday, June 10th, [1701]. Having last night heard that Josiah Willard241 had cut off his hair (a very full head of hair) and put on a Wigg, I went to him this morning, Told his Mother what I came about, and she call’d him. I enquired of him what Extremity had forced him to put off his own hair, and put on a Wigg? He answered, none at all. But said that his Hair was streight, and that it parted behinde. Seem’d to argue that men might as well shave their hair off their head, as off their face. I answered men were men before they had hair on their faces, (half of mankind have never any). God seems to have ordain’d our Hair as a Test, to see whether we can bring our minds to be content to be at his finding: or whether we would be our own Carvers, Lords, and come no more at Him. If disliked our Skins, or Nails; ’t is no Thanks to us, that for all that, we cut them not off: Pain and danger restrain us. Your calling is to teach men self Denial. Twill be displeasing and burdensom to good men: And they that care not what men think of them care not what God thinks of them. Father, Brot. Simon [Willard], Mr. [Ebenezer] Pemberton, Mr. [Michael] Wigglesworth, [Urian] Oakes, Noyes, (Oliver), [William] Brattle of Cambridge their example. Allow me to be so far a Censor Morum for this and of the Town. Pray’d him to read the Tenth Chapter of the Third book of Calvin’s Institutions. I read it this morning in course, not of choice. Told him that it was condemn’d by a Meeting of Ministers at Northampton in Mr. [Solomon] Stoddard’s house, when the said Josiah [Willard] was there. Told him of the Solemnity of the Covenant which he and I had lately entered into, which put me upon discoursing to him. He seem’d to say would leave off his Wigg when his hair was grown. I spake to his Father of it a day or two after. He thanked me that [I] had discoursed his Son, and told me that when his hair was grown to cover his ears, he promis’d to leave off his Wigg. If he had known of it, would have forbidden him. His Mother242 heard him talk of it; but was afraid positively to forbid him; lest he should do it, and so be more faulty.243

    His admonition appeared not to have convinced the young man, and to show his displeasure Sewall went on November 30, 1701, to another church — the Manifesto Church — instead of sitting under his own clergyman, Samuel Willard: “I spent this Sabbath at Mr. Colman’s, partly out of dislike to Mr. Josiah Willard’s cutting off his Hair, and wearing a Wigg,”244 thus visiting upon the father the fault of the son, and as his visit attracted some attention in the church, he takes no little smug satisfaction for the act. His feelings, however, were liable to be jarred from time to time, and it may be certainly assumed that he has not entered in his Diary all the cases where he felt obliged to protest or admonish. January 16, 1704, he noted that “The last Lecture and this Lord’s Day Major [John] Walley appears in his Wigg, having cut off his own Hair.”245 Three days later the commissioners to visit the “disorderly poor” met at Sewall’s house. Walley was one of the party and another was Captain Timothy Clark. “Capt. Clark took up his Wigg: I said would have him consider that one place; The Bricks are fallen etc. But here men cut down the sycamores. [Isaiah, ix. 10.] He seem’d startled.”246 Two years pass before he returns to the subject. January 12, 1706, “Capt. [Andrew] Belchar appears at Council in his new Wigg: Said he needed more than his own Hair for his Journey to Portsmouth; and other provision was not suitable for a Wedding. Jany. 13th appears at Meeting in his Wigg. He had a good Head of Hair, though twas grown a little thin.”247 He merely mentions Nathaniel Henchman and his “Flaxen Wigg,” and notes the misbehavior of Henchman towards himself.248 A eulogy on Ezekiel Cheever, schoolmaster, ends with the sentence “He abominated Perriwigs.”249

    As he advanced in years his feelings were less frequently expressed. In 1715 he notes that “Mr. Pemberton appears in a Flaxen Wigg,”250 but he entertained no strong liking for that minister, in fact he was uncharitable in his comments. When Thomas Prince returned from England in 1717 he attended a meeting at which Sewall was present; “but not thinking of him, and he having a Wigg on and Russet Coat I saw him not at all.”251 How Sewall could riot have seen him at all, and yet could accurately describe his dress, or disguise, is a mystery like unto some in the Apocalypse. Perhaps the wish to ignore one in a wig controlled his eyesight. Nemesis however had started in pursuit of the judge, and in October, 1720, “At Council. Col. [Penn] Townsend spake to me of my Hood. Should get a Wigg. I said twas my chief ornament: I wore it for sake of the day.”252 But worse was to come, for he was paying court to Madame Winthrop, and she said to him that very evening “something of my needing a Wigg.” Four days passed before he could reply to the suggestion. “As to a Periwig, My best and greatest Friend, I could not possibly have a greater, began to find me with Hair before I was born, and had continued to do so ever since; and I could not find in my heart to go to another. She commended the book I gave her. Dr. [John] Preston, the Church Marriage; quoted him saying ‘twas inconvenient keeping out of a Fashion commonly used.”253 Such a comment, coming from a woman, meant a command which involved disaster if disobeyed. Sewall did not win Mrs. Winthrop.

    Of barbers Sewall says but little. He mentions one John Bushnell, who died in 1667,254 and the miserable death of William Clendon, the barber and periwig-maker, “being almost eaten up with Lice and stupefied with Drink and cold. Sat in the watch-house and was there gaz’d on a good part of the day, having been taken up the night before.”255 If the barber of the day practised tooth-drawing, we may add to the list the names of Robert Ellis256 and—Cutler.257

    In one of the Sewall MS. volumes I found transcribed an essay on periwigs by the Rev. Nicholas Noyes, and the finding has occasioned this paper, intended merely as an introduction.

    Of the writer of this essay little need be said.258 He was born at Newbury, Massachusetts, December 22, 1647, a son of Nicholas and Mary (Cutting) Noyes. Graduating at Harvard College in 1667 he preached for some years at Haddam, Connecticut, where it would have been well had he remained in a life of honorable obscurity. He was called to Salem in 1682 to become the colleague of the Rev. John Higginson, and ten years later attained a cruel notoriety for his participation in the witchcraft reign of terror. Among the worst of the misguided agents of the Lord in that time, his conduct can plead nothing in his favor towards mitigating the decision of posterity, or the curse extorted by his brutality from Rebecca Nurse, a curse apparently so directly fulfilled. Six years after the culmination of the witchcraft outbreak the Governor and Council asked Noyes to deliver the election sermon. It reads almost like a sarcasm to find his subject “New Englands Duty and Interest, to be an Habitation of Justice, and Mountain of Holiness.” His senior and colleague in the Salem Church, the Rev. John Higginson — a name to conjure by — described the text as containing “something prophetical and something didactical.” Drawn from Jeremiah, who contributed one good word to the English language, Noyes considered it as one of the occasions on which the prophet came “with milk and honey in his mouth.” If only the preacher could have shown some realization of his own shortcoming, and in place of turning to the departure of Judea and Jerusalem from justice and holiness he had reviewed the nightmare of six years before in Salem, and given some evidence of a chastened spirit and a contrite heart; if in place of glorifying the final restoration of the Jews, he had written one word of pity for those he had so terribly judged, one word of remorse for his unspeakable bearing towards the poor wretches whom the babbling of children had placed in his power. He uses the word justice sparingly in the sermon, substituting for it the word righteousness, on which he expatiates roundly; but the infinite mercy of God, which he praises, had no reflection in him of a finite mercy, which he needed. Much exercised by the primitive apostasy of man — that original sin of which, thank Heaven, we are all sharers — he could not see the more portentous sin which would damn him for all time.

    An habitation of justice New England certainly was not, for the colonists were still too thickly encrusted by the prejudices, customs and laws of the past to breathe or move freely in surroundings which were redolent of freedom. And the ministers must bear their full share for importing and practising the institutions of the past. Persecution in England did not produce a freedom from persecution in Massachusetts, and the very profession which should have been taught forbearance by its own severe experience led in making the plantation such an example of injustice as to call out a royal protest from the mother country. The training of a minister in that day seems to have been curiously wanting on the human side, that which tempers justice with mercy and softens bigotry into tolerance. Attempt to read the books these masters of divinity studied, and one is repelled by matter and form. Do dry leaves make the waving forests? They did once, but a whole life history lies between the budding branches and the dry stubble on the ground. So these examples in dialectics require an interpretation which only severe disciplinary study can secure, and in the end the result seems hardly to justify the undertaking. Capable in dispute, Noyes had not opened his mind to the living blood which vivified the protestant and made progress possible. He indulged in verses, but they are without merit and not indicative of an imagination which in its generosity expands the vision.

    He never married, and died December 13, 1717. The “obituary” of him in the Boston News-Letter of December 23, 1717, gives all the good that can be said of him when his faults have been forgotten. It was prepared by Joseph Dudley, but in its original shape Campbell refused to print it. Sewall abridged it, and his editing made it acceptable to the printer.259

    Between Mr. Noyes and Judge Sewall there were years of intimacy and common tastes. Among their sympathies was a liking for dealing with the mysteries of the Apocalypse. We find them in 1697 disputing about the fifth seal,260 but it is doubtful if Noyes accompanied Sewall to the “Bleu Bell” to refresh after the dispute. So solemn a matter required years to solve, and Sewall had “bickerings” with Noyes at various times, an example of which will be found in the Diary, ii. 99, and seems scarcely worthy of any attempt at elucidation. It is doubtless a defect in us that we are unable to look upon the subject with the same seriousness; but interpretation of Scripture upon new lines has weaned us from the older controversies so inextricably involved in the letter of revelation. In dealing with the question of hair Mr. Noyes at least shows himself a not unworthy disputant, and he enumerates his points with a somewhat lighter touch than he employed in his election sermon. At all events this essay should be preserved in print, if only as a gloss on Sewall’s Diary. The wonder is that Sewall did not print it himself. Did he degenerate at some later time? Not according to his portrait.

    Nicholas Noyes on Wigs

    Reasons against Wearing of Periwiggs; especially, Against Mens wearing of Periwiggs made of Womens hair, as the custom now is, deduced from Scripture and Reason.

    It removeth one notable Distinction, or means of distinguishing one man from another. For so is a man’s own Hair: One man differing from another in Hair; as to Color, thickness, thinness, streightnes, curledness. A man with his Hair cut off, and anothers put on, looketh not as he did before; especially, if before of Light colourd hair, now dark: or before dark, now Light: before, thin, streight hair; now bushy, and curled, and longer than before; or other the like difference, which is most familiarly made by those that wear perriwigs. So that he that wears a Perriwig doth in effect put on a Vizzard, and disguiseth himself. And the same man ordinarily keepeth diverse Perriwigs differing one from another in length, Colour, Culres, or the like: sometime wearing one, sometimes another: so that such a one is strangely inconsistent with himself; and unlike to day, to what he was yesterday; and so less liable to be known. Now to affect a Disguise, is not the guise of a good man; but of a bad one. Job 24. 14, 15, 17. It is recorded of Saul and Ahab, and Jeroboam’s wife, that they disguised themselves; which gives no Credit to the Cause, if their persons and cases be duely considered. But it may be said, that Jacob disguised himself. And it may be answered, It was with Goat’s hair, and not with womens: and he did not cut off his own. But the especial Answer is, that it was in him evidently a particular Lie, and a Cheat, and was fruit of Unbelief, done in Sin, and followed with Sorrow. If it be said that Josiah disguised himself, and went into the Battel, It may be answered, This Instance availeth but little, unless it had succeeded better with him: for it fared with him as it did with Ahab. And Jehosaphat escaped better in his kingly Equipage, and Royal Apparel. Yet if it be Lawfull for a man to disguise in Battel; Is it therefore in Peace? if upon extraordinary Occasion, is it in Ordinary? But Josiah should not have engaged in that Battel: and disguising himself did not preserve him. 2 Chron. 35. 22 etc. If it be said, One of the Sons of the Prophets disguised himself, 1 Kings, 20. 38. It may be answered, It was on a particular Occasion, and for a short time, and to make him look like a Souldier for an advantage to his Office, that his Reproof might take the more Effect upon a hard-hearted King. It was to make him look unlike himself, and unlike a Prophet, or a Son of a Prophet. But he did not ordinarily goe in a Disguise, as in the case in hand. And supposing it lawfull on extraordinary Occasions; that it is so far from proving it lawfull on Ordinary; that it rather proveth the contrary. And as for this of Perriwigs, they are many times used for Disguise by the worst of men, as by shaven crownd Popish Priests, Highway Robbers, etc. Dr. Annesly, when by the iniquity of the times, he was forced to abscond, and conceal himself in the day; went abroad in the evening to take the aer, and then put on a Perriwigg. When he called for it, he usd to say (as his son-in-law261 told me) Give me my Rogue; implying that when he had a Perriwigg on, he did not look like himself, nor like an honest man.

    2. It removeth one notable visible Distinction of Sex: for so is Hair, as is evident by 1 Cor. 11. 6, 7, 14, 15. And it is obvious to every one, that Mens Hair, and Womens Hair are not ordinarily alike: And if they were, there were no temptation to make Perriwiggs of Womens Hair for Men: and so diverse just prejudices against the Perriwiggs in use, would be removed. Nay men might ordinarily make them of their own Hair; which would yet be less offensive. Whereas now Women are shaven or shorn, and so in that respect are more like Men: being, when shorn, really unlike what they were before, and unlike other modest, and honest Women that would not be shorn or shaven on any tentation. And men putting on their Hair, have hair like Women; and not like Men; as is noted of the Locusts, those Harpyes of Hell: Rev. 9. 8. They had Hair as the hair of Women; plainly implying that Mens hair, and Womens hair is not alike. Now this Transmutation of the visible tokens and Distinctions of Sex, is not lawfull; as is undeniably proved by Deut. 22. 5. It is manifest that the hair of Perriwiggs ordinarily, pertains to Women, growing on Womens heads, having been their Glory and Covering for many years; and therefore must needs be unlawfull for Men to wear. And if a Man for this reason; viz. distinction of Sex, might not wear a Womans Habit; much less might he wear a Womans Hair. The Words in Deut. 22. 5 are very plain, and very terrible: The Woman shall not wear that which pertaineth to a Man; neither shall a Man put on a Womans Garment: for all that doe so are abomination to the Lord thy God.

    3. It removeth one notable distinction of Age, which is necessary to be known, because of some Duties depending on it. (1) In respect of Mens selves. The frequent Sight of Gray hairs is a Lecture to men, against Levity, Vanity, and youthful Vagaries and Lusts. It calls for a gracious, grave, and majestical deportment, lest they defile the gray hairs with youthfull folly, and Lusts: it puts men in mind of their Mortality; as the Flourishing of the Almond Tree doth of the approaching Summer; Eccles. 12. 5. Whence when gray hairs are removed out of sight; and youthfull ones in stead thereof, in view (as it is oftentimes in the case of Perriwiggs) it hath a natural tendency to make men forget that they stand upon the edge of the Grave, and on the brink of Eternity. Gray Hairs are here and there upon them; and they are not aware of it; Hose. 7. 9. And indeed, how should they be aware of it, when they are removed out of their sight? For, Out of Sight, out of mind; as saith the Proverb. (2) In respect of Others. Others are obliged to rise up before, and honour the Old man: the demonstrative token of which is his Gray hairs. But strangers to old men cannot so well distinguish of the Age of those they converse with, when youthfull hairs are grafted on a gray head; as is of times in the case of Perriwiggs. Are we bound to rise up before the youthfull hair of Girls, and young Women? Levit. 19. 32. Thou shalt rise up before the hoary head, and honour the face of the Old man. It is evident by that Text, that an Old mans face should ordinarily be accompanied with Gray hairs. And when Perriwiggd men are known to be old, tho’ they do their utmost to conceal their Age. Yet such Levity and Vanity appears in their262 affecting youthfull Shows, as renders them contemptible, and is in itself ridiculous. And so the Old man comes to be despised; contrary to the Law of God, and good of human Societies: and the young men led into tentation to this Evil, by Old mens appearing on the Stage without the badge of their Age and Honor; which would chalenge Respect. The Beauty of Old men is the Gray head. Prov. 20. 29. (3) In respect to God Himself, relating to some of his divine Perfections; particularly, his Majesty and Eternity; which are in some respects shadowed forth in Old men, when they wear their Gray hairs, the Livery of their Old Age: Especially, when a gracious heart is adorned with a gray head: Prov. 16. 31. The hoary head is a Crown of Glory, if it be found in the way of Righteousness. And therefore when God’s Majesty and Eternity are set forth in Scripture, it is with white hair, denoting that He is indeed the Ancient of Days; Dan. 7. 9. Rev. 1. 14. His head and his hairs were white like Wool, as white as Snow. It is not therefore meerly good manners, to honor the Old man: but Religion; such a one bearing the image of God in those respects more than they that are younger. Levit. 19. 32. Thou shalt rise up before the hoary head, and honor the face of the Old man, and fear thy God; implying that they want the Fear of God, as well as good Manners, that don’t rise up before the hoary head. So that when aged persons dissimulate their Age by putting off their Gray hairs, and by putting on youthfull looking hair: they do it, not only in their own wrong, to the loss of some degrees of due honor: but also to the wrong of those they lead into tentation, to despise Old men; which is contrary to the Law of God. Moreover they do wrong to God Himself, whose Fear is promoted by reverence due to Gray hairs.

    4. Wearing Perriwigs proceeds many times from a Discontent at God’s Workmanship. He that likes not his hair because of Color, etc., doth in effect say to his Maker, Why hast thou made me thus? contrary to Rom. 9. 20. Isa. 45. 9. which were it but to an earthly father, is enough to bring a Wo. Isa. 49. 10. Wo to him that saith to his father, What begettest thou, or to the Woman, What hast thou brought forth? For such bring discontent with their hair and Looks, do thereupon affect, and effect to change it. And altho’ they themselves cannot make one hair white or black; yet are so bold with Him that could and did make it of that Color that offends them, suppose white, or black, or red, etc. And this is undeniably a breach of the Tenth Commandment; for a man to be discontent with his own hair, which God made for him, and gave to him: and to covet anothers, which God made for another, and gave to another. To covet anothers Hair, is a sin of the same kind with coveting our Neighbours House, or his wife. For the same Command forbids coveting any thing that is thy Neighbours: Exod. 20. 17.

    5. Wearing of Perriwigs evidently marreth the Workmanship of God, and so defaceth his Image. For God and Nature, or God in Nature hath suited mans Complexion and Hair; and in nature they are suited, as Naturalists observe. Pilorum enim differentia est pro qualitate cutis Animalium, as Aristotle observed Lib. de gener. And this is evident in divers Instances. When the Constitution is hail and flourishing, the Hair is so: and as the Constitution gradually declines and changeth, so doth the Hair. Prov. 20. 29. The glory of young men is their strength: but the Beauty of Old men is the Gray head. Therefore it deforms an Old man, to put on him a young persons Hair: as it would deform a young man, to put him on Gray hairs; which, is the beauty of old men, not of young. And the Hair, for the most part at least, is colourd and qualified according to natural Causes in the Constitution. Such as is the predominant Element, such is the predominant Temperament, such is the predominant Humor in the Body: and according to that the Flesh and Skin: and according to all these, the Hair, as Physicians know and shew; and is [blank] observable to every observing Eye. So that between the Periwigg hair, and the Complexion of him that wears it, there is ordinarily, a manifest Incongruity: so that he that hath Skill in Physiognomy, shall be able to know that this hair could not grow upon that head, no more than Salt-Marsh can grow upon a Hill. And for this reason there is for the most part, an incongruity between a mans hair, and a womans Complexion: and between a Womans hair, and a Mans Complexion: The hair of Women being suitable to their soft, moist, cold Constitution: but not to the Masculine hot and dry Constitution. And consequently, in the case in hand, there must needs be an unnatural incongruity between the Complexion, and Hair, when the Complexion and Constitution is Masculine, and the Hair Feminine. Rev. 9. 7, 8. Their faces were as the faces of Men; and they had Hair as the Hair of Women. Now if this were not unnatural and incongruous, and a kind of Monstrosity, to see things so heterogeneous linked together; I see no reason for such description. Note other parts of the Description together with these; Man-faced, Woman-haird, Liontoothed, Scorpion-taild, Horse-shapd, etc., and it describes such a Medly going to make up a Locust, as we call neither Fish, nor Flesh, nor good red Herring. And what the Poet said of the Mermaid, Desinet in piscem mulier formosa superne. And in the case of Periwigs, we may say, Desinet inque vium mulier formosa superne. So also to put black hair on the flesh and skin that naturally produceth Red, Yellow, or Light Colourd hair, is unnatural, and incongruous: so likewise to put red hair, or yellow, or Light-colourd, on Flesh and Skin that naturally produceth black. So Youthfull hair, and sunk eyes, deaf ears, wrinkled faces and palsyed heads, etc. are not more suitable, than the Blossoming of Appletrees in Autumn, when the Leaves are falling off. And thus Nature teacheth, that Perriwigs are undecent and unsuitable on this very score; the Trimming not being suitable to the Cloth, nor the Crop to the Soyl.

    6. It seems to be unlawfull, and most foolish and absurd for a Woman to part with her Hair to adorn a Man. And if it be so, it must needs be unlawfull for Men to desire it, and buy it, or beg it, or use it in Perriwigs. (1) It is a Glory to a Woman to have Long Hair, 1 Cor. 11.15. and therefore a Shame to her to part with it by being shorn, or shaven. 1 Cor. 11. 6. Because if it be a Shame to a woman to be shorn or shaven; it is indisputably an Argument taken ab Absurdo, and therefore a foolish and absurd thing for a Woman to be shorn or shaven. Which yet is ordinarily done in order to [furnish] perriwigs. But such consult their own Shame. (2) Her Hair is given her for a Covering to herself, not to another, 1 Cor. 11. 15. So then the End God gave it her for, is perverted. And their brains are exposed to Reproach and Damage who thus uncover their own barns, to thatch others anew; which surely none would doe, unless their own barns were empty; seeing the Recompence is, in stead of well-set hair, to have baldness: which in Scripture is accounted a Curse. Isa. 3. 24. (3) It seems a Disorder in religious Worship, that offends the Angels, for a woman to pray shaven or shorn, 1 Cor. 11. 5, 6, 10, 13. Judge in your selves, is it comly that a Woman pray unto God uncovered? Yet in the sense of that Text and Context, she that is shaven or shorn, prays unto God uncovered, if she prayeth at all to God: for her hair was given to her for a Glory, and for a Covering, as is there manifest. And if by reason of other Covering, men see not their bald Crowns, yet the Angels of God see them; and they cannot be hid from the all-seeing Eye of God, who seeth how ingratefully she hath parted with her Glory, and Covering, which He gave her. (4) A Woman degrades her self unto the rank and quality of a Beast, when she submits to be shorn as the Beasts are, to cover others with their hair. What a shame is it to women to be content to be made such fools of by men? that when some mens Perriwigs are made of the hair of a Horses tail, and others of a Goat’s beard; that they should voluntarily suffer themselves to be so abusd as to part with their hair to make Perriwigs also! And Womens hair and Goat’s hair many times goe into the same Perriwigs, as if they were ejusdem farinae, or birds of a feather. Nay the woman, of the two, that parted with her hair voluntarily, is more goatish, or at least foolish than the Goat, that parteth with his involuntarily; tho’ it be to be so honorably matchd as to be hangd Cheek by jole with a Woman’s hair. What a mad World would it be, if women should take the same affection to wearing of Men’s beards; as Men do to Women’s hair? Would they not be accounted meer Viragos, of virile Houswives? And by the same reason, why should it not be accounted Effeminacy in Men, to covet Women’s hair; which is a token of Women’s Subjection, when they wear it themselves for a Covering: and to have it cut off, a token of Immodesty. Moreover, what mazd work would it make with Women-kind, if they were bound to supply all Mankind with Perriwig-Stuff? For the Sheep to be dumb before the Shearer, is admired Patience; and yet that is comparatively, no Wonder to this. Because God gave her her Wool for that end. And the Sheep is so subject to Man, that he may at his pleasure cut his Throat, as well as her Wool; and eat her Flesh, and tan and wear her Skin, as well as her Wool. But God hath not so subjected Women to Men. But as Virgil said of Sheep

    Sic vos non vobis vellera fertis Oves

    so it may be now said of Women,

    Sic vos non vobis mulieres crinificatis.

    If the hair of Women be so necessary and usefull, as it is pretended in this Age, for Perriwigs: perhaps the next Age may find a way to spin it, and make Cloth of it. And their Skins well tannd may make good Leather: and at length they will become very profitable Creatures to Men.

    7. The Folly and Absurdity of Mens Perriwigging of themselves with Women’s Hair, appears in many Particulars. (1) It is a Shame for a Man to wear long hair; but Perriwigs are usually long Hair. And if Nature teacheth that it is a Shame for a Man to wear long hair tho’ his own: Nature must teach that it is much more shamefull to wear Long hair of another bodys; and especially of Women’s. It was no Shame for Men to wear their own short hair: it must needs therefore be shamefull to part with it for that which it is a Shame for Man to wear; viz. Women’s long hair. (2) Women’s hair, when on their own heads, is a token of Subjection: How comes it to cease to be a token of Subjection, when Men wear it? It was made for a token of Subjection in the Wearer; and is no more a token of Superiority in Men: than wearing the Breeches is a token of Subjection in Women. 1 Cor. 11. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, etc. (3) To be beholden to another without Cause, is ignominious in a high degree: for the Borrower is Servant to the Lender, at least in some degree. It was an abatement of Solomon’s Glory, that it was not genuine, and connatural, as the Lilies Glory was. Sin exposed Men to this Shame and Misery, to be beholden to some of the Creatures for Clothing and Covering. But in the case of Hair, there is no such need; seeing God and Nature provided for every man hair of his own. In cases of extraordinary Casualty, when the head is left bare, other supply may be made by Perriwigs made of the hair of other Creatures. There is no need to rob Peter, to pay Paul, and to make one bald, that ought to be covered; that another may be covered, that might be conveniently covered some other way. (4) For a man to pray coverd, is absurd and shamefull, and dishonours Christ. But so doe Men when Perriwigd. For the Woman’s hair is given for a Covering; and is so to whomsoever wears it in that Length and Abundance, that is usual in Perriwigs: and consequently, such dishonor Christ. 1 Cor. 11. 4. (5) It is a foolish Exchange, to exchange the Living for the dead. In this case, as well as in others, A living dog is better than a dead Lion. A mean head of Hair living, sweet, lively-colourd and brisk through its constant derivation of its natural juice from the Soil where it first sprung up, is to be preferd before the most flourishing Perriwigg, that is lopt off from the root, and derives no more vital Sap: but is always withering and decaying, and needs artificial Oyle and Perfumes, to keep it from Putrefaction. (6) A good man would set the more Price upon his own natural Hair because Christ said, The Hairs of your head are all numbred. Mat. 10. 30. And that an hair of their head shall not perish. Luke, 21. 18. That God will have the same Regard to beggd, or borrowd, or bought Perriwigd hair; we have no Security. When the 3 Children were cast into the fire, not an hair of their head was singed: if they had wore Perriwigs, it had been well if they had escaped so. If Samson had thought to have thatched his shaven crown, and mended his broken Vow with a Perriwigg of Delilah’s Hair; though it might have been longer than it was before, and much longer than it was grown to at the time he made the Philistines Sport: I question whether he had had such an extraordinary Assistance, as he had when he pulld down the house on the Philistines heads. If the Baldness of Elisha’s head had come by a voluntary shaving of his head, to make room for a Perriwigg made of Womens Hair: the children that laughd at his bald head, might, for ought that I know, have done well enough for all the Bear’s. For it had been a ridiculous thing for the old Prophet to have voluntarily laid aside his gray hairs, for to make way for a more florid appearance in a borrowed Dress in some foolish youthfull Woman’s hair. (7) There is manifest Pride, Levity, Vanity, Affectation in Perriwigs. For they are not made in imitation of Mens Hair, as it naturally groweth. Whereas Art should imitate Nature, where it pretends to mend the accidental defects, or decays of Nature. Let all the World judge, whose perriwigg Locks dont hang in their Eyes, whether the Perriwigg part of Mankind, as to Hair, look like them that go in their own Hair. Whereas the Perriwigs might as easily be made to imitate the honest guise of those Christians that wear their own Hair; if men desired to have them so: and would be less offensive than they are now. (8) It will not be an easy thing to account with God for so much needless Cost and Expence as is now laid out on Perriwigs. And much more would the Expence be, if the Fashion should prevail among the Generality. Alass, that men should be so prodigal and profuse this way, in an Age so barren and fruitless as to good Works: and when they are so much needed for the maintaining the Government in Order and Honor, and for building Forts, and maintaining Souldiers to defend the Plantation against the Enemys that will take off the Scalp, both Skin and Hair, if we fall into their hands. They that do little or nothing for relieving the Poor; and are backward in maintaining the Worship of God, and make Poverty their Excuse; and yet might bate all the Cost of Perriwigs, as well as the paring of their Nails: Will be found ill Stewards of the Estates which God hath given them. (9) If all the foregoing Arguments prove no more than that there is an Appearance of Evil in it; yet that is enough to prove that Perriwigs of Womens hair should not be worn by Christian Men: seeing Christians are required to abstain from all Appearance of Evil. Neither should we for so small a Temptation, run the Venture of living in a Course of Sin; and of being Exemplary to others in what is Doubtfull, and, very many good Men think, sinfull: and are offended and grieved at the Sight of Christians that have Faces like Men; and Hair like the Hair of Women: and are especially grieved, when they see Magistrates and Ministers, that are in Reputation for Wisdom, Honor and Office; and ought to be Examples to others in what is Good, are, in their Opinion, become Examples in what is Evil.


    Transcribed out of the original Manuscript of the Reverd. Mr. Nicholas Noyes, written with his own Hand. January 15th, 1702–03.

    S. S.

    Mr. Albert Matthews exhibited a Journal kept by-Edward Goddard in 1726, and communicated the following paper, prepared by Mr. Brewer Goddard Whitmore, the owner of the manuscript and a descendant of the writer of the Journal:


    The controversy between the General Court and the Governor, in Massachusetts — particularly keen after the arrival of Governor Shute in 1716 — was by no means excluded from the realm of military affairs.264 Thus the attempts on the part of either arm of the government adequately to meet the recurrent depredations of the Eastern Indians proved nugatory until the abrupt departure of Shute for England in 1722,265 the complete success of a surprise attack upon the Jesuit Rale at Norridgewock in 1724, and the disaster which overtook the Lovewell scalping expedition at Pigwacket the year following, brought about a cessation of hostilities by something like common consent. It fell to the lot of William Dummer, the acting governor, to frame a treaty with four delegates of the Indians at Boston toward the end of 1725 and to arrange for a formal ratification at Falmouth during the summer of 1726.266 The General Court saw to it, however, that the Lieutenant-Governor and the quorum267 of his Council should be accompanied “to the eastward” by their own Clerk serving as temporary Clerk of the Council, and by a sort of committee of safety, composed of ten carefully chosen Representatives.268

    Of these, Edward Goddard, whose journal for the period of his attendance at the ratification of the treaty follows, was not the least notable. Born at Watertown on March 24, 1675 — the son of William Goddard, citizen and grocer of London, who, being reduced in circumstances by losses at sea, came with his wife and three children to New England in 1666 — Edward suffered the loss of his parents when he was scarce sixteen. He modestly rates both his portion and his capacities for shifting in the world as small, but some ingenuity in the use of the pen and “something of a faculty and inclination about teaching youth” kept him always from “pinching wants.”269 In June, 1697, he married Susannah Stone, daughter of Simon Stone of Watertown and sister of the Rev. Nathaniel Stone of Harwich,270 and about 1708 moved to Boston, where he purchased “for about 30 pounds 3 rights in Hains’ farms, so called.” After six years, however, he removed to Framingham, — partly because he was able to sell his acquired rights at a profit; partly because three children born to him at Boston had died in infancy and he perceived the fourth “to be seized with the same inward languishment.” Thereafter such honors as his townsmen could bestow came fast upon him. Selectman and town clerk for many years; lieutenant and then captain of a troop;271 Representative to the General Court from 1724 to 1733; member of the Council for the next three years; — he spent his strength and substance freely, in exacting — if narrow — public service. The inexorable, consistent grimness of the provincial Calvinist seems to have been his in full measure. He suffers no touch of humor or of vagrant fancy to shade the clear outlines of his daily exposition; the least robust of his sons he gives to Harvard and the church; he fills notebooks with minute abridgments of Sir Walter Raleigh’s History of the World and Hoadly’s Vindication of the Ancient Prophets; he glories in theological controversy, and splits the church at Framingham upon the flinty reefs of doctrinal decrees. The “great sickness” of 1754 took heavy toll from certain definite sections of the town. Edward Goddard survived by scarce a fortnight the son272 whom he had given to the church; his wife, by some five days.

    Other contemporary accounts of the ratification are to be found in the Journals of the Rev. Thomas Smith,273 and in the Collections of the Maine Historical Society.274 The Massachusetts House Journals and the contemporary newspapers should also be consulted.

    Journal of Edward Goddard, 1726275

    Memorandum 1726

    July 8th Left my family in health276 & Sett out for Boston in order to wait upon his honr the Lieut Governr, at the ratification of the Articles of Peace with the Eastern Indians at Falmouth in Cascoe Bay, remaind at Boston from Saturday July 9th till Thursday July 14.

    14th Between the hours of 9. & 10. A.M. Set Sail from the long wharf in Boston. Three Sloops Employed in that Affair vizt the Commodore Sloop Susannah Capt John Robinson Commander, having on Board his Honr the Lieut Governr277 with five of his Majesties Council, & a Number of Gentlem̄. which together with Waiters & the Sloops-Gang made up in all 56. persons. Sloop Dragon Capt Richard Langdon— Commander, with Ten of the House, & a Number of Gentlem, which together with Waiters & Sloop Gang made up in all 41. persons Sloop Merry Meeting Capt Sanders278 Commdr wth Officers Souldiers & Sloops-gang in all about 65 persons. The Lt Governr giving the Signal by firing a Gun 20 Min. past 10 The Castle Saluted with Eleven Guns, the Comodore fired 5. guns the Dragon 7. & the Castle 3. more, We then stood away, Wind N.E. small gale, came to anchor in Nantasket Road at 4 pm.

    15. Friday between 4 & 5. AM. the Comodore giving the Signal We came to Sail, Wind at North, a smal Gale, Course E N E. at 6. came up with the light house,279 At 10. were becalmd abt 2 Leagues below the Brewsters till between 5 & 6. p m, then Stood about North for Cape Anne Wind abt West, Small Gale. About Midnight We doubled the Cape & had a good gale of Wind at West, Stood N E. & by N. this day many of our Compa sick.

    16. Saturday, 4 a Clock A M. the wind slackend At 8. We made Aggamentus hill280 about 5 Leā North from Piscataqua,281 at abt 11. Cape Elsabeth, at 4. p.m. were up with Wood Island282 near Winter harbour283 (sd Island bearing from us W N W.) between 6. & 7. doubled the Cape & at 9. came to Anchor about 2 Mile from the Town of Falmouth

    17. Sabbath day, at 6. A M We weighed Anchor, Towed up to the Harbour where we Arrived at 7. Govr Wentworth284 Saluted with 5 Guns, ours returnd 5 Guns each, in all 15. & 3. after from the Shore which we Went on Shore, Under discharge of all the Artillery Viz. the Commodore 10 Dragon 10. Merry Meeting 5. the Piscatqua Brigg 3. & 3 from the Shore, Went to Meeting at 11. The Massathusett Compa in Arms Lead, & the Piscataqua Men (being 12 in Number) brot up the Rear. Mr Shurtliff285 preached in the forenoon from Jer. 2. 19. & Mr Fitch286 in the afternoon from Psal. 47. 7. After the Exercise in each part of the day we returnd to Our Sloop.

    18. Monday AM. went to Town, Viewed Some part of it (the Scittuation Very pleasant & Commodious) abt noon returnd to our Sloop PM. Writt home. Enclosed to Mr Hubbard287

    19. Tuesday. AM. went to Town, Viewed the Northerly part of it, (the Land there very fruitful & good) This day his Honr went to Papuduck288 (abt a Mile from the Town) at 3. PM. The Vessels Saluted him with 15. Guns, at his going off & 15 more at his return. I returnd to the Sloop abt noon & continued on Board the afternoon & Wrote home, Directing to Capt John Alden289 for Conveyance.

    20. Wednesday AM. went to Town Viewed the Sy part, (the land good & Sittuation pleasant) this day Govr Wentworth & Gentlem. of Piscataqua, with the Gent of ye House With the Chaplains & Sundry other Gentlem̄ Dined with his Honour the Lieut Governor in the parade of Majr Moody’s Garrison290 Under the Aynings of the Susanna & Dragon After Dinner the Kings health began at which (a Signal being given) the Vessells in the Harbour fired Round, After followed the Prince & princess’s health,291 then the Lt Govrs Health & prosperity to each Government. In all 72 Guns were fired.

    21. Thursday, I went to the Town in the Morning (& after a Short Vissit made to one of Our Company Sick on Shore292) returned to our Sloop, about 4 pm. Wind SE it begain to rain blew hard & continued raining the greatest part of the Night: N.B. abt 2 p m Coller293 (who had before our Arrival been sent in a Schooner to St Georges) Arrived here with a Letter to his Honr from Wenemuit Chief Sagamore of the Penobscut Tribe.

    22. Fryday. I went to Town in the Morning Vissited the Same Sick person; returnd to our Sloop to Breakfast, His Honr the Lieut Governr was pleased to Communicate to the Members of the House (here present) by the hands of Mr Wainwright294 the Letter of Wenemuit dated July 19. Wherein the Sd Sagamore Insists upon it to have his Honr meet the Indians at Pemaquid, Alledging that ’twas a busy time with them. And that their Fathers could not come so far as Casco Also the Copy of a Letter Signed by his Honr & by Governour Wentworth & Majr Mascareen295 Dated July 21. purporting That their Honrs expect the Indians do attend them at Falmouth According to Articles Stipulated at Boston, promising them Safe Conduct, & Allowing them three days after Capt Sanders s Arrival at St Georges (who Set Sail this day with their. Honrs Letter) to prepare & come as many as can in Sanders if they See cause

    23. Saturday I went on Shoar, Vissited Mr Shove,296 returnd at noon to the Sloop, writt home Directed to Mr Swift297 About 11. A M. 3 Indians Vizt Avexis298 Guillaum & Martin,299 came from St Georges in a Birch Canoe. This day his Honr the Lieut Governr, being Invited to Dine with Governr Wentworth & the Other Gentlemen of New Hampshire the Briggateen in which those Gentlemen Arrived here fired four Rounds in All 20. Guns.

    24. Sabbath day, Most of our Company Stayd on Board the Sloop,Mr Robinson300 preach’d to us in the forenoon from 49 Psal. 8. Sung. 49 ps. 10 v.

    49 Psal 8. The Redemption of the Soul &c301 Doct. that all the things of this world are not sufficient to redeem a Soul from death.302

    1) Prep. The Imortal Souls of men Are Subject to Spiritual Death. 1) the Souls of men Are Imortal 2) they are capable notwithstanding of a spiritual death. 1)x. & this is evident 1) from their uncompounded nature 2) from the Universal consent of Nations 3) from those everlasting habits which are Inherent in them, 4) in that it does not Depend upon the Body for its being & Existence

    2) Prep. That all the world cannot redeem the soul from Death. this truth Evinced

    1) That in Order to a Souls redemption it is absolutely necessary that all the sins of a man Should be pardoned 2) In order to a Souls redemption a Satisfactory ransome must be given to God for it. 3) In order to a Souls redemption the Wounds which the souls of men have received by sin must be cured.

    1) Nothing less than the blood of Jesus Christ can heal the wounds of our Souls 2) the sanctifying Graces of the Spirit of God are necessary to the healing of the wounded souls of men.

    Mr Pemberton Preach’d303 with us in the Afternoon from 10 Acts 42. Sung 2 first Staves of 50 ps.304 Sung 4 last v of the 2d ps. Some that came on Board us after Meeting informed us that 27 Children were Baptized this day at Falmouth by Nr Fitch; & one at Papudduck by Mr White305

    After Meeting P.M. Mr Wainwright came Aboard & Acquainted the Gentlemen of the House that his Honr Sent his servise to ’em & Directed him to Communicate to ’em the conference had with the 3. Indians Yesterday, The Substance where of was A Mutual Compliment & an Acco from the Indians that the Occasion of their, comeing was to know Whether his Honr had recd the Letter Sent from their Sachem.306 Mr Wainwright further Informed us that his Honr designed to Sail up the Bay to Morrow abt 8. a clock in the Morning & that he desired Our Company in the Sloop Dragon & in the Evening

    as We Sat in the Cabbin came a fowl

    ’twas thought portentous ’cause it was an Owl

    Ill Omens I ’le not fear but this I ’le Mind

    To have a care of ranking with that Kind

    25. Monday. The Comodore giving the Signal by firing a Gun We came to Sail with the Gentlemen of New Hamp-Shire at abt 8. Morn; We saild within ye Islands of Cascoe Bay Northward of great Shebeag307 & ¼ after 2 P M came up wth Small point bearing abt N. from us, At 3 We came up With Sugadahock Isld308 Near to this Island is a Large rock at the Mouth of the River from Whence this River takes its name. at 5. we came up with Capt Penhallows309 Garrison On Arrowsick Island,310 who saluted the Commodore with 5. Guns (the Commodore returned one) & Saluted our Sloop with 2 (we returned one) and then they Saluted the Newhampshire Briga with 4. Guns, who returned one. George Town on Arrowsick Island is Said to be About 7 Miles from the Mouth of the River.311 The Commodore abt ½ hour after 6. & abt 3 Miles up the river (which is but abt 40 Rods Wide in Some places, thô very deep) run foul of us, And afterwards ran Aground but got off Again In Sailing up the River We had a Stiff gale & many flaws coming off the Shore which made it difficult geting up. Abt 7. P.m We came to Anchor in the river called Kenebeck (Als Sagadehock) abt 2 & ½ Miles Above Penhallo’s Garrison, & directly Opposite to Colo Minots Farm,312 NB. That from the entrance of the River to the place where we came to Anchor I Saw little or no good Land thô it Appeared after that ye Land above is good but Great Mountains of Rocks on both Sides the River

    26. Tuesday. Between 4 & 5. A M. I Went above deck where I Saw the Barge & 3 Whale Boats go off from the Commodore up the River in which were (as we afterward heard) his Honr with diverse other Gentlemen of this & the New hampshire Governmts here we continued at Anchor all the rest of the day they went to Richmond & Fort Geo: at Brunswick

    27. Wednesday, We were grievously Afflicted with Musketoes the night past, few of us had any qviet rest, abt 3. Morn, it began to rain, abt Noon the Boats returnd The Coxen of the Sloop Susanna came on Board our Sloop, told us that his Honour Sent him to Inquire how the Representatives did & said that his honour expected to have had our Company to Richmond, to which We replied that we had no knowledge of his Honra going until he was gone, & that we had no Boats to go in, That We Should have been glad to have had the Birth of Some of the Young Gentlemen (Cadees)313 in Accompanying his honr if We had been thought Worthy of it — Presented our duty to his honr The Coxen returnd, & then the Boats Saild towards Arrowsick Immediately. Abt 1. P.M. the Sloops Susannah & Dragon came to Sail Abt 3. came to Anchor Against Penhallows Garrison At Arrowsick. His Honr Sent to Invite the Representatives Ashoar, the Sloops and Garrison Mutually Saluted each other by the discharge of their Guns. The Representatives went Ashoar were Saluted from ye Garison & paid their respects to his honour & the Gentlemen & some of em signifying that they were very desirous to have Seen more of ye Eastern Countrey It was proposed that if they would Still go the Whaleboats (with hands) Should wait on em to Richmond & Brunswick & so to Cascoe, & soon after Sun Set we returnd to our Sloop, in the evening Capt Heath314 came on Board with Message from his Honr that if any of the Representatives would go to Brunswick the Boats Should Wait upon them, Whereupon Some of em concluded to go.

    28. Thursday, abt 5. Morn. 6. of the House Vizt Timo Lynda Richd Kent John Quincey & Edward Arnold Esqrs & Majr Chandler & Capt Wells315 With some other Gentlem̄. Set Sail in 3 boats (the Number of men in all 36.) for Brunswick between 9 & 10 A. M. our Sloops with the Hampshi Brigga Set off from Arrowsick for Cascoe bay. the Comodore came to Sail ½ past 9. & abt the Same time the Guns were heard at Richmond, and the Comodore giving the Signal by firing one Gun the Garrison Saluted with five & the Comodore returnd 3. & then the Garrison fired 3 more, & we came All to Sail. At 11 A Signal was made by 2 Indians at the Southermost end of Arrowsick in a Conoe by fireing Several guns, Our Vessels brought to, till the Indians came Aboard the Comodore & till we came to Atkinsons Bay316 4 Miles from Arrowsick & then made Sail Wind abt S W Course S.: from Pehallows to Segwin is abt 5 or 6 Miles the Island Segwin lies S from the Rivers Mouth abt a Mile, At ½ past noon came up with us Capt Sanders Sloop Merry Meeting from St Georges, having Several Indians On Board him: Small point Damaris Cove,317 Segwin Sagadahoc rock318 abt 1. P M. he came up with the Comodore & Saluted with three guns, the Comodore returned 3. & then Sanders fired one More: abt 24. Indians came with Sanders Wenemuit being one of them from Falmouth to Arrowsick is abt 12. or 13 Leagues.

    29. Fryday. this Morning about 2 a clock Our Sloop Anchord in the Channel over against Portland319 in sight of Falmouth houses, parting with the Comodore in the night we found Sanders & the Brigga in ye Morning at Anchor near us, but the Commodore behind We turnd up the Channel Way to Meet her She coming thrô Hussey’s Sound,320 & Met at ½ hour past 9. fell into a Line & Saild up to Town, then the Hampshire Brigga Sal ed his Honr with 5 Guns, the Commodore returnd 5. Hampshire 1. We Saluted with 5. Capt Sanders with 5 more, Majr Moody’s Garrison with 3. Capt Collars with 3. Then his Honr went on Shoar, the Comodore firing 7. Our Sloop 7. Hampshire 5 & Sanders 5. Guns, his honr was recd by the Compa in Arms & Moody’s Garrison fird 2 Guns.

    P.M. We Went Ashore, paid our respects to his honr & the Gentlemen, returnd at night to our Sloop, abt 12 or 1. At night the Gentlemen that went to Richmond & Brunswick in the Whaleboats Arrived Safe to our Sloop

    30. Saturday. P.M. Mr Wainwright came on Board our Sloop with Message That his Honr had Appointed a conference to be had with the Indians at 3. a clock & desired the Gentlemen of the House might be present, the Representatives went Ashoar accordingly, soon after came 7. Canoos of Indians from an Island where they had lodg’d the last night called hog Island321 & then his honr the Council & Representatives together with the Indians Marchd to the Meetinghouse Attended by the New hampshire Gentlemen & under the guard of the Company of Caddees & Winslows Company322 & three Interpreters Vizt Jordan323 Gil[es]324 & Bean325 Being Sworn the Treaty began, the Number of Indians then present was 17. All of the Penobscut Tribe as they themselves declared Among whom were Wenemuit their Chief. After the conference was ended We drank the Kings Health his honr & the other Gentlemen returnd in the Same Order to Major Moody’s Garrison. & then the Representatives returnd to their Sloop. NB. his honr Appointed a further conference to be had with the Indians on Monday Next, when the Signal Shd be given

    31. Sabbath day, Wee Agreed to keep the day in our Sloop. The Revd Mr Robinson Our Chaplain preached to us both parts of the day. A.M. Sung part of the 49 psal. 2 last staves. Text 49 Psal. 8.326 P.M. Sung part of 90. 2 first staves Text: 2 Cor. 4. ult.327 Sung. Last part 119 ps first Meeter. After Meeting a Message was brought that his honr Invited the Gentlemen of the house to Dine with him On Monday Next

    August 1. Monday. We Dined with his honr the Entertainment was in the parade of Majr Moody’s Garrison under the 2 Aynings. This being King Georges Accession day the Vessells in the Harbour were Dressed in Colours, A Flagg at the Garrison & 2 Ensigns on Capt Collars house, his Majesties health was drank the Vessells in the Harbour fired 2 Rounds, ye Garrisons also fired.

    P.M the Commodore giving the Signall 29. Indians came on Shoar from hogg Island the place of their Encampmt in their birch Canoes & were Conducted up to Moody’s Garrison & Seated at a long table by the Side of ours After drinking the Kings health both English & Indians Marcht to the Meetinghouse & had a conference. At night a large Bonfire was made on the Hill where Capt Silvanus Davis’s fort328 formerly Stood Tuesday. I kept on Board being Indisposed for Want of Sleep the last night. All the rest of the Gentlemen Went on Shoar, a conference was had with the Indians in the forenoon. P M. The Gentleman who were of the Committee for claims went a shoar ye rest Staid in the Sloop. this Evening I went over with Colo Kent to his lodging at Papooduck And lodg’d with him at Sawyers, where I rested well.

    3. Wednesday, a Conference was had with the Indians twice this day. his honour & the Council having drawn up in writing to be proposed to the Indians, such a Clause as Seemed to some of the Gentlemen of the house (who had Seen it last night) to lead to a Separate ratification with the penobscut tribe only, and it being Intimated to us by one of the Council that If any matters relating to the treaty were contrary to our Minds Yet it must be Understood to be Agreeable to us if we were wholly Silent, Several of the house not having Seen that Paper, were desirous to see it, & accordingly proposed their desire to his honr who sent the paper by Mr Wainwright, But in a few Minuits we were called upon to Move to the hearing, so had no time to debate or Consider what was proper for us to Say in that Matter, which filld my mind with perplexities which I can’t Yet get over, And nothing Else but the consideration yt my Brethren of the house have not the Same thought in that matter could Induce me to be an Auditor or Spectator in the further prosecution of the Treaty Unless I had some Assurance of being reputed hereafter (as well as at present Only a Spectator, however in Submission to ye wiser Judgments of my Brethren, I Attended the latter conference, & shall from the same principle Endeavour to Attend for the future. This evening I went Over to Papooduck Side Again, & had a comfortable Lodging with Colo Kent at his qvarters.

    4) Thursday. This Morning Appeared a very bright & large Sun dog, on the Southerly Side of the Sun soon after its rising.

    The Committee of the claims were Employed the forenoon in Acquainting the Indians with the English Deeds & titles, We dined at Capt Collers with the Council

    P M. a conference was had Again at the Meetinghouse wherein the Govr Assured the Indians of the Justice of the Governmt respecting their Titles & that they Should have the Same priviledges with his Majes English Subjects in Impartial Trials thereon, with which they Seemed to be very well pleased, A ratification was Agreed upon with that Tribe to be Attended to morrow. This Evening I returnd to our Sloop, & Lodged there this night: NB. ye Indns Engaged for ye Other Tribes so that if they continued in Hostilities their Young men should329

    5. Fryday. The affair of the Ratification with the Penobscuts for themselves & as Delegates &c was Attended at the Meeting house, the Articles Agreed on at Boston read & Interpreted to the Indians & Assented to by them Article by Article with wch They Seemd well Satisfied, & then they all Signed the Same (Excepting the four that Signed at Boston Vizt Loron330 Fransaixway Magaunmbe331 & Arixis [)] they also Signed that made at Nova Scotia or L’accadie, Many of the Gentlemen preSent Signing as Witnesses, this business took up the time from 11. to 3. then We Went to Majr Moody’s & both English & Indians Dined Under the Aynings in the Parade of the Garrison. After Dinner the Kings health was Drank as also the Prince & Princess & prosperity to the Affair before us, At each, the Garrison & vessels in the Harbour fired round, We went again to the Meetinghouse & then the Indians Signd a Duplicate of the Treaty, then brake up & the Indians went of to their Island abt a League of & fired 3 Volleys At their Arrival & made a Large Bonfire, the Number that Came Ashoar this day was 38 Including 4 Sqvaws & 3 Papooses, abt 9 a clock we returnd to our Sloop

    6. Saturday, abt 10. AM came Ashoar 12 Canoos with 44 Indians (Including Sqs & Papooses) Abt 11. I with some others went Ashoar to hear what might be further Agre[ed] Upon relating to the Peace particlarly as to the Exchange of Captives, but nothing being said in public, abt 1. P. M. We returnd & Dined in our Sloop. After Dinner Drank the Kings health upon which our Sloop fired 7 Guns then the continuance of the peace & fired 7 more, then the New hampshire Brigga fired 5 (Some of their Gentlemen being at Dinner with us) & we returnd 7. then the Comodore & Majr Moody’s Garrison fired Round, & the Gentlemen of the House all (except Mr Lyndall & my Self) Sett off in the Boat & at their setting off we fired Round. I Continued On board this afternoon to write for Mr Robinson, when the Gentlemen came Ashoar they were Saluted 3 Guns from Moody’s, 5 from the Com̄odore 5 from the Piscataqva Brigga 5 from the Merry Meeting & 3 from Coller’s, Then his Honr proceeded to the Meeting house & Together with Govr Wentworth Signed on their parts the ratification to the Indians & then his honr gave presents to them Vizt to the 5 principals332 each a Medall & a red Blanket a shirt and a white blanket to each of ye other Indians to 2 of the Young Indians who went on messages to to Canada each a Gun.333 And then the Indians made a Dance at the place where the Old fort334 stood The Soldiers fired 3 Volleys, & Some English Gentlemen Danced with them, this Dance continued till dark.

    7. Sabbath day. We kept our Sloop & Mr Robinson Preach’d both parts of the day. About ½ past 5. p M. the Piscataqva Brigga came to Sail with Govr Wentworth & the other Gent On board, & at their going off they fired 5 Guns. Majr Moody 3. Coller 2. the Comodore 7. & the Brigg. 5. more, the Indians fired many Small Arms & the Brigga Saluted them with 3 Guns. this Evening Mr Lindall & Colo Kent went home by his Honr permission

    ꝑ Mr Robinson on Board the Sloop Dragon in Falmouth Harbour.

    Sang part 90 ps. 13 to ye end of 16.335 Sung 13th part 119 ps. 1 meetre.

    Memd August 9. 1726. having harbourd an Opinion that inasmuch as none but the Penobscutt Tribe Appeard to ratifie the Articles of peace, a Bare declaration in writing Sygnifying that they had faild in the Articles, yet that the Governmt wld continue the Trade so long as the Indians continued peaceable, would have more effectually answered all the Ends of the Treaty than all the Tedious & expensive Measures which have detaind us Since their coming, My thoughts have bin disturb’d & uneasy about our Staying, & nothing but the consideration that wise Providence has devolv’d the care on wiser heads than mine could qviet me 8th Monday, this day I spent with Mr Robinson over at Town in drawing a rough draft for a Lease of his farm. The Comee for claims were Sent for Ashoar, but nothing was done wherein they were concerned, none of the Indians went Ashoar (it being Wet Weather) except one Cannooe which came for Stores

    9 Tuesday. Spent the day in writing and finishing Mr Robinson’s Leases which were very large, & recd 5/ for the Counterpart, of Ingersell336 & Blackstone, all the Representatives except Mr Phillips337 & I went Ashoar, Attended the Conference with the Indians 1) abt the Methods to be taken by them to bring the other Tribes in to ratifie the peace 2) about the bringing in the Captives, in both which respects the Indians promised to do what they could, but withall Said that they had none of our Captives in their own hands.

    10. Wednesday. A M. We Went Ashoar, abt 11 a clock the Signall being given the Indians came Ashoar, no conference was had till afternoon As We were returning to our Sloop to Dine Mr Wainwright came to us, with A Vote of Council which he told us his honr the Lieut Governr had directed him to acqvaint us with By which Vote the Council (Unanimously) Advised That all the Indian Captives in the hands of the English Should be delivered up, With out Inserting any proviso on behalf of the English Captives in the hands either of the French or of the other Tribes of Indians, Whereupon after Dinner We drew up & Signed the following Remonstrance Vizt

    Falmouth Augst 10.1726.

    May it Please Yor Honr

    Althô as to Some former Papers (Shewn) relating to the ratification We have thought it our duty to be Silent, having no Opportunity or time for due consideration, Yet Where as a Vote of Council has been this day Shewn to us respecting the delivery of all the Captives now in English hands, some of whom can’t be obtaind otherwise than by purchase, Wee Account it our Duty humbly to Signifie to Yor Honr That as We our selves are dissatisfied therewith, So We Shall not be Able to recommend it to the General Assembly of the Province to Grant Money for their redemption, Unless the Indians be effectually Oblig’d to purchase & bring in, at the same time such of our English Captives as have bin taken & Sold to the French as well as such as are in the hands of any of the Indians Included in the present Treaty.

    The abovesd Writing was Signed by Mr Cushing Majr Quincy, Mr Arnold, Capt Turner338 Mr Shove Major Chandler, Capt Wells & my self, & Sent in to his Honr by Mr Wainwright Clerk of the Council, Who soon after informd us that his Honr directed him to Acquaint us that the Council had been called together, & that the Question was put Whether they would reconsider their Vote, & It pass’d in the Negative Abt 3. P. M. We Attended his honr to the Meeting house Mr Jordan the Interpreter Rehearsed to the Indians All the conference to Saturday Last, the conferences had since (not being Transcribed) was referrd to be repeated to them tomorrow, this Evening being Invited to the Council’s Lodging We drank his honrs health, & abt 9 a clock returnd to our Sloop.

    11. Thursday. Went Ashoar abt 11. a clock the Signal being given the Indians came Ashoar abt 30. in all, nothing was done in the forenoon. P.M. the rest of the conference was repeated to the Indians, his honr Signed & delivd a Copy of the Conference to the Indians, at Sun abt half an hour high his honr &c returnd to Moody’s Garrison, the Indians went off in their Canoes to their Island. Cap’ Franklin339 in the Sloop George was Ordered to take them in with their Stores early in the Morning to transport them to Penobscut. The Soldiers fired 3 Volleys as the Canoes went off. This Evening at the Invitation of the Representatives, his honr Visited our Sloop. We drank the Kings health, fired 7 Guns. Abt 8 a clock his honr went off again & We fired 7. More.

    12. Fryday ½p. 9. AM. the Comodore gave the Signal for Sailing: at 10. his Honr In his Barge Sett off designing for Winter harbour, the Dragon Saluted wth 7 Guns as the barge passed by, the Merry Meeting Saluted him with 5 Guns more, the Comodore with 7. Capt Collar from the Shoar with 3. ¼. past 1. P.M. we came up with Portland point.340 Wind SS.West. the wind was Small and it being Tide flood we gott abreast with Cape Elizabeth about Sundown and we was about a League to the East of it the Wind at Southwest & by West. Our course S.W. We stood off & on all night, made Very small progresse

    13. Saturday, sometime in the night past (probably abt 12 Or 1. a clock) We doubled Cape Elsabeth, (from Falmouth Harbour to the head of this Cape is 3 Leagues) Abt 9. A.M. Wood Island bore from us W N W. this Island is abt 5 Leagues from Cape Elsabeth. and lies abt 1 & ½ Mile distant from Winter harbour Fort (or Fort Mary) from Wood Island to Cape Porpus or Arundel it is 2 Leagues: Abt ½ past 11. the wind freshened at N. E course S W & by W & we qvickly came in Sight of the fort & houses at Winter harbour or Biddiford & abt 2 pm came in fair view of the houses in Cape porpus, & abt ½ past 2. discovered the houses at Wells wch bears abt West from this Cape Abt ½ past 2 his honr came off to us in his Barge from Winter harbour, We Stood South till 4. Wind at East a Small gale & grown Sea looking much like a Storm We came abt & Stood for Cape Porpus & got Safe into that harbour at 5. this Harbour is very Safe from all Winds being made by Sundry rocky Islands.341 the Passage into it very Narrow this night was very Stormy

    14. Sabbath day. remaind in the harbour of Cape Porpus342 the former part of the day Mr Robinson preached in the forenoon

    ꝑ Mr Robinson, On board the Sloop Dragon, in Cape Porpus or Arundel harbour: Sung 2 & ½ Staves 2d pt of the 19. psalm. 13 Mat. 45. 46343

    P. M. abt ½ past 2 We came to Sail the Wind at East, fresh gale. We stood S & by W & S.S.W abt 7. We came up with Boon Island344 (abt 8 Leā, from Cape Porpus) the Wind grew more fresh, it raind hard till abt 9. We stood S & by W. all the night with a fresh gale & a tumbling Sea, Weather Cloudy & a great part of the night Foggy.

    15 Monday at 7. Morn, Cape Anne bore N N E at abt 5 leagues distance, Wind West & by N at abt 8 We made the Brewsters & light house We stood in upon a Wind W N W at ½ past 10. A. M. the Vessells being becalmd below the Brewsters his Honr sett of in the Barge with diverse of the Council, the Comodore fired 9. the Dragon 7 & Merry Meeting 3 Guns at their going of. abt 2 p M. We had a Small Gale at S E ¾ past 2. We heard 13 Guns at the Castle which was Supposed to be at his honrs Arrival in the Barge at the Castle. 42 Min. past 6. We passed by the Castle, the Commodore fired 9 Guns, the Castle returned 5 the Dragon fired 7 Guns, the Castle returned 3. the Sloop Merry meeting fired 5 Guns, the Castle returnd 1. & Immediatly after this the Boatswain of our Sloop (Andrew Andrews a Dutchman,345 & one who had behaved himself with very good Temper this the whole Voyage) going to Ram down a charge into one of the guns newly fired & not having been Spunged, the Gun went off & Shot off ye Thumb of his right hand. This Evening Abt 8 a clock We came to Anchor At the long Wharfe the Sloops & Some other Vessels in the harbour fired round Went Ashoar in the Boat, and Attended his honr into his house & then went to our respective quarters in Boston.

    16. Tuesday. Morn. My Son Simon346 coming to my qvarters I had the comfortable News of my family being in health, my Brother347 at Brooklin sent me an horse, & having brought my Cloaths A-Shoar I went in the afternoon to his house where I Lodged this Night

    17. Wednesday in the evening to got home to my family & had Opportunity to reflect on the goodness of God to me & mine in preserving our health for days.

    Engraved for The Colonial Society of Massachusetts from the original in the Harvard College Library

    Mr. William C. Lane exhibited two mathematical note-books, written out by students in Harvard College — one by Ephraim Eliot of the class of 1780, the other by Samuel Griffin of the class of 1784. Both books cover the same series of subjects, and show the course pursued by students at the time — Mensuration, Practical Geometry, Surveying, Dialling, Trigonometry, Mensuration of Heights and Distances, Plain Sailing and Spherical Geometry. Two water-color drawings from the book by Samuel Griffin, separately mounted and framed for better preservation, were also shown and are reproduced in the accompanying plates. Mr. Lane said:

    Griffin’s book is the more carefully written of the two, and contains throughout many water-color sketches illustrating the problems of surveying. Most of these are drawn from the imagination, though they doubtless contain many details from actual buildings. The spire of the meeting-house in Harvard Square, for example, is found more than once. There are several more elaborate drawings representing actual scenes — one a “northerly perspective view from a window in Massachusetts Hall,” another “a westerly perspective view of a part of the town of Cambridge,” besides a view of Christ Church and a plot of the Cambridge Common. The view from Massachusetts Hall shows the four houses facing on what is now known as Holmes Place, with one house in the distance behind them. The first of these houses — that on the corner of Massachusetts Avenue, where a later dwelling built by S. W. Pomeroy and now called the Gannett House stands at present, was long occupied by the Hastings family — from John Hastings who married the widow of the original grantee, John Meane, through his son Walter, who married John Meane’s daughter, Walter’s son Jonathan, a tanner, who also kept horses and let them to the students, and was known as “Yankee Jonathan” on account of his frequent use of the term, to Jonathan’s fourth son John, who died unmarried in 1797.

    The next house came in 1737 into the possession of Nathaniel Hancock, brother of the Rev. John Hancock of Lexington, the grandfather of the Governor. Here lived Nathaniel’s son, Belcher Hancock, who was a tutor in Harvard College from 1742 to 1767, and died unmarried in 1771; also, an older son, Solomon, who served in the French War and died at Lake George in 1766. In 1782 the house was bought by the Rev. Caleb Gannett (Harvard 1763). He was tutor in the College from 1773 to 1780, and steward from 1779 to 1818. He married for his second wife, in 1800, Ruth, daughter of President Ezra Stiles, and his son, Ezra Stiles Gannett, afterwards a distinguished Boston minister, was born here. The house was taken down to make room for the railroad station of the little branch of the Fitchburg Railroad which came in from Somerville at this spot. The station, after its discontinuance as such, was adapted to the use of the College commons in 1866, and served this purpose until Memorial Hall was built. A later view, taken about 1810,348 shows the house much improved by the addition of a front porch, and it is then called “the seat of Caleb Gannett, Esquire.”

    The third house on Holmes Place was built before 1717 by Joshua Gamage, a weaver. In 1749 it was bought by Moses Richardson, who lived here until the Revolution, when he was killed at the Battle of Lexington, April 19, 1775. He was a surveyor and housewright, and served as College carpenter, and had been with Wolfe at Quebec in 1759 with the rank of Captain. Later, Royal Morse,349 the Cambridge auctioneer, lived here for many years. The house was taken down in 1888 to make way for the Harvard Law School.

    The next house, just round the corner on Holmes Place, is best known as the Holmes House. A house stood here as early as 1642, when the land was the property of Nathaniel Sparhawk. The place was bought in 1737 by Jonathan Hastings on the corner, and by him sold in 1742 to his son Jonathan Hastings, who was Caleb Gannett’s predecessor as Steward of the College, 1750 to 1779, and an ardent patriot in the Revolution. His son, Walter Hastings, Harvard 1771, was a surgeon in the Continental Army. Another son, John, Harvard 1772, was a major in the Revolution, and married a daughter of Richard Dana. The house was General Ward’s head-quarters in 1775, and the view shows us just how the place must have looked when the little company of colonial soldiers set off for Bunker Hill on the night of the 16th of June, 1775. The eldest son, Jonathan, Harvard 1768, to whom the house passed on his father’s death in 1783, sold it in 1792 to Eliphalet Pearson, Hancock Professor of Hebrew, who lived here until 1806, when he gave up his connection with the College and moved to Andover. In 1807 the house was sold to Judge Oliver Wendell, a Fellow of Harvard from 1788 to 1812. The Rev. Abiel Holmes, minister of the First Church, married Judge Wendell’s daughter and lived here with his father-in-law. Here Oliver Wendell Holmes was born in 1809, and his brother John in 1812. After the death of their mother the house was bought by the College, and was occupied successively by William Everett, 1871–1877, and Professor James B. Thayer, 1878–1884.

    The Library has another sketch of these four houses, made by a classmate of Griffin’s — Joshua Green — which was given to the College by his grandson, Dr. Samuel A. Green of the Massachusetts Historical Society, and is reproduced in Dr. Green’s Ten Facsimile Reproductions Relating to Old Boston and Its Neighborhood. Joshua Green also made, as a college mathematical exercise, “A Plot of Cambridge Common with a view of the roads and a principal part of the buildings thereon,” which shows two of these houses and others at different points about the Common.

    The other view by Samuel Griffin shows the three College buildings — Hollis, Harvard, and Massachusetts Halls, the tower of Christ Church, the steeple of the meeting-house, and the Apthorp House on the other side of Massachusetts Avenue. Judging from the grouping of the buildings, the view must have been taken from about the present position of the Harvard Union, but is less carefully drawn, and there seems to be some confusion in the houses shown. Houses which must be on the other side of the street look as if they were on the College grounds, and the artist has not taken the trouble to show Braintree Street (the present Massachusetts Avenue) at all — a smooth green field with trees extending from the Apthorp House to Massachusetts Hall and the other College buildings.

    These two mathematical manuscripts are interesting from another point of view. They illustrate the scarcity of text-books during the Revolution. Ward’s Mathematics, or Young Mathematician’s Guide had been in use for fifty years or more, and apparently was the textbook employed under Professor John Winthrop. Perhaps with the coming of Samuel Williams, who was Hollis Professor from 1780 to 1788, Ward went out of use, but the scarcity of textbooks was a serious difficulty in 1778, as is shown by an interesting memorial of the Corporation, asking that books which had been “sequestered” from the stocks of Boston booksellers should be turned over to the College for the use of the students.

    The text of the memorial, which is under date of March 20, 1778, is as follows:

    The MEMORIAL of the Corporation of Harvard College to the Honble the Council & the House of Representatives in General Court assembled, humbly sheweth —

    That the Students of Harvard College have for a considerable time past found it impracticable to purchase a sufficient Number of Books in the several Branches of Science, for their stated Academical Exercises.

    To remedy this evil, the immediate Governors advertized in the public Papers their Desire, that any Persons in the State who had such Books to dispose of would send, or give information of them to the President, that a purchase might be made for the Benefit of the College. A small Number was procured, but far from adequate to the demand. The Governors & Students have also availed themselves, as far as possible, of the benevolence of Friends, in procuring the Loan of Books of such as would not sell them. Notwithstanding these measures have been prosecuted, a great deficiency yet remains, & is continually increasing; a number being annually carried from the Society by those who are graduated, & cannot be prevailed upon to part with them. It is much to be feared that the Cause of Literature must suffer in an high Degree, unless a Supply of Books can be obtain’d.

    Your Memorialists therefore, having been inform’d, that in the Libraries lately sequestred, particularly in the Collection heretofore under the Care of Messs Cox & Berry, is a large number of several kinds which are most wanted; & having from past experience of the Patronage afforded to that Society by the General Assembly of Massachusetts Bay, full confidence in your disposition to do the same, & advance the Cause of Literature, upon which the Welfare & Happiness of this & the united States in so great a Degree depends; beg of the Honble Court the indulgence of purchasing sd Books at such reasonable Prices as the Court shall determine, to remain as the Property of the College, & to be transmitted thro’ the Classes successively, until they shall be able to supply themselves. And your Memorialists shall ever Pray &c

    Signed SamL: Langdon, Presdt of Harvd Coll:

    in the Name of the Corporation.

    The Books which are the Object of the preceeding Memorial are Guthrie’s Geography — s’Gravesand’s Philosophy — Ferguson’s Astronomy — Barrow’s Euclid — Watts’ Logic — Locke on human Understanding—Burlemaqui on natural Law—Holmes’ Rhetoric—Lowth’s English Grammar — Caesar’s Commentaries — Horace — Terence — Sallust — Xenophon — Homer’s Iliad.350

    Engraved for The Colonial Society of Massachusetts from the original in the Harvard College Library

    In 1791 the Corporation took measures to supply the lack of a satisfactory mathematical text-book, and on December 9 voted that Professor Webber, who succeeded Professor Williams in 1788, be desired to compile one:

    4. Whereas a compilation of those branches of the Mathematics which are taught in the University would be very useful for the students — Voted, that Mr. Professor Webber be desired to select pieces from the best Mathematical Authors, making alterations and additions if he shall judge it expedient; and that Mr. Stephen Sewall be employed under his inspection to make out fair copies of fresh selections for the future disposal of the Corporation.351

    Mr. Matthews communicated the following —


    As no geneaology of the Wainwright family has been published, as the scattered accounts of various members contain many errors, and as Savage has made a mistake in regard to at least two, a brief account of certain members of the family before 1750 will prove useful.352 For convenience in reference, a number has been assigned to each.

    (1) Francis Wainwright of Ipswich, who died at Salem May 19, 1692, was twice married: (i) to Philippa, who was the mother of all his children and who died October 6, 1669; (ii) on April 17, 1672, to Hannah, who afterwards (in 1693) became the second wife of Daniel Epes (H. C. 1669). Francis and Philippa Wainwright had three sons: (2) John (1648–1708) of Ipswich; (3) Simon (1660–1708) of Haverhill; and (4) Francis (1664–1711; H. C. 1686) of Ipswich.

    (2) John Wainwright of Ipswich, son of (1) Francis (d. 1692) and Philippa Wainwright, was born about 1648; on March 10, 1674, married Elizabeth Norton, who later (November 19, 1713) became the second wife of Isaac Addington; and died August 3, 1708. He is sometimes mistakenly stated to have been the Colonel Wainwright who served in the expedition against Nova Scotia in 1707, but that Colonel Wainwright was his brother (4) Francis (H. C. 1686). John and Elizabeth (Norton) Wainwright had two sons:(5) Francis (d. 1722; H. C. 1707); and (6) John (1691–1739; H. C. 1709).

    (3) Simon Wainwright of Haverhill, son of (1) Francis (d. 1692) and Philippa Wainwright, was born November 20, 1660, and died August 29, 1708. He was thrice married: (i) on October 6, 1681, to Sarah Gilbert, who died April 18, 1688; (ii) on October 2, 1688, to Anne Peirce (Pierce), who died June 28, 1693; (iii) on August 7, 1700, to Mary Silver, widow of Thomas Silver. On August 29, 1708, Sewall wrote: “about 4 p.m. An Express brings the News, the doleful News, of the Surprise of Haverhill by 150. French and Indians. . . . Capt. Wainwright is slain;” and on August 31 Sewall noted that the Rev. Benjamin Rolfe (H. C. 1684), “his wife and Child, and Capt. Wainwright were buried in one Grave. Several Ministers were there [Haverhill].”353 Simon and Anne (Peirce) Wainwright had a son (7) John (1690–1721; H. C. 1711).

    (4) Francis Wainwright of Ipswich, son of (1) Francis (d. 1692) and Philippa Wainwright, was born August 25, 1664; graduated at Harvard College in 1686; on March 12, 1687, married Sarah Whipple, who died March 16, 1709; and died August 3, 1711, at which time he was about to marry Elizabeth Hirst.354 To the account of Francis Wainwright given by Sibley,355 only one addition is necessary. Sibley states that he was the Colonel Wainwright who served in the expedition against Nova Scotia in 1707. As already remarked, the same claim has been made for his brother (3) John (1648–1708). Oddly enough, both claims are supported by a reference to Hutchinson, who quotes a letter written by Colonel Wainwright on August 14, 1707.356 This, however, is not decisive, since Hutchinson fails to give the writer’s Christian name. The uncertainty is settled by an examination of the Massachusetts Archives, where will be found (a) a letter from Francis Wainwright to Dudley dated Casco, June 17, 1707;357 (b) a letter from Francis Wainwright dated “Port Royall Narrows,” August 25, 1707;358 and (c) a list, dated April 23, 1707, of “Commission Officers of the Land Forces on the Intended Expedition to Nova Scotia and L’Accadie,” wherein occurs the name of “Colonel Frā. Wainwright.”359 Francis and Sarah (Whipple) Wainwright had a son (8) John (1690–1708).

    (5) Francis Wainwright of Ipswich, son of (2) John (1648–1708) and Elizabeth (Norton) Wainwright, was born about 1689; graduated at Harvard College in 1707; on January 1, 1713, married Mary Dudley, daughter of Joseph Dudley; and died September 4, 1722. On that day Sewall wrote: “Mr. Francis Wainwright dies at his brother Winthrop’s, who now dwells at the South-end.”360 On April 7, 1730, his widow Mary married Joseph Atkins. Francis and Mary (Dudley) Wainwright had a son (9) John (1714–1736; H. C. 1734).

    (6) John Wainwright of Ipswich, son of (2) John (1648–1708) and Elizabeth (Norton) Wainwright, was born June 14, 1691; graduated at Harvard College in 1709; on February 11, 1724, married Christian Newton; and died September 1, 1739. This is the John Wainwright mentioned in Edward Goddard’s Journal.361 He was town clerk of Ipswich; colonel of a regiment of foot in Essex County; Representative from Ipswich from 1720 to 1730, and again in 1734, 1735, 1737, and 1738, clerk of the House from 1724 to 1728, and again from 1734 to 1739; and held other offices. In 1725 he was sent with John Stoddard (H. C. 1701) to treat with the Eastern Indians.362 The following notice appeared in the Boston News Letter of Thursday, September 6, 1739:

    Last Saturday Morning died at his. House in Ipswich, after a lingering Indisposition, John Wainwright, Esq; in the 48th Year of his Age: He has for many Years sustained several publick Stations of Honour and Trust, viz. A Member of the Hon. House of Representatives for the Town of Ipswich, Clerk of the said House, one of His Majesty’s Justices of the Inferiour Court of Common Pleas for the County of Essex, and Colonel of a Regiment of Foot in the said County: He was a Gentleman liberally Educated, of a quick and ready Invention, very condescending and obliging, and exceedingly well qualified for the discharge of his various Offices, and generally respected by those acquainted with him (p. 1/2).

    John and Christian (Newton) Wainwright had a son (10) John (1724–1764; H.C. 1742).

    (7) John Wainwright of Haverhill, son of (3) Simon (1656–1708) and Anne (Peirce) Wainwright, was born October 30, 1690; graduated at Harvard College in 1711; married Hannah Redford before 1713; and was “lost at sea” or “drowned” on October 4, 1721, “twixt Casco and Boston.” On Commencement Day in 1711 he “stood Convict of being in a Riot late” in the previous night, and would have lost his degree but for the intercession of Governor Dudley, General John Hill, and Admiral Sir Hovenden Walker.363

    (8) John Wainwright, son of (4) Francis (H. C. 1686) and Sarah (Whipple) Wainwright, was born January 7, 1690; entered Harvard College in the class of 1709; died an undergraduate September 25, 1708. On September 27 Sewall wrote: “I went to the Funeral of Mr. John Wainwright, son of Col. Francis Wainwright; He was a Senior Sophister, in the 18th year of his Age. What cause of humble Thankfulness have I, who liv’d 7 years of my Life at the College; had Leave to come away; and have liv’d 34. years since that! The Corps was set in the College Hall. Gentlewomen in the Library.”364

    (9) John Wainwright, son of (5) Francis (H. C. 1707) and Mary (Dudley) Wainwright, was born about 1714;365 graduated at Harvard College in 1734; and was drowned April 27, 1736. He apparently never married.

    (10) John Wainwright, son of (6) John (H. C. 1709) and Christian (Newton) Wainwright, was born December 8, 1724; graduated at Harvard College in 1742; on November 19, 1746, married Mary Eveleth, who died March 13, 1763; and died May 11, 1764. The Boston Post Boy of May 21 said: “Same Day [May 11] died in Ipswich, in an Apoplectic Fit, John Wainwright, A.M. aged 41 Years, Son of the late Col. Wainwright; He survived his Wife but a little above a Year, and has left Six Orphans, three Sons and three Daughters” (p. 311).