FEBRUARY MEETING, 1903.
A Stated Meeting of the Society was held at No. 25 Beacon Street, Boston, on Thursday, 26 February, 1903, at three o’clock in the afternoon. In the unavoidable absence of the President, Mr. Andrew McFarland Davis was called to the chair.
The Records of the last Stated Meeting were read and approved.
The Corresponding Secretary reported that letters had been received from Mr. John Noble, Jr., of Cambridge accepting Resident Membership and from the Rev. Dr. Williston Walker of New Haven, Connecticut, accepting Corresponding Membership.
On behalf of Mr. Denison R. Slade, Mr. Henry H. Edes communicated the following documents drawn from the papers of Richard Clarke, one of the consignees of the tea sent to Boston in November and December, 1773.
I.
RICHARD CLARKE 1 TO ISAAC WINSLOW CLARKE.
Boston, June 21st: 1762
Dear Isaac
As you are now about entring on a new scene of Life, I judge it may be serviceable to you to give you some advice as to your future conduct, which I hope you will receive as proceeding from a tender concern for your Welfare. In the first place I must entreat you will begin this new part of life with devoting yourself to the service of the Great God, from whom you have received all that you have, & on whom you entirely depend, for all Happiness, both in this world, & through an endless Eternity—A Stedfast desire & endeavour to approve your self to Him by a sincere obedience to his laws, is the true and only foundation of Happiness; & if you cultivate the fear and love of God in your heart, you ’le have the best principle for your guidance through the various scenes of your comeing life, and you may depend with chearfulness on His gracious protection & blessing—
I esteem it a great favour that I have been able to get you into Messrs: Bethune’s
I hope, my dear Child, that you will not only give the aforegoing a careful reading, but endeavour to fix these few Rules for your conduct, in your Mind. Be assured that I have the tenderest concern for your happiness, & shall always be ready to do all in my power to promote it—I commit you to the guidance & blessing of God through time & eternity—I am
Your affectionate Father
Richard Clakke
My Son Isaac Winslow Clarke
II.
MEMORANDUM FROM ABRAHAM DUPUIS AND COMPANY CONCERNING TEA SOLD TO RICHARD CLARKE AND SONS.
Whereas the East India Company, have come to a Determination of Sending out Teas on their own Accot. to America & have fixd on the House of Messrs Richard Clarke & Sons of Boston N E as one of Three Houses there by them Deputed to Sell their Teas under a Security Given here to ye said East India Company for ye Due Performance of ye Contract on ye Part & Behalf of ye said Richard Clarke & Sons which Contract Recites that ye Teas shall be at ye Risq of ye Said East India Company from ye time of their Being Shipped to that of their being Sold & that after ye Sales of them the Security is to be bound that within two Months the Said Richard Clarke & Sons shall Remit ye Amount of ye same to ye East India Company in Bills at 90 Days The Company in Consideration thereof allowing to ye Said Richard Clarke & Sons a Commission of Six ꝑ Ct on the Sales of their Teas as also Two ꝑ Ct for ye Risq of ye Exchange making in ye whole Eight ꝑ Ct—And whereas The Bills so by them to be remitted for payment of the Teas are to be Remitted to Abram. Dupuis & Co for their Negotiation as well as Payment of Bills Drawn on them by said Richard Clarke & Sons in favor of ye E: I: Company It is hereby Understood & agreed to that ye Said A D & Co shall make no Charge on said. R. C. & Sons neither for the Receiving ye: Bills so by them Remitted nor for Payment of such Bills Drawn on them in favor of ye Company
And whereas ye Said A D & Co have bound themselves to ye Said East India Company for ye Just & due Performance of all ye above on ye Part & Behalf of the said Richard Clarke & Sons It is hereby Agreed between the said R. Clarke & Sons & ye said A Dupuis & Co that for & in Consideration of Such Security &c. for this first Parcell of One Hundred Chests so Consignd by the East India Company to ye Said Richard Clarke & Sons that ye said A Dupuis & Co shall have & Receive as their Proportion of ye Allowance so made to them by ye E: I: Company Only One Third Part as also One Third Part of whatever Further Benefit may Accrue to ye said R Clarke & Sons either in Exchange or Damages of any Protested Bills that may happen to be protested thro’ ye Means of this Undertaking or any other Emolument Attending ye Same—But in Case ye E: I: Company should Continue to make any further Consignments to ye Said R Clarke & Sons ye Said A Dupuis & Co are to have One half Proportion of all ye Advantages as above in Lieu of One Third—& that as in this Case ye Security will in Coarse become so much ye larger on ye part of A D & Co ye said R Clarke & Sons are to Send over Sufficient Securities as a Counter Ballance to ye Securities so Given by A D & Co to the E: I: Company
AbraM. Dupuis & Co
NB This last part respecting ye further Division of the Allowance from ye Company &c not to be Valid till Confirmd by Messrs: Richard Clarke & Sons
III.
WILLIAM BROWNE TO RICHARD CLARKE.
Sr
Please to send me 2/4lb. Green Tea and 1lb. Souchon by the Bearer hereof and I’ll send or call and pay you for it the first Oppertunity
I am
Yr. hble Servt.
Wm Browne
Salem Nov. 8. 1773
Mr Bartlett
[Addressed]
To
Richd Clark Esq.
In Boston
[Filed]
Salem Nov 8th 1773
Collr Wm. Browne’s
IV.
PETITION TO THE GOVERNOR AND COUNCIL. 2
May it please your Excellency & this Honble board, we hope that on a consideration of the great injuries which we have received and the difficulties we are now under merely as we suppose on accot of our being appointed by the Honle E: I. Co. to sell their teas designed for this place, that your Excellency & Honors will grant us that protection, assistance and advices, wch we have implored and which is so needful for us in our present circumstances—The interest committed to our care is of great value; and we are as Merchants & honest men under every obligation, to do all in power to secure the same from every injury, & as far as we. shall judge it practicable; to follow the directions which we shall receive from our Constituents as we doubt not they will be legal & reasonable, but as we judge this will not be in our power to execute their orders; without exposing the Town to great confusion, & perhaps to many consequent mischiefs, and our constituents interest to danger we shall be willing & desirous to give our orders, under your Excellency & Honors protection & assistance to have the Teas on their arrival deposited in some safe place and there to remain on such conditions and during such a time as your Excellency, & Honors shall please to direct or advise for that end. And we beg leave to declare our readiness to indemnify the province and your Excellency & Honors from all charges & risques, that may be thought will arise from your Excellency & Honor’s giving your directions relative to sd affair.
by thise with ringing the Bells & other means a number of people were collected at Liberty Tree from thence they came to the Store of R. Clarke Esqr & Sons where we the supposed Factors were together a number came from among the people as a Committee into the Store & demanded that we shou’d promise not to receive the Teas nor pay any duty on them but immediately on their arrival reship them for Engd. in the same bottom, which upon our refusing to comply with they saying we must expect the weight of the people’s resentment left us return’d to the people soon after which the people before the door attacked the Store in a riotous manner & attempted to force their way into the room where we were but were prevented, by us & our Friends within & after repeated efforts of this sort they dispers’d On friday the 5. inst. the Inhabitants of this Town assembled at Faneuil Hall and passed several resolves relative to the Teas expected to be sent here by the H. E. I. C. two of which we beg leave particularly to lay before your E. & yr. H. Board.
We recd. the same day an attested Copy of the follg Vote of the Town Viz——& on the same day the follg answer was sent into the Town meetg., the next morning the Town being again assembled Mr. T. H.
From these circumstances Your Excellency & the Honble: Board must be sensible that our scituation is difficult And as we are not conscious in any one instance of havg: forfeited the esteem of our Fellow Citizens, much less the protection of Governmt: we flatter ourselves that it will be afforded to us upon this occasion & we trust that Your Excell: cy & Honors will at all times find in us a readiness to adopt any measures that are reasonable to restore peace to the Inhabitants always keeping in view our own honor & Justice to those who have committed their property to our trust
V.
CONSIGNEES OF THE TEA TO THE TOWN OF BOSTON. 1
In answer to the Message we have this day receiv’d from the Town we beg leave to say that we have not yet receiv’d any orders from the East India Compy. respecting the expected Teas, but we are now further acquainted that our Friends in England have enter’d into penal ingagemt. in our behalf, merely of a commercial nature, which puts it out of our power to comply with the request of the Town We are &c.
Boston Novr 18. 1773.
R. Clarke & Sons
B. Faneuil ju’r for Self & Jos. Winslow Esqr.
E. Hutchinson for my Brother & Self.
VI
RICHARD CLARKE TO JONATHAN AND ISAAC WINSLOW CLARKE
Boston Novr: 23d: 1773
My Dear Sons,
As I propose to be absent from Town a few days, I hereby give you full power to make whatever agreement you shall thinkfit, respecting the Teas, which we expect to he sent us from the East India Company, and promise to confirm whatever you shall do in this Affair whenever it may be required of me.
I am
Your Affectionate Father and faithful Friend
Richard Clarke
Messrs: Jonathan,
& Isaac Winslow Clarke
[Addressed]
To
Messrs. Jonathan & Isaac Winslow Clarke
Merchts.
In Boston
VII
RICHARD CLARKE TO ISAAC WINSLOW CLARKE.
Boston Aug. 9th 1774
Dear Isaac,
I judge from something I have heard, that it will be best, that our family remove to Town as soon as may be. I have not yet seen Mr. Lee,
Your affec. Father
Richard Clarke
P. S. We shall want the salt fish & perhaps many things, which I do not now recollect
Again on behalf of Mr. Slade, Mr. Edes communicated a printed handbill which has been preserved among the Clarke family papers. It is as follows:
Brethren, and Fellow Citizens!
YOU may depend, that those odious Miscreants and detestable Tools to Ministry and Governor, the Tea Consignees, (those Traitors to their Country, Butchers, who have done, and are doing every Thing to Murder and destroy all that shall stand in the Way of their private Interest,) are determined to come and reside again in the Town of Boston.
I therefore give you this early Notice, that you may hold yourselves in Readiness, on the shortest Notice, to give them such a Reception, as such vile Ingrates deserve.
JOYCE, jun.
(Chairman of the Committee for Tarring and Feathering.
☞If any Person should be so hardy as to Tear this down, they may expect my severest Resentment.
J. jun.
Mr. Albert Matthews spoke as follows:
When Mr. Edes showed me the other day the handbill which has just been exhibited, I said that I had among my papers some notes bearing on the subject and that I would bring these to the meeting to-day. This particular handbill, as we learn from a Boston newspaper, “was seen pasted up on the most public Places in this Town” on “Saturday Morning last,” January fifteenth, 1774.
It is to be regretted that our liberty-loving ancestors of the stormy decade between 1765 and 1775 should have persecuted with such bitterness those who differed from them in their political beliefs. The passage of the Stamp Act was the signal for an outburst of violence from Halifax to Georgia. At first this was confined to the comparatively harmless amusement of hanging and burning in effigy Bute, Grenville, and others who had been, or were popularly supposed to have been—for mistakes were sometimes made,—instrumental in procuring the enactment of that fateful measure. Soon, however, the patriots resorted to less pardonable methods, and by the autumn of 1768 we find that the practice of tarring and feathering had become well established. On a future occasion I hope to be able to give the history of this practice in some detail, but at present I shall confine myself to Joyce Junior. So far as I am aware, this at one time noted personage made his first appearance in the handbill exhibited by Mr. Slade. For several years he was a conspicuous figure in the streets of Boston.
In a series of articles called Reminiscences, printed in a Boston newspaper late in the year 1821, the author, alluding to the celebrations which took place on Pope Day, said:
A man used to ride on an ass, with immense jack boots, and his face covered with a horrible mask, and was called Joyce, Jr. His office was to assemble men and boys in mob style, and ride in the middle of them, and in such company to terrify the adherents to Royal Government, before the Revolution. The tumults which resulted in the Massacre, 1770, was excited by that means.—Joyce Junior, was said to have a particular whistle which brought his adherents, &c. whenever they were wanted.
This is the only explanation I have met with of the origin of Joyce Junior, and there are good reasons for doubting its accuracy. First, it is obvious that a celebration which took place on November fifth could hardly have given rise to a tumult which did not occur until March fifth. Secondly, it will be noted that, according to our author, a chief object of Joyce Junior was “to terrify the adherents to Royal Government, before the Revolution.” But until 1765 all the colonists were adherents of the Royal Government, yet Pope Day had been celebrated in Boston certainly for a generation, and doubtless for many generations, before the Stamp Act.
I propose to mention what I remember, connected with some things which I have heard, of the Town of Boston. I have known it from about the time of the peace of 1783;—and can remember accurately about one third of a century.
Hence, on his own confession, he could not remember accurately what took place before 1788. We all know so well how treacherous a thing the memory is, that perhaps illustrations are superfluous; but there happens to be one which is so apt that I cannot refrain from bringing it forward. At the very time when our author was writing his Reminiscences in one Boston newspaper, in another Boston newspaper there were appearing the Recollections of a Bostonian. The writer introduces his Recollections as follows:
Mr. Russell—Monday last, Nov. 5th, being “Pope Day,” brought to my recollection scenes of former days.—Some of them I have placed on paper. To three fourths of your readers they may be new, and perhaps amusing to others.
Yours, A Bostonian.
In his second article the Bostonian gives this interesting account of his experiences after the evacuation of Boston by the British:
The British army evacuated Boston on the forenoon of Sunday, the 17th March, 1776. On the afternoon of that day, I landed . . . at the bottom of the Common, near the high bluff, which was taken away a few years ago to make Charles-street. . . . On crossing the Common, we found it very much disfigured with ditches and cellars, which had been dug by the British troops, for their accomodation when in camp. To our great regret, we saw several large trees lying in the Mall,
The language here used seems to imply that the Tories cut down all the trees in each of the three rows, but possibly the Bostonian means that they cut down only the trees in the third row. Now it so happens that we have documentary evidence in regard to the planting of those three rows of trees. The first row was set out in 1725, the second in 1734, and the third in 1784.
But to return to Joyce Junior. As already stated, his first appearance was apparently in the handbill exhibited to-day. For several months after he was very much in evidence. In a Boston newspaper of 31 January, 1774, will be found the following:
Yesterday Morning the following Hand-Bill was seen pasted up on the most publick Places in this Town, viz.
Brethren, and Fellow-Citizens!
THIS is to Certify, That the modern Punishment lately inflicted on the ignoble JOHN MALCOM, was not done by our Order—We reserve that Method for bringing Villains of greater Consequence to a Sense of Guilt and Infamy.
JOYCE, junr.
(Chairman of the Committee for Taring and Feathering.
☞If any Person should be so hardy as to tear this down, they may expect my severest Resentment.
J. jun.
The next extract is from a newspaper of 28 March, 1774:
A CARD.
THE Plymouth Protestors present their Compliments to Joyce, jun. and ask the Favor of him to make Preparation for a Reception of a select Committee from their Body, who propose to honor the Metropolis with a Visit very soon.
In a newspaper of 17 March, 1777, was printed this notice:
JOYCE Junior,
PRESENTS his most respectful compliments to those chosen few, who early and faithfully engaged in the Cause of Liberty and their Country, to oppose those Sons of Tyranny who took Shelter behind the British Tyrant’s Edicts, and Band of Hireling Vassals, That he is once more returned from Correcting those Miscreants, after almost two Years Absence; That he will meet them at the old Place of Randezvous toMorrow Evening, 7 o’Clock, in Order to Consult the most effective Ways and Means to carry into Execution the Act of this State to prevent Monopoly and Oppression; To see what is best to be done with those shameless Brass Faced Tories, who have the Audaciousness to remain among this much abused and insulted People, and still carry on their Treacherous Designs; To take the best Methods to get rid of a Set of abandoned Miscreant Tories, who have been drove out of the several Towns in this State for their Villainous Doings, and have taken Shelter in this Town; To take some effective Method to prevent their frequent Meetings, and Act upon all such Matters as shall come before them.
N. B. I desire you would make a proper Enquiry of a Rescinding Calf,
That the threat against the persons mentioned in the last paragraph was not an idle one, is shown by the notification which was issued 19 April, 1777:
BOSTON, April 19, 1777. 5 o’Clock, P. M.
Mr. Edes,
Omit publishing the following at your Peril.
A NOTIFICATION.
WHEREAS, by my express Command, this Day, five Tory Villains were carted over the Line on Boston Neck, viz. William Jackson,
I HAVE therefore thought fit to issue this my NOTIFICATION, strictly charging and commanding all Persons who are guilty of any or all the Vices and Enormities herein before enumerated, that they forthwith cease from all such nefarious Practices, otherwise they may rely on Judgment without Mercy; as I am determined to punish with Rigour all such notorious Offenders, notwithstanding the impotent Threats of a certain little retailing Shopkeeper near the Corn hills Brazier, and others, Persons who I know never were blest with the best of Characters in political Matters; and who, if I hear any more of their Impertinence, shall endeavour to teach THEM Wisdom.
I DO hereby require, in Compliance with the good and wholesome Laws of this State, and for the Good of the Public, for whom I stand forth, That all who have left Butchering, Droving, Horse jockeying, Shoe-making, Sand-driving, and assum’d selling by Wholesale or Retail West India Goods, and all others in the same Business, and of Huxtering, that they forthwith open their Stores and Shops, and sell openly and publickly, Rum, Sugar, Molasses, Cotton-Wool, &c. &c. at the Prices stipulated by Law.
I DO further command and require all Meetings of Tories to cease from this Time, or else I shall take an Opportunity of breaking up their further gossippings at the Widows. And I do Caution the said Widow from permitting her Son going with any more Letters to Reading and Concord. I most affectionately return my Thanks to those free Sons who gave me their Assistance this Day. I shall notify when I would be glad to see them again.
JOYCE, Junr.
From an altogether different source we get another account of this affair. On April twentieth Abigail Adams wrote to John Adams, then in Philadelphia, as follows:
I hate to tell a story unless I am informed of every particular. As it happened yesterday, and to-day is Sunday, I have not been so fully informed as I could wish. About eleven o’clock yesterday William Jackson, Dick Green, Harry Perkins, and Sargent, of Cape Ann, and A. Carry, of Charlestown, were carted out of Boston under the direction of Joice junior, who was mounted on horseback, with a red coat, a white wig, and a drawn sword, with drum and fife following. A concourse of people to the amount of five hundred followed. They proceeded as far as Roxbury, when he ordered the cart to be tipped up, then told them if they were ever caught in town again it should be at the expense of their lives. He then ordered his gang to return, which they did immediately without any disturbance.
Mrs. Adams left her letter open until the next day, and on the twenty-first added this paragraph:
Have now learned the crime of the carted Tories. It seems they have refused to take paper money, and offered their goods lower for silver than for paper; bought up articles at a dear rate, and then would not part with them for paper.
The same day on which “Portia”—as John Adams was wont to call his wife—wrote the above letter, the following paragraph appeared:
A Soldier in the Continental Army, at Barracks No. 2, Cambridge, presents his Compliments to the Hon. PATRIOT, Joyce., jun.—and would be greatly satisfied, if his Honor would condescend so far as to pay him a Visit that Way—as he is much Wanted.
Cambridge Barracks, April 20th, 1777.
A few days later Joyce Junior was once more heard from:
Messieurs Powars and Willis,
Boston, April 23, 1777.
You are ordered to publish the within (to-morrow in your paper) at your peril.
JOYCE, jun.
AS I have certain information that the AMORY’s
I beg the good people of this State when any traders appear among them belonging to this town, offering more than the regulated price for any article they have for sale—that they immediately send me the particulars in a letter directed to me, left at Edes’s office, Queenstreet.
N.B. I am glad to hear my advertisement of last Monday [21 April] has brought some persons to a sense of their duty.
JOICE, jun.
It is possible that the measures threatened and those actually carried into execution may have called forth some serious criticism; at all events, on May first the following satirical remonstrance appeared:
May 1, 1777.
WELL Mr. Joyce, jun. what have you been doing? How could you find it in your Heart to frighten 2 or 3 poor Women and Cart so cruelly five lunatick Tories, only because they were enemies to their Country? fie, fie! your Honour is certainly hard-hearted: why the whole Town is dissolved in Grief; the Old Women do nothing but read the Book of Martyrs, and the Young Ones, the Precious Song of the Babes in the Woods. In seventy five no body had cause of Woe, we were then in a perfect State of Felicity; and even those that were so foolish as to quit the Town were generously allowed to carry Five Pounds with them, though they did not leave above 5000 behind them, to be plundered by our humane Friends in the British Army: I would ask you in a free and independent State, whether every Person has not a Right to do every Thing in his Power to Ruin the Country with Impunity, and Distress every Department by Monopolizing? You cannot deny but that they can, and have a Right to do it, and it is our Part to yield to them and suffer the Minor to swallow the Major.
A SOLDIER.
To the Hon. Joyce, jun.
With one more extract we may bring to a close our account of Joyce Junior:
A CARD
A True Friend to America, compell’d by the Necessity of the Times, presents his Compliments to Joyce, Jun’r, and tho’ he acknowledges the Method of extirpating Tories, would come better from Government, yet he apprehends the Reins at preseut so lax, that spirited Measures should be taken by some Well wisher to his Country, and one who will proceed in this Business with Order and Regularity.—He therefore earnestly calls upon this spirited Asserter of the American Cause, to proceed in such Manner as he, with the Advice of his Brethren shall think proper, to clear this Town of all noted and suspicious Persons, who are so injurious to this State in particular, and the United States in general, and who will sooner effect our Destruction by their secret Combinations, Consultations, and other diabolical Practices, than the whole Force sent against us by Great Britain.—This Country being once Free from these Pests to Society, he trusts in God, Mr. Howe, with all his mercenary Troops, will never be able to effect their Design.
The other Towns in this State, are also earnestly called upon, to exert themselves in the Salvation of their Country, by some Measures similar to those taken in this Town; and all Committees of Correspondence, Inspection, Safety and others, are desired to keep a strict Watch upon the Motions of these wicked designing Men.
The Intelligence we have had of burning the Stores at Danbury, is sufficient to rouse us from our present Lethargy, and I dare aver, many of these internal Enemies would, with Pleasure, convey the British Troops to our most valuable Magazines.—A Word to the Wise is sufficient.
It may safely be assumed that with the close of the Revolutionary War, the practice of tarring and feathering came to an end in Boston. Joyce Junior having become a familiar figure, it is possible that he continued to parade the streets on Pope Day, and so perhaps, after all, there may be some truth in the statements made by the author of the Reminiscences. But it would seem to be clear that Joyce Junior had his origin not in the celebrations on Pope Day, but in the bitter political feelings engendered by the Stamp Act. Why that particular name should have been chosen, and what significance there was in the appellation, are questions upon which some of those present can perhaps throw light.
Mr. John Noble said he remembered having seen the name Joyce Junior in papers in the Suffolk Court Files.
Mr. Noble made the following communication:
In a previous communication on the Land Controversies in Maine, certain papers connected with four ejectment cases were printed.
A few days ago there was received from Mr. William D. Patterson of Wiscasset, Maine, a copy of a Petition connected with those suits which he found in the Massachusetts Archives. This document, which explains itself, is presented to-day as an addition to my former communication. I have added a few depositions not before given, bearing upon the Petition, which are in the same line as those before selected, and, like them, chosen without reference to their effect on the legal issue. Two from which a brief extract was then made are now given in full,—to bring out additional points. As before, there are some taken in perpetuam, and a deed or two. The taking of depositions in perpetuam seems to have begun as early as 1717, as appears by the petition, and to have continued at intervals for half a century. The latest, taken at the time of the trial, seem to forebode a litigation of indefinite duration.
The Petition brings out the bearing and importance of the depositions of a venerable woman printed in the former communication
I.
To his Honor the Leiut: Governor, the Honoble: his Majesty’s Council and the Honoble: House of Representatives.—
The Petition of Hezekiah Egglestone of Bristol in the County of Lincoln—Humbly sheweth, That your Petitioner’s Great Grandfather Richard Fullford formerly of a Place called Round Pond in said Bristol, about the Year of our Lord 1660 purchased a Tract of Land there whereon he lived, adjoining to a Plantation commonly called Muscongus, and belonging to the Family of the Peirces; that your Petitioner’s said Great Grandfather lived on and quietly enjoyed the Premisses ’till the Beginning of the present Century, except the Interruptions given him by the Indians (in which Time the Deed of his sd: Land was lost) leaving Issue only one Son who was a Minor, and a Daughter who was your Petitioner’s Grandmother and who married Samuel Martin, who as soon as the Troubles with the Indians were over again in 1715 settled said Lands, ’till he was beat off by the Indians in the War commonly called the three Year War between 1722 & 1725; that your Petitioner’s said Grand father Martin after he had resettled said Lands, took the Testimonies of sundry ancient Persons in 1717, who formerly lived adjoining, to fix the Boundaries and supply the Loss of his Father in Law’s Deed of said Land; that afterwards Viz: in 1739 your Petitioner’s Great Uncle Vizt: Francis Fullford the only Son of said Richard again settled said Lands, whose Tenants have been in constant Possession ’till the last War; and lastly that your Petitioner is now in Possession of Part of said Tract—But so it happens that your Petitioner’s said Grand father thro’ Ignorance of the Law, had the said Testimonies taken before one Justice of the Peace only and put on Record ad perpetuam Rei Memoriam, and whereas sundry Persons without any Pretence of Title have trespassed and settled themselves on said Land cleared and brought too by your Petitioner’s Ancestors at great Peril of their Lives and Expence of Labour, your Petitioner is unable to recover the Possession of said Land unless relieved by your Honors: Wherefore your Petitioner humbly prays that your Honors would confirm or make valid in Law said Testimonies or otherwise grant him that Relief which to your Honors shall seem meet—And your Petitioner as in Duty bound shall ever pray
Hezekieh Eggleston
On the Petition of Hezekiah Egglestone In the House of Representatives Nov. 2 1770 Read and Resolved that the Prayer be so far Granted that the Justices of the Inferior Court of Common Pleas or the Justices of the Superior Court of Judicature before whom any action is or may be depending Relating to the Lands mentioned in said Petition be Impowered to admit the Testimonies A Refered to in said Petition to be plead as Evidence in the Case as valid in the Law the failure of the Taking the Testimonies before Two Justices Quorum unus notwithstanding
Sent up for Concurrence
T. Cushing Spkr
In Council Novr. 7th 1770—Read & Concurred Sent down for Concurrence as taken into a new Draft
Jno. Cotton D. Sec̄r̄ȳ
In the House of Representatives Novr 8 1770 Read & nonconcurred & the House adhere to their own Vote with Amendment at A viz insert of Morrice Champney Richard Pearce Senr & John Pearce
Sent up for Concurrence
T. Cushing Spkr
In Council Novr. 8, 1770
Consented to
Read and Concurred
Jno. Cotton D. Se c̄r̄ȳ
The litigation was evidently prosecuted with great vigor, uncommon minuteness of detail, and laborious strenuousness, carried as it was through successive courts with even a resort to the General Court. Rather curiously, while in some of the printed accounts of Pemaquid it seems to have been known that such suits were started, an uncertainty is expressed whether they were ever prosecuted further, and no knowledge of their results appears. The cases in themselves, incidentally, are full of local history. That with all the hard battling they were conducted with a good degree of professional courtesy without any concession of legal rights is shown by many agreements, of which here are a couple:
II.
In the case of Bodkin v Randall it is agreed that the Depositions heretofore taken to be used in this case may be used on the Tryall at the Supr Court in the same manner as tho’ Taken & filed in sd Court, whether originally taken to be used in sd Inferr or Supr Court—
David Sewall
T. Bradbury
July 1770 at Falmo.
The same agreement in the cases of Yeats v Bodkin & Eliot v Bodkin.
D. Sewall T.
Bradbury.
III.
Lincoln ss. Pownalborough Court September Term 1769.
Thomas Bodkin plt vs. James Yates Defendant.
The Council on both sides agree that all Depositions taken to be used in this action since the Commencement thereof may be used on the Trial at the Superior Court as well as if they had been lodged in this Court, and made part of the Case, save any Exceptions that may be made to the Caption thereof
Theops. Bradbury for the plt
David Sewall for the Deft
A true Copy
Examin’d by Jon Bowman Cler.
The evidence, judging from the little presented here, must have been sufficiently complicated and perplexing, and memory and tradition freely invoked for the establishment of facts. Some depositions are added now, mainly for their bearing upon the Petition, but also, as before, as bringing out vividly many scraps of local history, accounts of families of settlers, and the rugged conditions of frontier life in the early times. They also have some significance in legal points.
IV.
John Peirce aged about Seventy four years, Testifies and says that about the year of our Lord 1722 the Indian War breaking out at the Eastward, this Deponant went with a Vessell and a Number of People to the Eastward and Brought from thence his Father Richard Peirce and Family from a place called Muscongus, where this Deponents [sd
John Pearce
Essex ss., Marblehead, deposition taken 15 August, 1768, before WM. Bourn, J. Pacis
A true Copy Examin’d by
JonA. Bowman Cler.
V.
John Pearce of Marblehead in the County of Essex aged about seventy sis years testifieth & saith, that he claims Lands at a place called Miscongus in the Township of Bristol in the County of Lincoln by Heirship under his Grand Father Richard Peirce That he knows Thomas Bodkin of Boston in the County of Suffolk and has heard that he Bodkin was in Gaol in Salem in the County of Essex about twenty years ago, but does not know whether said Bodkin swore out of Goal or not. That about the year A. D. 1737 he the Deponent was at round Pond so called in said Bristol & saw one Janies Bayly there who told the Deponent that he lived there with his Family
Quest. Are you any ways interested in Landsat round pond under Richard Fulforth Answer—I am not. |
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John Pearce |
Quest, how was Samuel Annis settled on the Land at round Pond—Answer—when I was there he told me he was settled there by Samuel Martin June 28, 1770. |
VI.
The Deposition of Jeremiah Smith of Milton in the County of Suffolk aged about 62 years Testifyeth and Saith, That about the Years 1730 or 1731 when Coll David Dunbar began a Settlement at Pemmaquid I and others were employed by a Number of Gentlemen to go to the Eastern parts of this Province; We went Northeast of a Place called Round Pond some Miles, at a place called Smelt-Cove, the said Gentlemen I went with had engaged to take Lotts under Coll David Dunbar; I first went & work’d at said Smelt-Cove; a few weeks after my going down into those parts I took a Lott for my Self at Round pond adjoyning thereto; Hived there about two years or more & planted an Orchard. When the News came that His Majesty had Yeilded up the Land (said Dunbar proposed to Settle) to the Proprietors of said Land, and gave to said Dunbar the Government of the Province of New hampshire, I the Declarant found that I was disappointed of my Expectation of a Lott under said Dunbar, then I made Enquiry who to purchase said Land from, and I was informed that Mr Shem Drowne & Partners claimed the Lands at Round Pond accordingly I went to Boston and applyed myself to said Shem Drowne, & he told me, Major Savage was concerned in said Lands, on that I went to Major Savage & he told me, that Capt Phillips of Charlestown was a part Owner with them, and I went to said Phillips, and by them all I understood that the Lands claimed by them were not yet divided, and they could not so well sell any particular Lott till their Tract of Land was divided; I was urged by all the last above named Gentlemen to continue at Round Pond on the Lott I had taken up under said Dunbar, and when they Divided their Interest I should be encouraged and have the said Lott I made Choice of at round pond aforesaid at a Moderate Price. But I did not choose to live at this uncertainty & I moved my [Family] from Round Pond to Boston: and when I left Round Pond, I left one James Bailey, who had lived at Round Pond sometime, with his Family, in the house I lived in; and the Declarant at that time never knew or heard of the name of Thomas Bodkin, and am well assured no such man of that name lived any whare near round Pond aforesaid. The Declarant in the Year 1768 being desired by Mr Joseph Henshaw to give his Evidence, and he then understood by the Questions asked him, that they respected the Right of one Martin and Fulford, those men I never knew, but to the best of my Remembrance I heard one Morse say something about said Fulford & Martins claiming Lands to the Eastward. As I am now called upon to give Evidence in the same Cases now depending, if there should happen any Material difference it must arise from my not well understanding the meaning of the Questions putt to me, but on the best Recollection I have now as far as my Memory will admitt, fully answered the Questions now putt to me according to Truth.
Q. The Declarant being asked who the Gentlemen were that first employed him to go to the Eastern parts? He answered, Messrs. Johonnott, Job Lewis, Esq Sigourney Crompton & Pitts &c., to whom were laid out Lotts of two acres each under Coll: Dunbar.
Q. The Question being Asked, what kind of building he built, when he first went down to Smelt-Cove? he answered It was only a Camp, at which place he found a Quantity of Nails & Hinges.
Q. He was asked, Whether the above Gentlemen told him they had bought Land of Richard Peirce, or did he know of said Right at that time? he answered They Did not, nor did he know of said Right at that time, to his best Remembrance.
Q. He was Asked Whether he knew of any particular Claim of Fulford & Martin to Land in those parts? He answered He did not know, nor does he know at this Day.
Jeremiah Smith.
Boston May 25, 1769.
Suffolk ss. Boston, deposition taken May 25, 1769 before Belcher Noyes Justice of Peace.
VII.
Mary Cowell aged about Sixty four Years, testifies and says that about Fifty Years ago, she this Deponent lived at a place called Muscongus at the Eastward, about seven or Eight Years; That while she lived there she knew Samuel Annis and his wife, who then lived at Round pond, on a Farm where the people then informed this Deponent old Richd. Fullford formerly lived; that she This Deponent nursed sd. Annis’s Wife in Child Bed at Round pond and was knowing to their Circumstances and Affairs and that sd. Annis was sent and settled on sd. Farm at Round pond by Samuel Martin. This Deponent further Testifies and says that the Land at Round pond and Thereabouts belonged to sd. Fullford’s Children as This Deponent always understood from the People who then lived their; and that one of said Children was Wife to sd. Martin, that in the summer season this Deponent with William Hilton Richd. Peirce and Samuel Annis and their Familys used to go over to Monhegan Island for fear of the Indians and return back again in the Fall, that the sd. Samuel Martins used to make Fish likewise on Monhegan Island On Account of the Indians. This Deponent further Testifys, that she does not remember any other Family than the above, living near there at That Time; That the Lands at Round [pond
Mary Cowell
Suffolk ss. Boston August 19th. 1768.
VIII.
I Robert Sproul of Bristol in the County of Lincoln aged about Forty six years testify and say that about the year 1735 I went to Live at Pemaquid from that Time to this have lived there except the Indian Warrs. That three or four years before Louisbourg was taken the first Time
Robert Sproul
I further say that I know a Hill called pancake hill which has gone By that name eversince I knew it viz above Twenty years, it ly’s about half way between Pemaquid Falls and Roundpond, I also know a place called miscongus and Miscongus falls or Brook and that my Father help’d build a house a little to the Northeastward of Sd. Miscongus falls, for one Richd. Peirce, and the Land to the Northeastward of sd. Falls it is commonly called Miscongus and by general Reputation did belong to the Family of the Peirces.
Robert Sproul
I Further say that when sd. Bodkins put Boyd on his place as aforesaid he bought a Stock of Cattle of Joseph & Clement Orr and paid for them with half a Sloop of Sixty Tons or upwards which he had used before to Carry provisions in to roundpond, & put said Cattle on sd. Farm.
Robert Sproul
Sworn in Court
Att JonA. Bowman Cler
It is agreed by both parties that this Deposition be used in all the Cases wherein Thomas Bodkin is Pit. against James Bailey John Randall, James Yeates and Simon Eliott, at the Superior Court as though taken particularly for each case.
Att JonA. Bowman Cler
A true Copy
Examd. by JonA. Bowman Cler
IX.
John Cock aged about Seventy Eight years declares and Says that he was born at the Eastward parts of New England on the Eastern Side of Kennebeck River and Lived there till he was driven away by the Indians about the year [176
Boston Sepr 18=1736.
Suffolk ss Boston Sepr 18: 1736—John Cock appearing made Oath to the [trut
Before Samuel Checkley WM Tyler, |
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Justice pacis Quorum unus |
[Endorsed]
John Cocks deposition—
—in perpetuam—
1736.
X.
Tabitha Sergeant aged about sixty years. Testifies and says that about Twenty Eight or Thirty years ago Nathaniel Bull, then her husband, but now deceased, with herself and five children, were sent by Thomas Bodkin of Marblehead Brewer to the Eastward, to Live on a farm of said Bodkin at a place Called Round pond. This Deponent farther Testifies and says, that the Land at and about Round pond, was always said to belong, to the said Fullfords Children, and that the Lands at Muscongus, belonged to the Peirces. This Deponent further Testifies and says that she with her Husband and Children Lived there about Eight or Ten years and that about Twenty Years ago, as near as this Deponent can Remember, her said Husband Nathaniel Bull was Killed by the Indians with twelve or fourteen other people. This Deponent further Testifies and says, That Mr. Hugh Boyd at that Time was another Tenant of sd. Bodkin’s and lived in a house sd. Bodkin built for him, on the Old Farm where sd. Fullford formerly lived and that John Morrill Lived toward the Northerly End of the pond, and soon after our going there sold his Stock and Improvements to sd Bodkin, and went away. This Deponent further Testifies and says that James Yeates did not Live at Round pond, or Muscongus, when this Deponent went to Live at Round pond, & further saith not.
Tabitha Sergeant
Suffolk ss. Boston October 23d 1767 The within Mentioned Tabitha Sergeant made Solemn Oath, that the within written Deposition by her Signed, was the Truth, The whole Truth and nothing but the Truth, taken in perpetuam Rei memoriam at the Desire of Mr. Joseph Henshaw of Boston
Before us Samuel Wells John Hill |
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Justices of the Peace Quorum Unus |
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Septemr. 1st. 1768 |
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A True Coppy from the originall Deposition now on file in the Secretarys Office. |
Attest Jno Cotton D Secary
A true Copy Examin’d by
JonA. Bowman Cler
XI.
Thomas Drowne aged near fifty five Years made solemn Oath that he was present and [see
Thomas Drowne
Suffolk ss Boston August 1, 1770. The said Thomas Drowne made Oath to the above written affidavit taken to perpetuate the memory of the thing before
Ri Dana Just of the Peace & of the Quorum.
Belcher Noyes
A true copy of the Original lease and Affidavit dd. Mr. Drowne by Order of Court
3d. Sept. 1771
Attt. Nat Hatch Cler
XII.
To all People To whom these presents shall Come I Francis Fulforth of Marblehead in the County of Essex Fisherman, send Greeting.
Know ye, That I, the said Francis Fulforth, for and in Consideration of the sum of One hundred Pounds in Money to me in hand at and before the Ensealing and Delivery hereof, paid by Thomas Bodkin of Marblehead. Brewer The Receipt whereof I do hereby acknowledge, and for divers other good Causes and Considerations, me hereunto moving have remised, Released, sold, and for ever quit Claimed and by these presents, for myself and my heirs, do remise, release, sell, and for ever Quit Claim unto the said Thomas Bodkin, and to his heirs, and Assigns forever. All that my Lands Scituate lying & being in the County of York in the Eastern parts of this Province saving what I have already sold to Isaac Little Esq. which desended to me from my Father Richd Fulforth decd. and my Mother Elizabeth Fulforth decd. part of which Lands lyeth at Roundpond Part at New harbour, part at Muscongus, and part on Hog Island, and part at Damariscotta, be the same Lands more or less in Quantity, or better or worse in Quality, &c Together with all the Estate, Right, Title Interest, use, Property Claim and Demand whatsoever, of me the said Francis Fulforth, which I now have or at any Time, heretofore had, of, in and to the aforementioned premises, with the appurces, or to any part thereof, or which at any Time heretofore has been held, used, Occupied, or enjoyed, as part or parcel of the same. To Have and to Hold all the afore granted and bargained premises, wth. the Appũrces, to him the sd. Thomas Bodkin, his heirs, and Assigns forever with the reversion and reversions, remainder and remainders thereof or any part or parcel thereof forever, So that neither I. the said Francis Fulforth, nor my Heirs, nor any other person or persons claiming from, by, or under me or them, or in the name, Right, or Stead of me or them, shall or will by any ways or means have, Claim, Challenge, or Demand, any Estate, Right, Title, or Interest of, in, and to the aforesaid premises with the Appurces, or any part or parcell thereof for ever: But I, The said Francis Fulforth do for myself my heirs, Executors, and administrators Covenant To and with the said Thomas Bodkin, his heirs and Assigns, the said granted and Released premises, with the profits, priviledges, and Appũrces thereto belonging, to the said, Thomas Bodkin his heirs and Assigns forever, to Warrant, secure and Defend against the Lawfull Claims and Demands of any person, or persons, claiming under me, or my heirs as aforesaid, forever by these presents. In Witness whereof the sd. Francis Fulforth, have hereunto set my hand and seal this sixth day of June anno Domini One Thousand Seven hundred and thirty nine and in the Twelfth year of his Majesty’s Reign.
Signed Sealed and Delivered in presence of |
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John Bridges |
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Edward Bowers |
ElizA × Fulforth |
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Mart Collins |
Essex ss. June 11th 1739. Personally appear’d before me the within named Francis Fulford and owned this Instrumt. to be his free act and Deed.
Coram Abr: Howard Just. Pacis
York ss. Receved Octor. 8th. 1739 And Recorded with th Records for Deeds in sd. County.
Libo. 21, Folo. 119, Attest. Jer. Moulton Reg:
A true Copy Examin’d by JonA. Bowman Cler.
Mr. Andrew McFarland Davis exhibited a photographic copy of a unique form of Writ used in the Land Bank cases, the original of which is in the collection of papers restored by the Massachusetts Historical Society to the Suffolk Court Files.
Mr. Albert Matthews exhibited a parchment containing the Articles and the names of the members of a “Society of Young Men mutually joining together in the Service of God,” formed at Dorchester, Massachusetts, on the twenty-fifth of December, 1698. About three hundred and fifty names, many of them autograph signatures, are attached to the document. The Society apparently had no distinctive name, and, though it seems to have existed for nearly a century and a half, there appear to be no allusions to it in the histories of Dorchester.
Mr. Henry H. Edes read an extract from the Calendar of State Papers relating to a Petition to Cromwell in 1655 from William Franklin, an early inhabitant of Ipswich, Newbury, and Boston. The petition states that in 1651 Franklin set forth a small ship from Boston to Palm Island, that the master of the ship was surprised at Fayal by Prince Rupert, that the ship and lading were seized, and that the men were “captivated into slavery.” It also states that in 1653 goods sent to England to pay Franklin’s debts were taken by the Hollanders, and also his papers. The Petition was referred by Cromwell to the Council of State, which recommended that “some employment in the Custom House or in some other way suitable to his experience” be bestowed upon Franklin.
Mr. Edes also communicated a letter written from Liberty,
JOHN WASHINGTON TO HENRY BROMFIELD, JR.
Liberty July 2d 1780
My Dear Sir
I am now seated to return you thanks, for your agreeable favor of the 25th. of May, & am truly sorry for your Misfortunes, but perhaps, as you observe, they may be intended for some happy purpose, (as I make no doubt they are) & am certain they can never happen at a more fortunate period than in the early time of a mans life, when from calm reflection & the exercise of his reason, he is then able with, fortitude and resignation, to bear up under them, as I find my friend has done—& I hope he will never want that resolution necessary to convey him Cheerfully through all the precarious, & uncertain Vicissitudes, that too often attend this life—& be assur’d that whatever situation of life you may be in, whither, fortunate, or unfortunate, I shall always be happy to hear from so worthy a friend, but more so, to see him. as prosperity, can never constitute happiness, so neither can adversity make unhappy a Mind like yours—
I have now the pleasure to inform you that my Wife, the Girls, the family, & myself are tollerably well but since you left us have been very Il myself, my little son Tommy had very near lost his life from a fall out of the Cherry Tree, but is now getting well—nothing extraordinary in this Vicinity, has happd. with respect to domestick Occurrences since your departure, except that your Acquaintance Mr T: Hungerfd
Mr. Robert Harper of Alexandria and my Daughter, Sally, I expect will be Marryed about the first of Sepr., & will settle in the Town of Leeds,
No News but what I imagine yo. have heard before this, I long much to hear a confirmation of the arrival of the French Fleet,
Dr. Sir yr. affec. frd. & Ob Servt
John Washington
[Addressed]
Henry Bromfield. jur. Esqr.
ꝑ post Boston
The Hon. Winthrop Murray Crane of Dalton and Mr. Thornton Kirkland Lothrop of Boston were elected Resident Members.