A Stated Meeting of the Society was held at the invitation of Mr. Alfred M. Tozzer, at No. 7 Bryant Street, Cambridge, on Thursday, April 24, 1930, at half after eight o’clock in the evening, the President, Samuel Eliot Morison, in the chair.
The Records of the last Stated Meeting were read and approved.
The Corresponding Secretary announced the death of Arthur Twining Hadley, a Corresponding Member, on March 5, 1930; of William Howard Taft, an Honorary Member, on March 8, 1930; of Charles Lewis Slattery, a Resident Member, on March 12, 1930; and of Winslow Warren, a Resident Member, on April 3, 1930.
The Corresponding Secretary reported that letters had been received from Mr. Earl Morse Wilbur, accepting Corresponding Membership, and Mr. Grenville Lindall Winthrop, accepting Resident Membership.
The President appointed the following Committees in anticipation of the Annual Meeting:
To nominate candidates for the several offices, — Messrs. Henry Wilder Foote, Fred Norris Robinson, and Arthur Stanwood Pier.
To examine the Treasurer’s accounts, — Messrs. Frank Brewer Bemis and Nathaniel Thayer Kidder.
Mr. Lawrence Shaw Mayo read the following paper, written by Mr. Arthur Howland Buffinton:
One test of any form of society, any civilization, is its ability to assimilate alien elements. It is no doubt the consensus of opinion that Massachusetts Puritanism cannot meet this test, that not only did it have no powers of attraction, but that its official representatives deliberately pursued a policy of exclusiveness and intolerance. And yet, if this was so, how can one explain the extraordinarily rapid growth of the colony, a growth unparalleled among the continental colonies except Pennsylvania?
Two facts go far toward supplying an answer to this apparent contradiction. In the first place, since the establishment of a certain religious system was the main purpose of the leaders of the colony, there was no good reason for banishing or excluding those who were sufficiently indifferent in matters religious not to challenge the prevailing form of belief. In the second place, and more important, for practical reasons a policy of exclusiveness was not feasible. An adequate economic basis was necessary to the success of the colony, and the price of economic stability was a considerable measure of toleration for those who could not qualify as Puritans according to the most rigid definition of that term. There were those, no doubt, who recognized that too large an influx of alien elements might endanger the success of the Puritan experiment. Such a one was Captain Edward Johnson, who, in his Wonder-Working Providence, uttered a warning against permitting “Merchants, Inkeepers, Taverners and men of Trade in hope of gaine [to] fling open the gates so wide, as that by letting in all sorts, you mar the worke of Christ intended.”519 But there seems never to have been any serious disposition to exclude those who came primarily to improve the commercial opportunities afforded by the colony, and in the opinion of the ruling oligarchy it sufficed to exclude such from participation in political affairs.
It is a significant fact, noted by a recent historian, that of the thirty men who, according to the Boston tax list of 1687, paid the largest tax on trade, twenty-two were non-freemen.520 These figures certainly appear to prove that the mere acceptance as residents of persons who contributed to the economic upbuilding of the colony did not mean assimilation, that successful Boston merchants were not necessarily good Puritans. They throw light also upon the contention of Henry Adams that there was a kind of hereditary feud between what he calls State Street and the strictest sect of those who placed adherence to Puritan principles above material considerations.521 It must indeed be confessed that the number of verifiable cases of the assimilation of persons whose antecedents were not markedly Puritan is very small.
All the more interesting, therefore, is the case of a certain English gentleman of aristocratic lineage and royalist sympathies, who came to Boston in the last years of the Protectorate, when Endicott was Governor and Norton was chief of the Puritan clergy, and when the last great persecution, that of the Quakers, was just beginning. That such a person, at such a time, should have become a good Bostonian and a member of Increase Mather’s church certainly is a surprising fact. This gentleman was Colonel Thomas Temple. From what he wrote, and from what others wrote about him, it is possible to construct a narrative of his Boston experiences.522
How alien Temple was to the Boston of that day may be gathered from what little is known about his career before he came to Massachusetts. He was born in 1614, the son of Sir John Temple of Stanton Bury, Buckinghamshire. He was the nephew, or grandnephew, of William Fiennes, Viscount Saye and Sele, whose interest in various Puritan colonizing schemes of that period is well known, and through whom, apparently, Temple first became interested in America.523 The Temples were a numerous family, all of whom, so far as we have record, took the side of Parliament in the Civil War, but though at least two of the family were regicides,524 others, after the defeat of the King, favored a compromise and were opposed to the abolition of the monarchy. Among these, as evidence shortly to be presented shows, was Thomas Temple.
That Temple served in the war, doubtless on the Parliamentary side, may be inferred from the fact that he is called Colonel Temple. It may have been the war which corrupted his morals, for though originally a Puritan in his political sympathies, his moral code was not sufficiently rigorous to prevent him from having a mistress.525 About this phase of his career nothing more is known. Because of his attachment to this woman, whose name was Mrs. Martin, or for some other reason, Temple never married, and during his entire Boston residence he maintained a bachelor establishment.
Concerning his reasons for coming to America, Temple related, after the Restoration, a very romantic story. In the last days of Charles I’s life, so he tells us, he concocted a plot to free the King. The plot miscarried, but Charles was sufficiently grateful to give to one of his attendants on the scaffold the whispered command to see to it that his son had a care of “honest Tom Temple.” Later, rumors of this plot came to the ears of Cromwell, so that it was necessary for Temple to flee from his wrath. Fortunately a kinsman, Lord Fiennes, son of Lord Saye and Sele, was in high favor with the Protector, and succeeded in getting for him a commission to be Governor of Acadia. Thus his coming to America, so Temple would have us believe, was in the nature of a banishment for adhering to the royalist cause.526
This is not the place to attempt a recital of the circumstances which put the French colony of Acadia within the gift of Cromwell. It will suffice to recall the fact that it had been taken from the French in 1654 by Sedgwick and Leverett, that it was then occupied for a time by Leverett with a small English garrison, and that in the autumn of 1656 the southerly part of the province was granted to three coproprietors, Temple, William Crowne, and the Frenchman La Tour, Temple being commissioned Governor.527
Thus provided with a new start in life Temple set out, early in the year 1657, for America, accompanied by a large retinue of servants, as befitted a governor and colonial proprietor. His coming had been heralded by Leverett, who was then in England, and Temple was received by the Massachusetts authorities with the honor due to one of his rank and position.528 As the rude trading posts of Acadia, with their Indian and French population, had no attraction for him, he settled down in Boston, and there he resided for over fifteen years.
During so long a residence Temple was, of course, brought into contact with every aspect of Boston society. Thus he came to have an intimate acquaintance both with the merchants and “men of gain”, and with the magistrates and clergy who made up the ruling oligarchy. The most striking thing about Temple’s Boston residence is that he found Puritan Boston more tolerable than commercial Boston, and that by the time he left he had become something of a Puritan himself.
His first contacts were, of necessity, with the merchants. He expected to make a living, if not a fortune, from his province, but to do so required a certain amount of working capital which he did not possess. The only source of income from Acadia was the fur trade, and to carry on this trade a considerable initial outlay was necessary. Goods must be provided to exchange for furs, men of experience must be hired to manage the trade, the trading posts must be garrisoned and protected, for the French who still maintained themselves in the north of Acadia were troublesome.529 Furthermore, Temple and Crowne had bought out the third partner, La Tour, agreeing to pay him yearly a twentieth of the proceeds of the Acadian trade, and the revenues of the province were further encumbered by claims amounting to something over £5000, which the proprietors were forced to assume as the price of their grant.530
Conscious, doubtless, of his lack of funds and of his ignorance of the fur trade, Temple, before he left England, made an agreement with a prominent merchant engaged in the New England trade, Captain Thomas Breedon by name, whom he appointed to be his deputy and lieutenant in Acadia, and to whom, in connection with two agents of his own, he entrusted the management of his Acadian business.531 For the financing of the trade Breedon associated with himself two prominent Boston merchants, Hezekiah Usher and Thomas Lake, the latter of whom had been previously connected with Leverett in the management of Acadian affairs.532 For a time Temple hoped to get the necessary financial assistance from a company of English gentlemen and merchants which was formed in 1658 to trade with Acadia, but the company’s first venture proving a failure, its members refused to venture more in the enterprise, and Temple remained dependent upon the Boston merchants.
That Temple was an unpractical aristocrat the merchants were quick to recognize. No sooner had he set foot in Boston than they began to advise him about the management of his household. The merchant Lake wrote to Leverett:
I fear his noble spirit will not suit with Acadie, or at least the profit of Acadie will not maintain his post. Myself and some other friends have spoken seriously to him for a frugal management of the same. He accepts of advice and saith he will by degrees clear himself of the unnecessary charge, which he is at by many servants, that he brought up, who will be as drones to eat up all the honey, that others labour for, and that he will have but two at most, to wait upon himself.533
Of his treatment by the merchants Temple at times complained bitterly, alleging that they not only exacted a hundred per cent profit on the goods they sold him, but had the furs from Acadia consigned directly to themselves and put their own valuation upon them.534
But while the real Bostonians like Usher and Lake contented themselves with making large profits at Temple’s expense, Breedon, who never became thoroughly acclimated in New England, betrayed the interests of his employer. After the Restoration a host of claimants for Acadia appeared, hoping to dispossess one who had accepted a grant from Cromwell. Too poor to go to England in person, — so he alleges, — Temple commissioned Breedon to look after his interests.535 Breedon soon discovered that a certain Thomas Elliott, a groom of the Bedchamber, with the support of the Lord Chancellor Clarendon, seemed likely to secure a grant of the province. Fearing, perhaps, that he would never be able to recover the money due him from Temple if Acadia were granted to another, Breedon agreed to recognize Elliott as proprietor and to pay him £600 a year if Elliott would make him Governor. The bargain was concluded, and Temple was for a time dispossessed, but he hastened to England, enlisted the support of his noble kinsmen, pleaded his services to the late King, and recovered his province, subject, however, to an annual payment of £600 to Elliott. As a further testimony of the royal favor, Temple was at this time created a Baronet of the Kingdom of Nova Scotia, whence his title of Sir by which he is usually known.536
Doubtless Temple would now have been glad to free himself from his dependence on one who had betrayed him, but he was too much in debt to Breedon to be able to do so immediately. Breedon served him both as banker, providing the necessary capital for carrying on the Acadian trade, and as business manager, for the Acadian furs were consigned to Breedon’s Boston agents, and it may be inferred from his English connections that he attended to the disposing of them in England. Temple, in fact, treated Acadia somewhat as many an English landlord treated his estate, leaving the management to others, getting a precarious living from it, and remaining perpetually in debt.
In one of his letters Temple complains that the net income from Acadia never exceeded £900 yearly, of which he had to pay Elliott £600. The Boston merchants charged him £180 to transfer this sum to Elliott and to change colonial currency into English money, thus leaving him only £120 a year to live on.537 If this was strictly true, it is a little difficult to see how he succeeded in accumulating so much property in and around Boston. When he mortgaged his Boston property and Acadian interests in 1665 to Breedon and others, he was the owner of the greater part of Noddle’s Island (East Boston), where he kept sheep and cattle, held a lease of Deer Island from the town of Boston, and had a small vessel, used doubtless in the Acadian trade.538 Shortly after this Temple completed the purchase of Noddle’s Island, and at some time undetermined purchased of Edward Winslow a portion of the latter’s share of the Kennebec lands which he and certain others had bought in 1661 of the Plymouth Colony.539
The mortgage to Breedon reveals the fact that Temple was gradually freeing himself from financial dependence upon one who had played him false. The Acadian trade was now managed by Temple’s own agents, chief among whom was Richard Walker, who at some time in this period was made Deputy Governor of Acadia.540 These agents were to consign the furs to Lake at Boston, who served as agent for Breedon, and Temple promised to pay Breedon £1000 in skins semi-annually until the mortgage was discharged. Despite the outbreak of war between England and France in 1666, Temple was able to carry out his promise, and with the cancelling of the mortgage in 1668 his relations with Breedon, so far as we have record, were finished.541
It was the Anglo-French war of 1666–1667 which put an end to Temple’s Acadian venture and ultimately led to his leaving Boston. There are indications that in the years immediately preceding the war, Temple was in a fair way to extricate himself from his financial difficulties; but the war brought added expense for the defense of his province against the French, and Temple had the further misfortune of having a vessel laden with sugar for the payment of Elliott captured by a Dutch privateer.542 To cap the climax Charles II, at the treaty of Breda, agreed to restore Acadia to the French as a price of the recovery of the English half of the island of St. Christopher. Appeals to the King were in vain, and in the summer of 1670 Acadia was finally surrendered to the French.543 According to Temple’s statement he had expended in Acadia over £16,000, of which he still owed to various merchants and gentlemen the sum of £7000. There was due him from the French and Indians of Acadia something over £3000.544
The cession of Acadia forced Temple to sell his Boston property. After severing financial connections with Breedon he had secured assistance from Hezekiah Usher and Samuel Shrimpton, both prominent merchants, Lake again serving as Boston agent to handle the furs. To cover a debt of some £2700 due Usher and Shrimpton, Temple mortgaged to them in 1668 his Boston property and Acadian interests. To pay this debt he sold Noddle’s Island to Shrimpton for £6000 and transferred to him his lease of Deer Island. This was in 1670. Finally, early in 1673, he transferred his house in the North End to a kinsman, Stephen Temple of Selby, Northamptonshire, in discharge of a debt of £800. Shortly after this Temple returned to England, where he died in March, 1674.545
Had we no other record of Temple than that of his financial transactions and business interests, his American career would still be of interest to all students of the early history of Massachusetts. Fortunately we have a further record, fragmentary it is true, which reveals his connection with other aspects of the life of the colony. For Temple was something more than a mere resident of Boston; unlike old residents such as Samuel Maverick and merchant strangers like Breedon, who never became reconciled to the Puritan system in church and state, he became, in time, a good Bostonian and a good Puritan. The reason for his rapid acclimatization appears to lie in his naturally affable and sympathetic disposition. Such testimony as we have to his personal qualities shows him to have been a kindly and courteous gentleman, who easily made friends, was not suspicious, and seldom or never gave offense. The merchant Lake noted his “noble spirit”; one who saw him in London in 1662 tells of his meeting frequently with other New England men in the city, and of his characteristic merry way of speaking; and no less a person than Cotton Mather calls him “as fine a Gentleman as ever set foot on the American strand.”546
From the first he seems to have cultivated friendly relations with the Massachusetts authorities. Perhaps his acquaintance with an influential man like Leverett may have smoothed his path in this respect. In 1658 the General Court not only gave formal recognition to his monopoly of the Acadian trade, but agreed to lend him two hundred pounds of shot for use against the French, who had attacked one of his trading posts.547 The only occasion when there seems to have been any serious disagreement between Temple and the rulers of the colony was at the time of the persecution of the Quakers. A story is told by Bishop, the chronicler of the sufferings of the Quakers, that, when it was proposed to inflict the death penalty upon Stevenson and Robinson, Temple offered to take them away at his own expense and find a refuge for them. Bishop further alleges that a majority of the magistrates favored this proposal, but that they were overborne by the minority and the Deputies.548
This incident seems not to have shaken the confidence of the Puritans in Temple, for after he had gone to England to recover Acadia, a committee of the General Court wrote asking him to assist their agents and to assure the King of the colony’s loyalty. Leverett also wrote asking him to keep the colony informed about any hostile moves that might be made against it at court.549 That this confidence was in no wise misplaced is proved by a letter written from England at this time, which describes Temple as interceding with the King on behalf of New England, and as exhibiting, in gatherings of New England men in London, a most cordial attitude towards his adopted home.550
Temple’s attitude was sufficiently pronounced to bring him into disfavor with certain enemies of New England. The writer of the letter just cited speaks of the surprise of Maverick that Temple should stand up for the New Englanders, and of Maverick’s calling them “all rebels.” Another enemy of New England who resented Temple’s attitude was the notorious John Scott. Scott, it appears, was a passenger on the vessel in which Temple returned to America. Later he gave his impressions of Temple to Sir Joseph Williamson. Williamson’s notes “from Major Scott’s mouth” read as follows:
“T. Temple dwells idlely at Boston & is fooled by them. Fort St. John and Fort Roy! are ye only 2 great places, but T. T. suffers them of Boston to trade thither, & robs ye English . . . Boston persuaded T. T. to raze his forts, 1662, to spare charge, &c., and so he did, to free themselves from us, & take off ye checke wee might bee ovr them.”551
The longer Temple resided in Boston the more cordial became his relations with its people. During the troublous times of the visit of the Royal Commissioners, his attitude was so discreet that he avoided offending either party.552 During the French war, he cooperated with the Massachusetts government in checking the activities of the French privateers and in defending his province from the French.553 In the closing years of his Boston residence, he identified himself with much that was best in the life of the place. Thus in 1672, when a fund was being raised to build a new building for Harvard College, he subscribed £100 out of a total of £800 raised in Boston.554 At some time in this period, he became acquainted with Increase Mather, who was ordained teacher of the North Church in 1664. Temple’s house was in the North End, near the Battery, we are told, and a number of his associates, notably Lake and Walker, appear to have lived in that part of the town.555 Temple and certain of his friends earned the gratitude of Increase Mather, and won a tribute from his son, by coming to the financial assistance of the elder Mather.556 In 1670 Temple completed the process of assimilation to the New England way by becoming a member of Increase Mather’s church.557 Thus in the last years of his Boston residence, Temple became a benefactor of Harvard College, a member of the North Church, and a friend in need to Increase Mather. It is no wonder that when, in 1673, he finally returned to England, the Governor and Council of the colony gave him a certificate of good character and loyalty.558
If further evidence is needed concerning Temple’s feelings towards the people among whom he had made a home, it is to be found in a passage in a letter which he wrote to the King in 1670. In the midst of a long protest at the surrender of Acadia to the French, an act which, as he pointed out, was likely to prove detrimental to New England, Temple inserted an eloquent tribute to the virtues of the New Englanders, calling them:
a people that truely Feare God, and love yor Matie, and dayly pray for you in private and publique, whose lives and fortunes you may freely comand with a word, had yor Matie a right understanding of them: God forgive those (if any there be) who goe about to rayse any other opinion in yor Royall brest, they in truth being the most florishing plantacon under heaven in many respects considering their numberless increase being but of yesterday.559
Thus Temple’s name must be added to the list of those who saw that the best interests of both old and New England demanded the establishment of a “right understanding” between them. Of all those who attempted to bring about such an understanding, Temple was surely the most disinterested, the one least open to the charge of serving his personal ambition.
It used to be the custom for every biographer to close with a deathbed scene, for the subject’s bearing and utterances in the closing hours of life were regarded as the final and crowning evidence of his character. It happens that there has been preserved a description of the last days of Temple, written by the Reverend John Collins, a Harvard graduate who at that time was preaching in London. In a letter to Governor Leverett, Collins tells of finding Temple at the house of his former mistress, “his spirit broken, his inward estate dark,” dying of grief and disappointment at his misfortunes, more especially his hard usage at the hands of Elliott, who seems to have pursued him in a vindictive spirit. But what weighed most heavily upon Temple’s mind, according to Collins, were reports echoed back to him from New England to the effect that he had resumed his former relations with his mistress. Temple most solemnly assured Collins that these reports had no basis in fact, and the latter conjectured that poverty had driven him to seek a lodging there. “I hope,” concludes Collins, “[that] he had the root of the matter in him and is gone home to rest.”560 Thus Temple meets the final test of the sincerity of his conversion to the New England way; the former soldier and royalist dies almost in the odor of sanctity.
Doubtless it would be a mistake to attempt to generalize overmuch from the experiences of one man. In some respects Temple may be regarded as the exception which proves the rule. And yet one cannot help feeling that if a man of the world like Temple, using that term in its best sense, could find Puritan Boston not only endurable but attractive, New England Puritanism cannot have been so harsh and forbidding as its modern critics have represented it to be. In the light of the career of Thomas Temple it becomes easier to believe that that Boston which the great Bostonians of the mid-nineteenth century fondly called “the Hub of the Universe” was but the flowering of the true Puritan spirit.
Mr. Samuel C. Clough then exhibited a map which he had drawn of Boston in the seventeenth century.
1 Mr. Holmes’s paper has been printed in our Transactions, xxvi. 312–322.
2 Boston Records, ii (Second edition).
3 Boston Records, xxxii.
4 Colonial Records, i. 116.
5 Colonial Records, i. 216.
6 Boston Records, ii, Part 2, pp. iii, iv.
7 See our Publications, xxi. 251–254, xv. 43–47.
8 Boston Records, ii, Part 1, p. 71.
9 Suffolk Deeds, I. 162.
10 Superior Court Files, I. 72.
11 Boston Records, II, Part 2, p. 12.
12 J. Winsor, Memorial History of Boston, II. iv, v.
13 Boston Records, II, Part 2, p. iv.
14 Colonial Records, I. 207.
15 Boston Records, II, Part 1, p. 22.
16 Suffolk Deeds, x. 15.
17 Boston Records, xxxii.
18 Id., ii, Part 2, pp. 6, 16, 19, 28, 34.
19 Archæologia Americana, vii. 1.
20 Proper names in my list are spelled as they appear in the printed Book of Possessions.
21 Throughout this paper I have used landmarks of the present in placing the lots which are discussed.
22 The numbering follows the plan already used in the text above: the first number shows the order in which the listing was done; the second, the page in the manuscript volume; and the third, the page in the printed text of the Book of Possessions.
23 H. F. Jenks, “Historical Sketch” in Catalogue of the Boston Public Latin School, 1886, pp. 33–34.
24 The letter, as well as the account of the curriculum sent with it, is in my possession. For Williams, see H. F. Jenks, pp. 31 ff. For Hobart see J. L. Sibley, Biographical Sketches of Harvard Graduates, ii. 235–238.
25 To Professor Norton i am grateful for information as to the “new” methods and the authors who advocated them, as well as for his general comment on the document discussed in this paper.
26 This was the famous Short Introduction to the Latin Tongue: For the Use of the Lower Forms in the Latin School, Being the Accidence Abbridg’d and Compiled in that most easy and accurate Method, wherein the Famous Mr. Ezekiel Cheever taught, etc., first printed in Boston in 1709. For this book, commonly known as Cheever’s Accidence, see G. E. Littlefield, Early Schools and School-Books of New England, pp. 251–253, 255.
27 The Nomenclator, or Nomenclatura, was a small Latin-English vocabulary, long generally used.
28 A book of Latin and English sentences, translated by Charles Hoole, and printed in Boston in 1702. Id., p. 247.
29 Hoole published in 1652 Maturinus Corderius’s School Colloquies, English and Latin. Cf. id., p. 243.
30 This suggests that they were allowed English translations of the books used earlier in the course. Hoole’s Sententiae Pueriles and his Corderius contained the English as well as the Latin text. Cf. notes 4 and 5 above.
31 “The old way of Repitition,” Professor Norton tells me, probably refers to the “Memoriter Recitation,” spoken of by Locke as: “Another thing, very ordinary in the vulgar method of grammar-schools . . . of which I see no use at all . . . That which I mean, and here complain of, is their being forced to learn by heart great parcels of the authors which are taught them.” Thoughts Concerning Education, Boston, 1830, p. 215.
32 “Propr: As in pres:” refers to rules in Lily’s Latin grammar, which was long in use in New England. Cf. Littlefield, pp. 238 ff. See also a passage in John Clarke’s Essay, p. 26, in which he speaks of Lily’s grammar, saying “the common Custom is, to make the Boys construe their Propria quae maribus, Quae genus, and As in praesenti, quite thro’;” and Lily’s Brevissima Institutio, 1651, pp. 12, 47.
33 J. Garretson’s English Exercises for School-Boys to translate into Latin. Littlefield, p. 259.
34 The “x” refers to the marginal notation, indicating that there were enclosed with the account of the curriculum papers illustrating the work done by the students. These papers I have not found.
35 Lucius Florus, the historian.
36 Cf. Littlefield, p. 97.
37 That is, a dialogue making use of phrases found in Godwin.
38 Thomas Godwin’s Romanae Historiae Anthologia. An English Exposition of the Roman Antiquities, etc., the sixteenth edition of which, according to the Dictionary of National Biography, was printed in London in 1696.
39 William Walker published in 1653 his Treatise of English Particles, Shewing Much of the Variety of their Significations and Uses in English: And how to render them into Latine according to the Propriety and Elegancy of that Language. With a Praxis upon the same. See Littlefield, p. 222.
40 Cf. Mark Van Doren, The Poetry of John Dryden, pp. 6–8.
41 Catalogue of the Boston Latin School, 1886, “Catalogue,” pp. 6, 42–47.
42 Catalogue, Appendix, pp. 271–279.
43 H. F. Jenks, “Historical Sketch,” pp. 26–28.
44 In manuscript at the Massachusetts Historical Society. A photostat copy is in the Harvard College Library.
45 H. F. Jenks, “Historical Sketch,” pp. 35–37.
46 Id., pp. 42–45.
47 Id., p. 41 note.
48 B. Wendell, Cotton Mather, p. 35.
49 In March, 1710–11, Cotton Mather wrote in his Diary (ii. 49): “I am now concerned for the Welfare of the great Grammar School of the Town. I would unite Counsils with a learned, pious, honorable Visitor of the School, to introduce diverse good Intentions into it. This among the rest; that Castalio . . . be brought into the school.” “Castalio” was Sébastien Châteillon, 1515–1563, whose Dialogorum Sacrorum Libri Quatuor was for a long time a popular textbook.
50 For Eutropius and the books by John Clarke and William King, see Littlefield, pp. 259, 297, 300, 301.
51 J. F. Colby, Manual of the Constitution of New Hampshire, pp. 80–82.
52 5 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., ii. 9.
53 In the printed version this word appears as “this,” but obviously Belknap intended “his.”
54 5 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., ii. 8.
55 5 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., ii. 450–453.
56 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., i. 29, 36.
57 The original of this letter is in the Harvard College Library. In 1814, Levi Hedge (1766–1844), who graduated from Harvard in 1792, was Professor of Logic, Ethics, and Metaphysics at the college. In 1827 he became Alford Professor of Natural Religion, Moral Philosophy, and Civil Polity. Parker Cleaveland (1780–1858) graduated from Harvard in 1799 and became in 1805 the first professor of mathematics and natural philosophy at Bowdoin.
58 Probably Stoughton Hall, completed in 1805.
59 New England Quarterly, i. 226–242.
60 The present Faculty Room of University Hall.
61 Boston Journal, April 3, and Boston Courier, April 7, 1828. Shortly after, each of the three upper classes presented Dr. Kirkland with silver plate to the value of $120.
62 Diary of Frederick W. Holland (class of 1831) for April 1 and 2, Harvard Alumni Bulletin, Oct. 13, 1927, p. 73.
63 Remarks concerning the late Dr. Bowditch by the Rev. Dr. Palfrey, with the replies of Dr. Bomditch’s children. Boston, 1840. Also in N. I. Bowditch, Memoir of Nathaniel Bowditch (Cambridge, 1884), pp. 169–172.
64 The MS. is entitled “College History, by Nathaniel Bowditch.” It has been deposited in the Harvard University Archives.
65 2 Massachusetts Historical Society Proceedings, ix. 145–146.
66 Quincy, History of Harvard University, ii. 255. Although there had been persons not active teachers on the Corporation from an early period (see our Publications, xv. pp. ixiii–lxvii), they had almost invariably been ministers. The first distinctly lay and non-resident member of the Corporation, other than the treasurers, was Paul Dudley (1697); there were only two more before the election of John Lowell in 1784, when the lay and non-resident character of the Corporation became fixed, although there were exceptions. Professor Eliphalet Pearson was a member of the Corporation 1800–06, and Rev. James Walker, when a member of the Corporation, was chosen Alford Professor in 1838, and President in 1853. Mr. Justice Story held a law professorship and a fellowship in the Corporation simultaneously, 1829–45, and E. W. Gurney was elected fellow in 1886 when professor of history.
67 2 Jefferson MSS., Library of Congress, lxxxvii. 168.
68 Eliphalet Pearson then resigned both chair and fellowship to found the Andover Theological Seminary as a Calvinist haven.
69 Quincy, ii. 311.
70 Josiah Quincy, History of Harvard University, ii. 333–335.
71 John L. Sibley, MS. Private Journal (Massachusetts Historical Society), i. 5.
72 “Government-ology,” in MS. records of the class of 1815.
73 Massachusetts Historical Society Proceedings, x. 289.
74 Statistics compiled from the Faculty Records by Mr. Clifford K. Shipton. Ninety-three students entered in the calendar year of 1820. Of the non-New England element, there were one each from New York, Pennsylvania, and Alabama, two each from Maryland, Washington, D. C., Mississippi, and Louisiana, three from Virginia, and eleven from South Carolina. The proportion of Southern students in Harvard College has never been so high as in Kirkland’s day, and the only period that approached it was 1853–55. Twenty-five per cent of those entering in 1820 were Southerners. In Kirkland’s day, however, Harvard had very few students from the Middle or Western States; not more than four from the former in any one year, and in some years none; and only one Westerner in his entire administration.
75 Statistics compiled by Mr. Shipton. The graph representing five-year average number of graduating classes at Harvard is crossed by that of Yale for the first time in 1745–19. Harvard pulled ahead in 1760–64, 1785–89, and 1815–19; then Yale gained rapidly and remained well ahead until after the Civil War. Princeton was below both Harvard and Yale until 1835–39, when it passed Harvard, but was left behind ten years later.
76 Ripley MSS. Massachusetts Historical Society.
77 2 Massachusetts Historical Society Proceedings, ix. 150–151.
78 The Rebelliad, or Terrible Transactions at the Seat of the Muses. Boston, 1842.
79 The President, resident Professors and principal Tutors — corresponding to the modern Faculty of Arts and Sciences. It is referred to as “The Government” in Dodge’s narrative, below.
80 Among those who later defended Thomas Dorr when he was generally regarded as an outlaw were his classmate John Preston, then in the New Hampshire Senate, and George Bancroft, a tutor in the college during his senior year. Bancroft’s letter on behalf of Dorr was characterized by George Ticknor Curtis as seldom surpassed in “Studied insinuation” and “degree of depravity.” The Merits of Thomas W. Dorr and George W. Bancroft, by a Citizen of Massachusetts, Boston, 1845, p. 31.
81 “By Pickering Dodge” (MS. note by John L. Sibley, the Librarian when this document was received).
82 The Faculty Records (MS.) state for August 16, 1820: “The immediate Govt, having received information, that the Freshman Class were taking measures to have a supper at the Neponsit Hotel on the evening of their public examination: Voted, That the President be requested to take such measures, as he shall judge expedient to prevent its taking place. The President accordingly informed Blake 2d, Bryan, Bronson, Loring, Robinson & Amory, — with injunction to communicate the information to others of the Class, that the proposed entertainment is forbidden by the Law iv. Ch 5. — is a violation of an express order of the Govt. that Class suppers be not allowed, — and that should it take place the government will consider it as a high misdemeanor.” Faculty Records, ix. 234. This is the prohibition referred to: “To prevent those tumults and disorders, which are frequent at entertainments, and to guard against extravagance and needless expenses, no student shall make any festive entertainments in the College, or its vicinity, except at Commencement, and at public Exhibitions, with the permission of the President.”
83 Charles T. Haskell of Charleston, S. C. He was already well known to the faculty, in July having narrowly escaped suspension for having made “a disorderly and indecent noise to the disturbance and dishonor of the College.” On Aug. 7 he was charged with being “prodigal & dissipated” and reprimanded by the President. — Faculty Records, ix. 233.
84 William Amory (1804–88). There is a memoir of him by Oliver Wendell Holmes in 2 Massachusetts Historical Society Proceedings, iv. 414–417.
85 Frederick Bronson of New York.
86 Thomas Jefferson Bryan of Philadelphia.
87 The song is printed as it is given in the manuscript, written from memory nearly forty years after the verses were composed.
88 Levi Hedge, college professor of Logic and Metaphyeics.
89 Rev. John S. Popkin, D.D., professor of Greek, a popular teacher and college character, reputed to be the last man to wear a queue.
90 Ira H. S. Blanchard, tutor in Latin.
91 Complete failure, in the college slang of the day.
92 Sibley notes that this was the nickname of Dr. Henry Ware.
93 Aug. 17. “The Govt, received information that the Freshman Class had a Supper at the Neponsit Hotel last night. — The President, Prof. Frisbie & Mr. Emerson were appointed a committee to examine into the subject.” — Faculty Records, ix. 234.
94 They were rusticated under the charge of country parsons. On Oct. 25, “A letter was read from the Father of Haskell who was suspended in August, requesting that he may be permitted to pass the winter at home with his family in South Carolina. Voted that the request be not granted.” — Faculty Records, ix. 234–5, 240–1.
95 “It appeared that the door between the dining halls of the Sophomore & Freshman Classes was burst open from the Sophomores’ Hall, — that Articles of furniture from the tables were thrown through, and great disorder produced.” Faculty Records, ix. 241. Commons were then on the ground floor of University Hall.
96 Nathaniel B. Blunt of New York, Martin Gay of Hingham, later an eminent physician, John Clarke Lee of Salem. Both Lee and Gay were later fellows of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.
97 Robert T. Dunbar of Natchez, Mississippi. The split can still be seen in one of the stone steps to the north entry of Hollis, not Stoughton Hall.
98 The Faculty, after suspending Dunbar, Voted “That any student found to have a cannon-ball or bomb shell in his possession shall be fined not less than one dollar.” — Faculty Records, ix. 242. “Bat,” according to Sibley’s note, was Elisha Fuller (class of 1815), a resident graduate and proctor. I cannot identify “Professor Downing.”
99 Nathaniel Ingersoll Bowditch, son of the Navigator.
100 James Hayward, then tutor and later Hollis Professor of Mathematics.
101 “Nov. 4. It appeared that Greenough, a member of the Sophomore Class, on the evening of the 3rd Instant was guilty of an assault upon the windows of a College Officer; wherefore voted, That Greenough be rusticated. It appeared that Marsh was a principal Agent in throwing down heavy Balls from the upper story of one of the Colleges, accompanied with a deliberate insult to a College officer, wherefore voted.—That Marsh be dismissed.” — Faculty Records, ix. 242. John Greenough of Roxbury returned to the class below and took his degree in 1824. John Marsh of Danvers was readmitted and obtained his degree in course. He moved to the West, became one of the greatest physicians in the country, and took a part in the early revolutions and political intrigues in California. (Information from George D. Lyman, M.D., of San Francisco.)
102 “Nov. 5. Petitions were received from the several Classes of Students requesting that the punishments inflicted yesterday on Greenough & Marsh might be mitigated. — Voted, That the petitions be not granted. — It appeared that Adams, Bullock, Cutts, Harris, Elwyn, Locke, Roy, Taliaferro & Tayloe on the afternoon of Nov 4. assembled in the College yard, and united in a combination to absent themselves from evening prayers: — and that afternoon joined with others in a disorder in the Commons Hall to express resentment at the punishment inflicted on two of their fellow students; by which conduct they became liable to the same punishment, which had been inflicted on those students; — but whereas the Government are willing to try the experiment of a milder course for the purpose of restoring order to the College; therefore voted, that [Obadiah R.] Harris [of Sparta, Ga.] & Tayloe, appearing on evidence to have been conspicuous in the foregoing irregularities, be dismissed.” — Faculty Records, ix. 243.
103 For example, Caleb Stark (1823) gets into trouble for “poking Danforth with a cane, repeating this after Danforth had lifted the fire shovel in a menacing manner; upon which Danforth being very angry struck Stark with violence on the hand with the edge of the shovel.” — Faculty Records, ix. 244.
104 Feb. 20. “It appeared that Bronson and Bryan, who returned from suspension of Friday last, did on the Monday evening following go into the College Hall, tho’ neither of them board in commons, & that they were there & then cheered by their class, by hussas and clapping of hands; whereupon voted, that Bronson & Bryan be reprimanded by the President for the disorder of which they appeared to be the voluntary occasion. Voted, That in case of any disorder occurring on the departure of persons punished from College, or on their return, the Government, as authorized by Ch vii. Art xi of the College laws, will select for censure the persons so departing or returning, on whose account the disorder takes place.” Feb. 26, “Voted, That the communication of the above vote be suspended to some future time.” — Faculty Records, ix. 246.
105 “March 8. It appeared that several members of the sophomore class had been insulted by some of their classmates on account of the part thay had taken in favor of order, in the disorders of the last Term. Voted, That the President be requested to remonstrate with those Students, who are understood to have had a part in the insult, and to assure them, that unless they are discontinued, they will be subject to punishment.” — Faculty Records, ix. 249.
106 Mar. 13–16. “It was represented to the Government, that a considerable number of the Sophomore class had for some time been subjects of gross insult and abuse from their classmates. At the desire of some of the persons aggrieved, an inquiry was instituted by the Government, and the result was, that It appeared, that Sturgis and Dodge, members of the sophomore class had taken an active part in a series of insults directed towards a number of their fellow students on account of their having refused to join in a combination against the authority of the College — whereupon — Voted, that Sturgis be suspended to the 14th day of Dec. next, to pursue his studies under the care of Rev Dr Sanders of Medfield, Note — It was found that Sturgis had a list of the names of the students referred to, suspended in a frame in his room; and that he was one of the first to preserve and circulate a scurrilous and abusive libel of the same students, and that he joined with another in destroying the original copy. — Voted Also, That Dodge be suspended to the 14th December next, to pursue his studies under the care of Rev Mr White of Dedham. Note, it was found that Dodge was the first to procure a scurrilous & abusive libel of several of his fellow-students, which had been posted in a public place, –that he took several copies of it, and destroyed the original for the purpose of concealing the Author: that he distinguished himself afterward by his zeal & activity in communicating the same in a printed form among his classmates; and also by singing it in his room after notice has been given from the Government, that unless every species of insult should be immediately discontinued, exemplary punishment would be inflicted on the offenders.” —Faculty Records, ix. 249–250.
107 The first edition of “The Convention” poem is also interleaved with the Dodge MS.
108 Jackson Gutterson of Milford, N. H.
109 William L. Chaplin of Groton.
110 James Augustus Kendall of Plymouth.
111 William Gordon Prince of Boston.
112 Henry Augustus Bruce of Boston.
113 James Trask Woodbury of Francestown, N. H. A brother of Levi Woodbury. Afterwards minister of Acton, and a representative in the General Court.
114 Phineas S. Denny, A.M., of Leicester. Afterward changed his name to Thomas.
115 Wendell Bayard Davis of Sandwich.
116 Thomas Gray of Roxbury.
117 William Samuel Emerson of Kennebunk, Maine; M.D. Bowdoin.
118 Samuel Horatio Stearns of Bedford. “It was a principle with him, while a member of the university, that a college rebellion is never wise or right.” William Augustus Stearns, in Life and Select Discourses of Rev. Samuel H. Stearns, p. 28.
119 Ebenezer Dorr Child of Boston later changed his name to Edward Vernon Childe. Took his degree in course and did notable propaganda for the Union in Europe in 1860.
120 William Parsons Lunt of Dorchester, later S.T.D.; Instructor in Mathematics, Overseer, and member of the Massachusetts Historical Society. Chandler Robbins in a commemorative discourse for Lunt (Boston, 1857) says that he applied his full attention to study and took no part in student activity. Lunt published a tract on Moral Education (Quincy 1838), and his daughter published a volume of Gleanings from his prose and verse writings (Boston 1874).
121 John Wright of Westford.
122 Mar. 26 “Great disorder having taken place at the Declamation last week and the preceding, Voted, That information be given to the Sophomore & Freshman classes, that those, who attend the Declamation are required to sit in their proper places, and the Monitors to take notice who are present: Also, that the classes be cautioned to be orderly in their deportment, as the condition of their attending.” “Voted, That the President be requested to make an enquiry of members of the several Societies, who were out on the night of Friday last, for the purpose of ascertaining who were concerned in an outrage on the room of a College Officer, — Mr. Fuller.” — Faculty Records, ix. 250–251.
123 April 2. “It appeared that Walker, a member of the Sophomore Class was guilty of conducting himself with indecorum at the Declamation on Saturday, March 31st, and also on the same occasion of offering a gross insult to a fellow student: (It was that of hissing him when in the act of declaming,) And whereas Walker had before been generally negligent of his studies, and disorderly in his conduct, — therefore, Voted, That Walker be, and he accordingly hereby is dismissed from College.” — Faculty Records, ix. 251. May 1. From the report of the Overseers’ visiting committee: “That in regard to conduct and discipline there have been, since the last semi annual visitation, some disorders and disturbances of a serious nature, which required the infliction of several severe punishments. Order and subordination have however been restored, and the College is now in a good state of tranquillity.” — Overseers Records (MS), vi. 395. “May 5. It appeared, that the Engine Company met last evening at Tyng & Tucker’s room [Stoughton 15], and were riotous and noisy. —The officer of the Entry, Mr Blanchard, sent for the occupants of the room. Tucker came immediately, Tyng not till ten minutes afterward. —The noise, (blowing of a horn) was but partially stopped by the injunction of the officer. Other noise in the mean time increased. —The officer then went up himself to still the noise. —An attempt was made to prevent his being heard by loud noise and blowing of ye horn. Soon afterward they dispersed; but as they went down, violence wm committed on ye door of the officer by kicking or striking with a stick; and soon after, the window of the officer was broken. It was by Tyng’s invitation that the meeting was at his room. —Voted, that Tyng be fined for a riotous meeting at his room, 5.00. Voted, that the Engine Company be abolished.” — Faculty Records, ix. 253–254. Two days later Tyng was rusticated for using “highly insolent and offensive language” when ordered not to split wood in the entry.
124 Cornelius F. Coolidge of Dorchester, and Hampden Cutts of Portsmouth, N. H. “May 17. It appeared that Coolidge, a member of ye Sophomore Class, was concerned in producing a violent and dangerous explosion of Gunpowder, which took place in one of the College Entries on the evening of the 15th instant, wherefore Voted, that Coolidge be rusticated. It appeared that Cutts, a member of the Sophomore Class was guilty of knowing, aiding, and abetting the production of a violent & dangerous explosion of Gunpowder, etc. —, wherefore Voted, That Cutts be dismissed from College.” — Faculty Records, ix. 256.
125 John H. Dexter of Boston. He did not return to college. Dodge’s statement is confirmed by the Faculty Records. “Note. Dexter’s punishment was mitigated in consideration of his voluntary confession, & because ye explosion appeared to have been of a less dangerous kind, than had been supposed.” — Faculty Records, ix. 256.
126 George Peabody of Salem.
127 “July 16. Blunt was reported to have been again guilty of breaking open one of ye doors of University Hall by bursting the Bar — etc.” “Aug. 1. It appeared that Blunt, a member of the Sophomore Class, on account of a series of disorderly acts, was some time since told by the Government, that any repitition of acts of disorder would be punished by dismission from College: It further appeared, that he had since in several instances been guilty of acts of disorder, and particularly, that on July 20th without leave for the purpose, he was guilty of passing the day in shooting; — Wherefore, Voted, That Blunt be dismissed from College.” “Aug. 1. It appeared that Bruce, a member of the Sophomore Class, on the pretence of sickness, obtained leave of absence from the President; when enstead of going to his Uncle’s in Boston, who has ye care of him, he went to the house of Dr Bossuet, where he passed several days, not applying for medical advice, nor appearing to the Dr to be there on account of sickness — wherefore, Voted, That the Connections of Bruce be dissolved.” — Faculty Records, ix. 262, 267–268. He was afterwards readmitted and took his degree in course.
128 Robert J. Park (sic in Faculty Records) of Framingham. Never took a degree. Oct. 8. “It appeared that Park, a member of the Junior Class, did at the public Declamation on the 5th Instant, speak a piece which was not approved by the Professor of Rhetoric, in a manner producing, and evidently intended to produce disorder: It appeared also, yt he had in past time been irregular in his conduct, and neglectful of his studies, & had been admonished by more than one officer of the College; and the immediate Government of the College being satisfied, that his continuance at the University affords no reasonable prospect of benefit to himself, and is prejudicial to others, — therefore Voted, that Park be dismissed from College.” — Faculty Records, ix. 277–278.
129 July 18. “Great irregularity and disorder took place yesterday being the day of ye valedictory. — The Class marched in procession thro’ the several Streets of Cambridge, many in a state of intoxication, and conducting with gross indecency and insult as they passed the houses of some of the Officers; and in the College yard insulting the whole Authority by dancing around the rebellion tree with the vaunt of friendship & rebellion. Voted, That a Committee be appointed to report what measures shall be adopted for the purpose of preventing irregularities on future occasions. — To report a week from next Monday. — Prof Hedge, Prof Farrar, Mr [Caleb] Cushing.” — Faculty Records, ix. 263. This committee decided that in the future there must be no procession, no class dinner, no music, and no guests at Class Day, no holiday for the other classes, and that the Seniors must leave town directly after dinner. — Faculty Records, ix. 265–266.
130 Andrew A. Locke of Hingham.
131 Alfred Langdon-Elwyn, of Portsmouth, N. H., took his degree in course. He was the originator of the Pennsylvania Agricultural Society and farm school, president of it and of the Pennsylvania institute for the blind, the training school for feeble minded, and the society for prevention of cruelty to animals. “It appeared that Elwyn, a member of ye Junior Class, notwithstanding measures employed by the Government for his reformation, continued to be negligent of his studies, and guilty of habitual indecorum in his deportment; and that was particularly guilty of profaneness at an exercise in the presence of his Class; and he having been heretofore informed, that unless his habits of study and conduct were corrected, he would be dismissed from College: — Therefore, Voted, — that Elwyn be dismissed.” — Faculty Records, ix. 296.
132 James P. Roy of Matthews County, Virginia. Feb. 25. “It was understood by the Govt. Jan. 21. that Dunbar & Roy were contracting debts at the Marlboro’ Hotel. — Prest. & Prof. Hodge were appointed a Committee to make inquiry and to take measures to have the law complied with. Feb. 26. It appeared that Roy, a member of the Junior Class, having been directed, on the 21st of January, to leave a public house in Boston, where he had been boarding, neglected to comply with the direction, but returning immediately after the direction had been given to him, remained there till the end of the vacation, — wherefore, Voted, — That Roy be dismissed.” — Faculty Records, rx. 289.
133 May 14. “Voted, That the Officers of the military company viz Captain, Lieut: & Ensign be repremanded for entertainment at Fresh Pond Hotel contrary to law; and that they be informed; that a repetition of the offence will cause the company to be dissolved.” — Faculty Records, ix. 296. “July 13. In consequence of the circumstances which attended the visit of the military Company to Capt Shaw at Charlestown June 29th. Voted, That the liberty of going out of town on private invitation be withdrawn from the Company. — Voted, That the name of Manning, on account of his agency in the transaction above alluded to, be struck off from the Performances at Commencement. Voted, That the President and Professor Everett be requested to inform Capt Hall of the measures which the Govt. have taken on the above subject; and also of the representations under which liberty was obtained by the Company to visit Capt Sham.” — Faculty Records, ix. 305–306.
134 James Dandridge Halyburton of Richmond, judge of the U.S. District Court of Eastern Virginia, 1847–61. July 1. “Halyburton, — his case deferred, & Mr Folsom to enquire respecting his remarkable absences.” Faculty Records, ix. 300. Dec. 16. “The Father of Halyburton applying to have his son take up his connexions and join the law School, Voted, That the Government do not consent to it.” — Faculty Records, x. 12.
135 Charles Folsom (class of 1813), Tutor in Latin.
136 “Nov. 22. A disorder took place on the 21. at evening prayers, chiefly in the Senior Class by repeated noise with the feet during the reading of the Scriptures. The President, Dr Ware, Prof. Everett & Mr. [George] Otis were appointed a committee to make inquiry on the subject. Several students were sent for and examined. A report was made to the Government who resolved to apply the law of selection. Farley 1, Farley 2, Dodge and Crowninshield were selected. — Then Voted, That information be given, that certain Students are actually selected for punishment, — who will be dismissed, if the disorder shall be repeated; but that if not, the punishment will not take effect. — NB. The disorder was not repeated.” — Faculty Records, x. 10.
137 John Paul Robinson of Dover, New Hampshire. He had already (March 25) been “admonished for irregular conduct and subsequent improper language in the presence of the Government.” — Faculty Records, x. 22.
138 Solomon Pearson Miles, Tutor in Mathematics.
139 Eben Farley of Boston, April 23. “It appeared that between 10 & 11 o’clock the last evening there was a bonfire in the field back of the shrubbery behind University Hall, and that, notwithstanding the public notice given by the President a few weeks since Farley 1 was seen going toward the fire, — wherefore, Voted, That Farley 1st be dismissed.” — Faculty Records, x. 26.
140 Robinson was to speak last, giving a fifteen minute oration in English. Woodbury and Borland were allowed sixteen minutes for “a philosophical disputation. On the advantages arising from the division of mankind into independent communities.” — Faculty Records, x. 22.
141 The Robinson affair is thus related in the Faculty Records and Waste Book:
April 9. “Robinson of the Senior Class charged with having been dissolute. Voted, That Robinson be dismissed — 6 yeas, 5 nays. Voted, That the Sentence be not immediately executed — 6 nays, 5 yeas.”
April 11. “Voted, That the above sentence be executed — 6 to 4. — Reconsidered. Voted, That Robinson be dismissed — 7 to three.” — Waste Book of 1823–24. “April 11. It appeared to the satisfaction of the Govt, that Robinson, a member of the Senior Class had been guilty of such loose and immoral conduct as to render him an unfit member of the society, wherefore, Voted, — That Robinson be dismissed. Voted, That the above sentence be communicated on Monday next. Voted, That the above sentence be not carried into execution if Robinson shall choose to withdraw from College.” — Faculty Records, x. 25.
“April 14. The vote for the dismission of Robinson was reconsidered by the casting vote of the President. Yeas, Pres., Prof Hedge, Dr Popkin, Prof Willard, Prof Everett, Mr Miles. Nays, Ware, Channing, Folsom, Otis, Hayward.” — Waste Book.
“Voted, That Robinson be informed, that under present circumstances, the Govt, do not take any further notice of his character and conduct, except, that all further assistance will be withheld from him, and that the Performance assigned to him for the Exhibition is withdrawn.” — Faculty Records, x. 25.
142 George Henry Calvert of Prince George County, Maryland. The year following his expulsion Calvert traveled in Europe and studied in German universities, publishing an interesting account of his experiences, First Years in Europe, 1866. He published two other later collections of his writings, Miscellany of Verse and Prose, 1840, and Brief Essays and Brevities, 1874.
143 “Your Committee attended an Exhibition in which the performers, who were of the senior and junior classes acquitted themselves remarkably well, & gave honorable display of talents & attainments. The gratification however, which the occasion afforded, received however an interruption, in consequence of the expression of dislike, which followed the last speaker, though his oratory and what he delivered deserved high commendation. But your Committee learned afterward, that this was the ebullition of that unpleasant discordance and jealousy in the senior, to which we have already referred.” — Overseers’ Records, vi. 488.
144 “May 1. At a meeting — Voted That Sturgis & Robinson be dismissed. [May] 2. At a meeting, Voted, To reconsider the vote as respects Sturgis. Yea: Miles, Otis, Everett, Channing, Popkin, President. Nay; Hay ward, Bancroft, Folsom, Hedge, Ware. Voted, To reconsider the vote as respects Robinson Yea: Bancroft, Everett, Popkin, Hedge, Ware, President. Nay; Miles, Hayward, Otis, Folsom, Channing. Voted, That the last vote be reconsidered, and that agreebly to the vote passed yesterday, — Robinson be dismissed.” — Faculty Waste Book for 1823–24. The formal record agrees.
145 “Professor Channing ordered them to go to their rooms. I heard him.” MS. note by John L. Sibley (Class of 1825).
146 “At a meeting ½ past 2. P.M. It appeared that Locke and Walker 1. at the public declamation, were actively concerned in a riot together with a violent assault on one of the students of the college: — it appeared also, that at the same pub. declamation Dodge 1 & Lee were actively concerned in a riot together with a violent assault on one of the students of the College; and subsequently of contumacious resistance of a college officer, — wherefore, Voted, That Locke, Walker, Dodge, & Lee be expelled.” — Faculty Records, x. 27.
147 The faculty then met and voted the expulsion of four more Seniors (Faculty Records, x. 27), but before the axe could fall on these victims, the occurrences of the next morning precipitated the general debacle.
148 The Rebellion Tree was a large elm on the Yard side of Hollis. For the part played by this tree in the Rebellion of 1818, see Josiah Quincy, Figures of the Past (1883), pp. 20–21.
149 Ellis G. Loring and Daniel Weld of Boston.
150 “It appeared that the students named below, members of the Senior Class, were engaged in a combination to resist the authority of the college, — wherefore Voted that they be dismissed.” — Faculty Records, x. 28. For the names see text.
151 I have added the date when those who subsequently received a Harvard degree, obtained it. The others do not appear in the Quinquennial Catalogue.
152 June 2. “Blunt is allowed to take up his connections but cannot have a regular dismission, — having staid away from College without permission, and giving as a reason for leaving college, that he had pledged himself to the combination.” — Faculty Records, x. 32.
153 “Hodges, after receiving the Sentence of dismission, was guilty of gross profaneness, and acts of violence in the College Yard. He was sent for by the Govt, and cautioned by the President against repeating such acts, as might expose him to higher punishment, and also to a civil process for assault and battery, and trespass. He promised to behave with decorum, yet returning to the College Yard, was again guilty of gross and loud profaneness.” — Faculty Records, x. 28.
154 A mistake. Newell was not dismissed, and took his degree in course.
155 Charles Pickering of Salem; he became an eminent naturalist, a member of the American Philosophical Society, and a Fellow of the American Academy. His Chronological History of Plants, published posthumously, contains a memoir.
156 Aug. 18. “The Government were informed that Child had taken a journey for his health, hoping to be excused, on the ground of ill health, from performing his part at Commencement. — Voted, That his excuse be not allowed. Voted, That Child’s name be stricken off from the list of performances for Commencement. Voted, That Tayloe be informed, that he is required to be present, and to perform his part at Commencement. Aug. 27. Chaplin having neglected to perform studies which were required of him and giving no satisfactory reason for the neglect, is not recomended for a degree. Bronson & Tayloe having neglected to prepare for performing the parts assigned them for Commencement, the recommendation for a Degree with their class is withheld from them.” — Faculty Records, x. 50–1.
157 Harvard College Papers (MS.), x. 58.
158 Faculty Records, x. 81 (May 29, 1823). The draft from which we print the letter is in x. 34–41.
159 A distinct case of presidential vacillation occurred on August 19, 1825, when the father of Francis Hilliard petitioned that his son be admitted to a degree. The Government voted, 6 to 5, that the petition be granted. The President then withdrew his name from the vote, leaving the faculty equally divided, and Hilliard did not get his degree until 1842.—Faculty Records, x. 100.
160 Nathaniel Bowditch, College History (MS.), pp. 94–95.
161 Certain Professors gave lectures which upper classmen were compelled to attend with their bodies, but not their brains, as they were not examined in the subject of the lectures, and did no reading in connection with them. When Ticknor tried examining the students on his lectures, many refused to be examined, and the Professor was unable to do anything about it. Ticknor’s Letters, pp. 43, 44.
162 George Ticknor, Remarks on Changes Lately Proposed or Adopted in Harvard University, p. 6.
163 There is a significant reply of the Faculty to the Overseers’ question: “What are the usual bodily exercises and amusements of the students, and what time is allowed for them?”
“The military company, composed of about twelve Seniors and from thirty-five to forty Juniors, practise military drill exercises in the intervals between study hours from the first of May to the end of October. A limited number attend a dancing school in the evening during a part of the year; and another small portion of the scholars take lessons in fencing, which, however, the Government rather discourage as being expensive, and causing too much interruption of study. In the Spring and Autumn there is occasional playing at ball; but there is a want of some system for bodily exercise. Individuals make a point of brisk walking daily; but a large number, as is too common with persons of sedentary pursuits, are negligent in this respect.” — Report of a Committee of the Overseers of Harvard College, January 6, 1825 (Cambridge, 1825), part III. p. 47. In 1826 the Corporation established an open-air gymnasium on the Delta (the site of Memorial Hall) and placed Charles Follen in charge. Our late associate Edward M. Hartwell has written an account of this first college gymnasium in America, in Circulars of Information of the Bureau of Education, No. 5 (1885), p.23.
164 Hitherto, and since the earliest days of the College, the long vacation had been in winter, in order to enable poor students to teach a district school. By 1824, very few were availing themselves of the privilege. There is a delightful account of this undergraduate school teaching in Frothingham’s George Ripley.
165 The Code did not, however, adopt an interesting suggestion of the Story committee, that a board of three officers resident in each college hall should have sole jurisdiction over the discipline of that building, unless the offence were serious enough to merit expulsion.
166 The suggestion of the Story committee that each department should have the right to nominate persons for promotion to vacancies within its membership was not adopted, but each department was given limited right to regulate the studies within its sphere.
167 Statutes and Laws of University in Cambridge, 1825. Chapter vi, p. 19, no. 61.
168 Mr. Ticknor’s Remarks on Changes in Harvard College, p. 40.
169 Only resident professors and the more important tutors were included in the Immediate Government, or Faculty. Ticknor lived in Boston, as the terms of the Smith chair did not require residence at Cambridge.
170 This was one of the objections that Andrews Norton made against the Overseers’ report (Remarks on a Report of a Committee, by one lately a member of the Immediate Government, Cambridge, 1824).
171 Ticknor’s Letters (H. U. Archives, 1816–28, fol. 42.; cf. 47, 48, 56.) Kirkland is hardly mentioned in Ticknor’s Letters and Journals, but much later Ticknor wrote: “President Kirkland will always be remembered by those who knew him, not only for the richness and originality of his mind and for his great perspicacity, but for the kindliness of his nature.” Life of William Prescott, p. 14, ii.
172 Cazneau Palfrey (1826) in Harvard Register, ii. 175 (1880). On April 22, 1823, two Freshmen were rusticated for “an assault on the windows of Mr. Bancroft” — the future historian. The next day Mr. Bancroft bowed to the unanimous request of the Freshmen “to change the mode of their instruction according to their wishes,” upon which the sentence over the two window-breakers was revoked.—Faculty Records, x. 26. This was not the only time Mr. Tutor Bancroft’s windows were broken. Cf. Edward Jarvis (1826), Ms. Autobiography, p. 5; J. S. Bassett, The Middle Group of American Historians, p. 145; Harvard Graduates’ Magazine, vi. 17.
173 Henry Ware et al., To the Reverend and Honorable the Corporation of Harvard University (Cambridge, 1824, pp. 30). Professor Channing was the only member of the Faculty who did not sign.
174 Quincy, History of Harvard University, chapter xiv.
175 Quincy, History of Haward University, chapter xxxv; and pamphlets there cited. Ticknor, Remarks, pp. 11–32. The case for the teachers is best stated in Andrews Norton’s Speech delivered before the Overseers of Harvard College, February 3, 1825, in behalf of the Resident Instructers [sic], Boston, 1825.
176 Bowditch, College History, p. 71; Faculty Records, x. 117–19; Corporation Records, x. 856. “Several of the Faculty made report [that Law 61 has] occasioned disorders and dissatisfaction, without perceptibly tending to increase scholarship, and has occasioned complaint among parents as well as teachers.” — Report of Visiting Committee of Overseers, Jan. 18, 1827, Overseers’ Records, vii. 335.
177 Quincy, ii. 369–70; Faculty Records, x. 134–7; Bowditch charges (College History, p. 13) that the President tried to railroad a repeal of Law 61 through the Corporation at the close of a meeting, when most of the members were departing. The law was suspended Nov. 27, 1826, and its modification consented to by the Overseers Feb. 1, 1827.
178 Ticknor to Kirkland, Oct. 4, 1825. Ticknor Letters, fol. 48, 49, criticizing the President.
179 Vote of Jan. 4, 1826. —Faculty Records, x. 116.
180 Ticknor wanted to abolish the division into Freshman, Sophomore, etc., classes, “that the whole course be thrown open as in some foreign universities.” — Overseers’ Records, vii. 336; Ticknor’s Letters, 51. This was effected by the course system and free électives in the Eliot administration, classes being retained only as a social unit.
181 Charles Follen, the gifted German scholar and patriot; Francis Sales, for French and Spanish; and Pietro Bachi, for Italian and Spanish.
182 Life, Letters, and Journals of George Ticknor, i. 365–69; Ticknor’s MS. report of June 5, 1828, in Reports to Overseers, i. 67–69. The first presidential annual report (for 1825–6, Cambridge, 1827) contains a most interesting and detailed tabular view, showing the number of students in each section, the books studied, and comparative progress.
183 Report of a Committee of the Overseers, January 6, 1825, Part I. pp. 17–19. (Cambridge, 1825.)
184 Quincy, ii. 360.
185 See his memoir by Charles K. Bolton in Massachusetts Historical Society Proceedings, xlvii. 529–34.
186 See above, p. 61.
187 John L. Sibley, Private Journal (MS.), i. 3.
188 Bowditch, College History, p. 6; the corporation records were so badly kept at this period — as Bowditch complained — that without his remarks one could not understand the Corporation notes on this subject; e.g. College Records, x. 856, 858.
189 College Records, x. 856,; 1827–36, pp. 29–31.
190 Bowditch, p. 16, et. seq.; College Records, x. 855; 1827–36, p. 31.
191 Bowditch, pp. 22–31, 48–53; College Records, 1827–36, p. 31. Charles Sanders, the new Steward, “tells the students, when on a bill of seventy dollars they bring him 12 cents instead of 12½, that it will do this time, but that it is not what they owe him. The half cent he will sometimes give up, but he will hang on exceedingly hard for three-quarters of one.” Letter of John O. Sargent (1830), May 22, 1828, Harvard College Library.
192 “There was no coal burnt when I was in College” (John L. Sibley of the class of 1825, Private Journal, i. 7). Within five years the use of coal in grates became common.
193 Bowditch, College History, pp. 28–30; Overseers’ Records, vii. 412; Josiah Quincy, Figures of the Past (1883), p. 41; College Records, 1827–36, pp. 17, 56.
194 New by-laws for the Corporation were adopted April 12, 1827, and appear at the head of a new book of Corporation Records (College Records, 1827–36) kept by F. C. Gray, which is in marked contrast to the former haphazard records kept by Dr. Kirkland in loose sheets and small blank books. Cf. Quincy, History of Harvard University, ii. 367.
195 Their report, as adopted by the Corporation, is in Overseers’ Records, vii. 405–17.
196 Bowditch, College History, pp. 68–72; College Records, 1827–36, pp. 3–10, 35, 54–58. No new Rumford Professor was appointed until 1834, or Royall Professor until 1829. The emoluments of these chairs were so inconsiderable that they could only be held by non-residents who had other occupations; Ticknor consented to remain (much to the President’s disappointment, says Bowditch, p. 73) although his salary was reduced to $600. Dr. Bigelow retained the chair of Materia Medics in the Medical School. — George E. Ellis, Memoir of Jacob Bigelow (Cambridge, 1880, reprinted from Massachusetts Historical Society Proceedings).
197 College History, pp. 70–75, 84; College Records, 1827–36, p. 12.
198 College Records, 1827–36, pp. 37–42, 49, 51, 57.
199 Letter of John O. Sargent (class of 1830), May 22, 1828, Harvard College Library.
200 College Records, x. 461; 1827–36, p. 54.
201 Ticknor’s Letters, fol. 90
202 College Records, 1827–36, p. 60.
203 Id., p. 62.
204 The only reference to this in the Corporation Records is: “The Treasurer laid before the Board a communication from the Steward. Voted That the Steward be authorized to defer fitting up the recitation rooms for the modern languages until the vacation before Commencement.” — College Records, 182736, p. 65.
205 College Papers (MSS.), Second Series, ii. 236; Bowditch, pp. 126–27.
206 College Papers (MSS.), Second Series, ii. 236.
207 See page 56, note 2.
208 Quincy, ii. 371.
209 2 Massachusetts Historical Society Proceedings, ix. 151–52.
210 Our Publications, xv. 37, 197. Cf., xx. 113 note.
211 xv. 21.
212 xxv. 252.
213 A single copy only is extant of the 1643 broadside presently to be mentioned; of the 1648 edition of the Colony Laws; of The Present State of the New-English Affairs, 1689 (cf. our Publications, ix. 421, x. 310–320); and of Publick Occurrences Both Forreign and Domestick, 1690 (ix. 421, x. 314). Moreover, all these copies have come to light only in recent years. And of course, of many books and broadsides known to have been printed no copies are extant.
214 Mather Papers, p. 516. Cf. our Publications, xxv. 244–253.
215 Our Publications, iv. 295, 297–298.
216 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 22.
217 Our Publications, xvii. 116. In 1905 Robert F. Roden, under the date of “1643 (?)” gave the title. “[Capital Laws of Massachusetts Bay. Cambridge, Stephen Daye, 1643],” and said: “This is the ‘Body of Liberties,’ the first code, prepared by Nathaniel Ward. The Cambridge edition is referred to in the preface of ‘New England’s Jonas,’ London, 1647; but no copy is extant” (Carnbridge Press, 1638–1692, p. 146). Roden was in error in calling it the Body of Liberties.
218 An obvious misprint for “Alley.”
219 See the illustration facing p. 116.
220 Acts and Laws of New-Hampshire (Portsmouth, 1771), p. 51. 13 Anne, Cap. xxxviii.
221 New Hampshire State Papers, i. 396–397.
222 Belknap, History of New Hampshire, in. 280.
223 See note 67, p. 147.
224 The names of women who instructed “young ladies” and “Misses” in reading, writing, spelling, and needlework, and of men who taught only dancing, fencing, or singing (“psalmody”) are omitted.
225 Notes referring to each individual in this list are given on pages 135–156. The numbering of the notes agrees with the numbering of the names in the list.
226 The dates given are those which occur in the records. It would be impossible to verify inclusive dates for all.
227 The numbers in this list agree with those in the Chronological List above and with those used in the notes on pp. 135–156.
228 It will be observed that Judge Brooks was twelve years of age when his grandfather died and thirty-nine years old when his father died.
229 Miss Elsie Roberts, formerly of Philadelphia, who lived in Concord up to the time of her death.
230 First edition, 1831, pp. 73, 74, and 87 note. Second edition, 1856, pp. 157, 158. The first edition appeared a year before Doolittle’s death. Barber had worked with Doolittle and drew his account from him.
231 Publications of the New Haven Colony Historical Society, viii 132–150.
232 The Rev. Mr. Beardsley says: “They did not go as the Governor’s Foot Guard but as the New Haven Cadets.” Ezra Stiles in his Diary (1. 540) says under date of February 26: “The news of Lexington reached New Haven on Friday night — & on Ldsday Morng the Compa of Cadets marched from New Haven Via Hartfd for Boston.”
233 William Dunlap’s History of The Arts of Design in the United States (1918), 1. 183, 184, 263, 264, and 264 note. Earl was a portrait painter of some importance, who studied after the Revolution under Benjamin West, but is said to have “destroyed himself by habitual intemperance.”
234 This was the present Elm wood. Oliver had removed to Boston in the previous year and subsequently left there for England at the time of the Evacuation of Boston in March, 1776.
235 I am indebted to Mr. Andrew Keogh, Librarian of Yale University, for a photostat of the page of the Connecticut Journal, December 13, 1775, on which the advertisement appears.
236 Acts of 1719, Chapter 8, passed November 7, 1719.
237 The clergy had expressed the view 20 years earlier — that lotteries were “a plain cheat upon the people” yet “such is the corruption of mankind, that the mere hope of getting the riches of other men without the doing the service of anything for it, will engage men to run the hazard of being losers.” Judgment of the ministers made at Boston, in May, 1699, quoted in a lecture on lotteries by George William Gordon to the Young Men’s Society (printed by the Temperance Press, Boston, 1833), p. 10.
238 F. Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe (1895), ii. 83–86; see also Province Laws, iv. 133–142, notes.
239 Acts of 1744–1745, Chapter 20, passed January 9, 1745, to raise £7500 for the expenses of an expedition for relief of Annapolis; Acts of 1757–1758, Chapter 35, passed April 29, 1758, to raise £30,000 for the “intended expedition against Canada.” (Under Abercrombie.)
240 Acts of 1760–1761, Chapter 26.
241 Acts of 1759–1760, Chapter 25. See also our Publications, nr. 36; iv. 59.
242 Acts of 1780, Chapter 15.
243 Act of November 9, 1786. The President and Fellows of Harvard College bought twenty tickets in this lottery by virtue of which they became the owners of ten lots covering 2720 acres of wilderness. (Corporation Records, in. 272, 320. References in these notes are to the set of records in the office of the President at University Hall, Cambridge.) The vote directs the treasurer “to purchase twenty tickets in the land lottery with Pierce’s final settlement notes now in the treasury.”
244 Acts of 1760, Chapter 35.
245 Acts of 1757–1758, Chapter 14.
246 Acts of 1779–1780, Chapter 4.
247 Independent Chronicle, Apr. 10, 1794; Nov. 23, 1795; Oct. 16, 1809.
248 Cf: W. C. Lane, “New Hampshire’s Part in Restoring the Library,” in our Publications, xxv. 24, 28.
249 Resolves of 1762–1763, Chapters 65, 71, 328; Resolves of 1763–1764, Chapters 149, 230. See also J. Quincy, History of Harvard College, ii. 100–101, 112–113, 479–481.
250 Id., i. 180.
251 The average number in the graduating class from 1755 to 1764 was 34, as against 23 in the preceding decade. Harvard Quinquennial Catalogue.
252 Chap. 21 Acts of 1765, passed June 25, 1765.
253 Thomas Hubbard graduated in the class of 1721 and was treasurer of the college from 1752 until his death in 1773. He was a member of the General Court and the Provincial Council. He contributed £100 for the building of the new Harvard Hall and left £300 to the college by his will. (Quincy, ii. 101, 158.) Thomas Flucker was secretary of the Province. (Id., ii. 153, 458.)
Edward Holyoke was president of the college. He died in 1769. John Winthrop held the Hollis professorship of mathematics, and natural and experimental philosophy. On the death of President Holyoke he was chosen president, but declined the office. (Id., ii. 25, 149.)
254 Corporation Records, ii. 320.
255 Id., ii. 352. The office of president was held by Samuel Locke, who had succeeded President Holyoke. The presidency had been offered to Andrew Eliot and Samuel Cooper, the other members of the Committee, but both had declined. (Quincy, ii. 151–154, 161.)
256 Id., ii. 365.
257 Id., ii. 369.
258 Acts of 1772, Chapter 16, passed July 2. Jonathan Mason was a merchant and deacon of the Old South Church. Thinking the atmosphere at Harvard heretical, he sent his son to Princeton, but gave a legacy of $500 to the President and Fellows of Harvard College to support a professorship of divinity.
259 “Whereas the Managers of the College Lottery have made application to this Board, representing that they cannot go on with s’d Lottery, but are determined forthwith to resign their trust, unless the College will engage to take off a number of the tickets which remain unsold; and that if sufficient encouragement may be given them this way, they hope to sell the remainder, & will proceed to fix on the first day of June next for the time of drawing; the Corporation, considering that this Lottery was designed by the General Court for a purpose of great importance to the College, & judging it their duty to do everything in their power to prevent the failure of so good a design . . .
“VOTED: That the College will take to their own account, at the risque of the proposed profits, two thousand tickets, if so many shall remain unsold at the time fixed for drawing.” (Corporation Records, ii. 415.)
261 Samuel Eliot founded the professorship of Greek Literature; Aaron Dexter was professor of Chemistry and Materia Medica for 33 years from 1783. (Quincy, ii. 267, 270, 308, 313.)
262 Acts of 1788, Chapter 24, passed November 21, 1788. A copy bearing the signature of Governor John Hancock is in the collection of Harvard College Papers, in. No. 61, in the Harvard College Library.
263 A. R. Spofford, “Lotteries in American History,” Annual Report of the American Historical Association, 1892, p. 179.
264 The following documents in the collection of Harvard College papers in Widener Library relate to this lottery:
(a) Receipt in handwriting of Joseph Willard, President (Harvard College Papers, iii. No. 29): Cambridge, March 20, 1789.
Received of Mr. Joseph Pope of Boston an Orrery purchased of him by Mr. Samuel Eliot and the Other Gentlemen, Managers of a Lottery granted by the General Court for that purpose, which Orrery is safely lodged in the Philosophy Chamber of Harvard College. (Sgd.) Joseph Willard, President.
(b) Receipt of Ebenezer Storer (Treasurer of the College) to Samuel Eliot, Henry Hill, and Aaron Dexter, Managers, Dated March 31, 1789. (Harvard College Papers, in. No. 30.)
(c) Original accounts of the Managers rendered to the Treasurer of the College. (Harvard College Papers, iii., Supp., Nos. 28, 32.)
The managers credit themselves with the following payments: Samuel Barrett, Justice of the Peace for administering three oaths,
Mr. Fenno for numbering tickets
Mr. Larkin for binding tickets
For wax and thread
Jacob Kuhn for attendance at the drawings
To the “boys at wheels”
A carpenter’s bill
The total proceeds of the lottery were £549 – 6 – 0.
The cost of the orrery with its case was £450–3–0, and the cost of moving it to Cambridge was £2–16–0.
(d) Cancellation of Manager’s bonds, their duties having been performed. (Harvard College Papers, iii., Supp. No. 33.)
265 Corporation Records, March 31, 1789, III. 331. Copy of vote in Harvard College Papers, iii, Supp., No. 31.
266 Messrs. Walton, reporting on the work done in getting “stuff and nails out of Stoughton College” estimated the stuff saved £207 and 43,000 nails of a value of £430. (Corporation Records, iii. 365, November 23, 1779.)
267 At a meeting of the Corporation held October 2, 1781, it was voted — “To dispose of Stoughton Hall, as it now stands, to some person who will engage to remove it from the ground.” (Corporation Records in. 131.) Below this is a note — “Stoughton Hall was purchased at public auction for the College.” At a meeting of the Corporation held November 13, 1781, it was voted — “That Deacon Aaron Hill have the liberty to take down the walls of Stoughton Hall and clean the bricks, preserving for the use of the College one-half the bricks, which he is Carefully to pile up, leaving the corner stones, the stones in the celler with Governor Stoughton’s arms and the inscription under, and remove the rubbish, and for his time and trouble to have the other half of the bricks.” (Id., iii. 132.)
268 At a meeting of the Corporation held February 17, 1786, it was voted that, “Mr. Lowell, the Treasurer, and Dr. Howard be a committee to take measures to revive the Lottery granted to the University by the General Court before the commencement of the late War, for the purpose of building a college, which is now much wanted.” (Id., iii. 251.) At this time Joseph Willard held the office of president. John Lowell, one of the foremost lawyers of the time, had succeeded Dr. Cooper as a member of the Corporation. Ebenezer Storer held the office of treasurer. (Quincy, ii. 196–97, 244, 255–56.)
269 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., iii. 216–17.
270 Petition to the Honorable The Senate and Honorable House of Representatives in General Court assembled. Humbly represent the President and Fellows of Harvard College that the Buildings now erected for the Accommodation of the Students have been long insufficient for that purpose, by which means an unequal charge falls on some of them who are compelled to procure lodgings &c in private families, that the Legislature, impressed with the propriety of causing another building to be erected, in 1772, granted a Lottery for that purpose, w’ch Grant still exists in full force, but the sale of the tickets being interrupted by the late War & several of the Managers having since died, that said corporation pray Your Honors that the Vacancies may be filled up so that they may be able to proceed in so necessary a business. . . . They have hitherto avoided making an application for this purpose as many Lotteries for public objects have been lately in operation, all of which are now finished.
By order and in behalf of the Corporation.
(Sgd.) Joseph Willard, President, June 3, 1793.”
(Harvard College Papers, iii. No. 155.)
271 Acts of 1794, Chapter 1. See also Quincy, ii. 273.
272 A letter to the Salem Gazette, June 29, 1790, argues in support of lotteries:— “There exists a spirit of adventure in all societies which will lead a number to throw themselves into the hands of Chance in one way or another, and which under the direction of a wise legislature may be made to subserve their best interests. The moneys raised by lotteries cannot impoverish the community as they are not sent abroad but only taken out of one pocket and put into another.” (Reprinted in H. M. Brooks, Curiosities of the Lottery, p. 55.) Jefferson held lotteries no more immoral than any occupation depending for its success upon chance. (Works, ed. P. L. Ford, x. 362.) On the other hand lotteries were condemned as tending to ruin the prosperity and the morals of the people. See for example A. O. Stansbury’s Address to the Missionary Society of New York, 1813, in the course of a debate on the propriety of retaining a ticket in the Union College Lottery which had been deposited in the contribution box. (The Society voted to postpone its decision until after the drawing.) For a brief history of lotteries in Europe and America, and a fair presentation of the case against them, see a lecture by George William Gordon to the Boston Young Men’s Society in 1833. (Printed by the Temperance Press, Boston. A copy is in the Boston Athenaeum.)
273 “As the enemy approached our Men were not only exposed to the Attack of a very numerous Musketry, but to the heavy Fire of the Battery on Copps Hill, four or five men-of-war, several armed Boats or floating Batteries in Mistick River and a number of Field Pieces.” New England Chronicle, June 22, 1775, “printed by Samuel and Ebenezer Hall at their office in Stoughton Hall, Harvard College,” to which they had moved from the Town House in Salem. See Id., May 12, 1775.
274 Diary of William Bentley, i 157, April 1, 1790. On January 24, 1791, he writes — “The rage of lotteries increases every day.” (Id., i. 231.)
275 Id., II. 97, 83. Rev. Gideon Hawley, missionary to the Mashpee Indians at an annual salary of $175, wrote to the Treasurer of the College December 10, 1794: “My son James, the bearer, will need money to discharge his arrears and it is needed at home. My salary from the Corporation was paid up to the last of May and now two quarters is supposed to be due to me. You will therefore please pay my son $50., as Treasurer of Harvard College, and he will return you five dolls, the price of the ticket in the Lottery which I wrote you (to) buy me and deposit with Doctor Thatcher. When James knows its number he may inquire further about it . . . My son James has commenced a preacher of the Gospel to good acceptance. . . .” On Sept. 13, 1796, Mr. Hawley wrote to the Treasurer: “In case my son James will pay for half a ticket in the College Lottery . . . I will agree to adventure half a ticket in the same provided you will credit me five dolls, to be paid out of my present quarter which will terminate in November next. Nevertheless having never been successful in Lotteries I should not have made the proposal had not this been in favor of the course of literature . . .” November 3, 1796, he wrote to the Treasurer again, requesting him to buy the half ticket whether or not his son James took the other half. (Harvard College Papers, iii., Nos. 173, 202, 204.)
276 Salem Gazette, February 25, 1794. Reprinted in Brooks, p. 57.
277 Joel Barlow was born in Connecticut in 1754, but lived in France during the Revolution and was identified with the Girondist party. He was Consul at Algiers, 1795–1797, and Minister of the United States to France, 1811–1812. He wrote The Vision of Columbus, Hasty Pudding, and some other poems. But in spite of the respect which delegates to the French National Assembly had for him, it seems as if Mr. Bentley gives him more credit for their action than his letter deserved. A more persuasive argument was that lotteries violated the basic principles of the Revolution in that they tended to an unequal distribution of wealth and the creation of a new class of idle rich. Opinion de J. s. B. Delmas, Président du Conseil des Anciens, sur la Résolution du 4 Germinal, An 5, rélative à l’Etablissement d’une Lottérie Nationale. (Boston Athenaeum.)
278 In Boston the most active lottery offices were those of Gilbert & Dean at 79 State Street and W. & T. Kidder at 9 Market Square. The following advertisements in the semi-weekly newspapers are typical:
From the Independent Chronicle, March 8, 1808:
The GREAT PRIZE of TWENTY THOUSAND DOLLARS was on Monday last drawn against
in HARVARD COLLEGE LOTTERY and was sold in Quarters
at GILBERT & DEAN’S REAL FORTUNATE LOTTERY OFFICE
No. 79 State Street
☞ The two largest prizes ever known in the Northern States have been sold by GILBERT & DEAN.
[Printers in the Eastern States are requested to publish the above and forward their bills for payment.]
Immediately following the above is the advertisement of W. & T. Kidder, which concludes as follows: “It is a circumstance truly worthy of remark, and which will be noticed by all those who court the smiles of Fortune, that nearly all the high prizes in this Lottery were sold at Kidder’s Lucky Lottery Office, which has now gained a high rank among those styled ‘fortunate.’”
From the Independent Chronicle, April 6, 1808:
Ye who on Fortune’s golden sea appear,
Behold the chart, — there’s no Embargo here.
It must give a confidence almost bordering on certainty to ALL who are in the habit of feeling that tickling, pleasing, painful sensation which always arises from having undrawn tickets in ones pocket; and to the “Lucky Ones,” at least, it will be a matter of particular satisfaction to learn that the following CAPITAL PRIZES have been sold at KIDDERS Established Lucky Lottery Office, No. 9 Market Square in less than one year!” [Followed by list of numbers.]
“The Embargo Act,” referred to in the advertisement, “remained in force from December 22, 1807, to March 15, 1809,” and “forbade any American vessel to clear from an American harbor for a foreign port, and placed coasting and fishing vessels under heavy bonds not to land their cargoes outside the United States. Another act, which went into effect at the same time, forbade the importation of many British goods.” (S. E. Morison, Maritime History of Massachusetts, p. 187.)
D. Beaman sold tickets at “Beaman’s Real and Truly Fortunate Lottery Office” at 1 Sumner Street, opposite the northwest corner of the new State House, and accepted prize tickets and Detroit bank bills in payment. (Independent Chronicle, July 4, 1808.) Others who sold tickets in Boston were Wright, Goodwin & Stockwell, 27 Union Street, “who have for sale best Spanish cigars by the box or less,” as well as stationery and books and periodicals. Also Eben Larkin, 50 Cornhill; Mathew Park, 2 Town Dock; William Blagrove, 5 School Street; John W. Folsom, 30 Union Street. In Cambridge tickets could be bought from William Hilliard at the “Cambridge Book Store.” In the advertisement of Gilbert & Dean in the Independent Chronicle, October 9, 1808, it is represented that “nearly one million dollars have been distributed from these offices a large proportion of which fell into the hands of poor, honest and industrious people. This shows the good effect of lotteries, and more particularly shows the remarkable good success of those who purchase their tickets at the above offices. It is presumed that after perusing the above facts any person will be convinced of the superior chance they can have by purchasing their tickets at the Real Fortunate Lottery Offices of Gilbert & Dean,” etc. A joint advertisement of Gilbert & Dean and Kidder (Independent Chronicle, July 7, 1808) appeals to the rural population. After listing in bold faced type the prize tickets sold through their offices in the preceding class of the Harvard Lottery of 1806, they say — “We often have accounts of ‘mammoth cheeses,’ ‘apples,’ ‘pears,’ ‘pompions,’ etc., but like falsehood they are hollow hearted, — none of them are so solid or contain half the ‘pith and marrow’ which may be found in the ‘mammoth prize,’ which is now for sale (it may fairly be presumed from the appearance above) either at the office of Gilbert & Dean, or W. Kidder. . . .”
The following example of current wit appears in the Independent Chronicle, June 27, 1808:
“In GENERAL COURT
The HON. MR. HARVARD offered a motion deeply interesting to every Man, Woman and Child, viz.:
That a Committee be appointed to consider the expediency of relieving by liberal and impartial appropriations of Money those of our citizens who are suffering by the present ‘hard times.’
Read and Committed to Messrs. GILBERT and DEAN and W. & T. KIDDER with leave to report by (Bank) Bill or otherwise.
The Committee this day reported an admirable system which was unanimously accepted; by which any man for a trifling fee may put himself in a way to elude the pinching of these hard times.
The same Committee being appointed to carry this scheme into execution will receive applications at No. 9. Market Square, and on the ground floor of No. 79 State Street.
The Excellent chance the Harvard College Lottery at this moment offers is worthy the attention of all who value their interest; as the wheels have gained the capital sum of 10869 dolls, and there are yet to be drawn the following large prizes, viz. —”
[The list of prizes to be drawn follows.]
An advertisement of Gilbert & Dean (Independent Chronicle, March 24, 1809) opens with a woodcut of four persons in a row boat fishing with rods in a pond swarming with fish, decorated with dollar signs and figures. This is followed by a piece of doggerel entitled:
(A new lottery song to be sung to the tune of ‘There are Sweepers in High Life as well as in Low’):
“In the fish pond of fortune men angle all ways,
Some angle for titles, some angle for praise,
Some angle for favor, some angle for wives,
And some angle for naught all the days of their lives.
Ye who’d angle for wealth and would Fortune obtain
Get your hooks baited by Kidder, Gilbert & Dean.
Some angle for pleasure, some angle for pain,
Some angle for trifles, some angle for gain,
Some angle for glory, some angle for strife,
Some angle to make themselves happy for Life.
Chorus: Ye who’d angle, etc.
Some angle for wit, and some angle for fame,
Some angle for nonsense and some e’en for shame,
Some angle for horses and some angle for hounds,
For angling’s infinite, it never new bounds.
Chorus: Ye who’d angle,” etc.
Some other advertisements relating to the Hanard College Lottery of 1794 are collected in a note to Albert Matthews, “Sir Matthew Holworthy and Lady Holworthy,” our Publications, xiii. 154–158.
279 In the case of lotteries that were not for State or Municipal improvements, the managers’ compensation was usually a matter for negotiation with the governing board of the institution for whose benefit the lottery was granted.
280 “The adventurers are principally confined to the laboring classes.” Thomas Man, Pictures of a Factory Village, p. 119. (Boston Athenaeum.) The following advertisement of “situations wanted” follows immediately after a list of the winning tickets, in the advertisement of the Lottery Office of W. & T. Kidder, 9 Market Square — “Persons in want of employment, such as clerks, apprentices, supercargos, coachmen, boys in families, nurses, cooks, chambermaids, kitchen maids, or servants, or who have houses or stores to sell or let, or any other kind of intelligence are requested to call. Gentlemen and ladies in want of persons in any of the above situations, or in want of houses or stores are likewise requested to call. Merchants and shopkeepers can be immediately supplied with clerks and apprentices. Wanted immediately 10 or 20 maids and cooks, also 6 or 8 boys. Silver change bought and sold.” (Independent Chronicle, June 29, 1807.)
281 At a meeting held July 3, 1794, the Corporation voted:
“Whereas by the Act passed by the General Court upon the 14th of June, 1794 granting a lottery for raising ‘the sum of eight thousand pounds for the purpose of erecting a building for the use of the University of Cambridge,’ it is required that the Corporation should allow the managers of said Lottery compensation for their services; and the Corporation having conferred with said managers:
“Voted: That five per centum be and it hereby is allowed to the Managers of the said Lottery upon the amount of the tickets which may be by them respectively sold: they the said managers to pay the charges of printing the tickets, and all other incidental expences whatever, which may accrue or arise from the managing & drawing of the several classes of the said Lottery: — The Corporation being subject to make a farther reasonable allowance to said Managers, out of the proceeds of the Lottery, upon the amount of any of the tickets which may be unsold, and returned to the Corporation on account of the Lottery, previous to the drawing of any of the classes thereof.” (Corporation Records, iii. 454.)
The managers took exception to this vote and sent the following letter to the Corporation:
“Boston, July 5, 1794
We have considered your vote of the 3d July inst; allowing the Managers five per centum on such Lottery tickets as should be sold, and reasonable allowance upon the amount of any tickets unsold which might be returned to the Corporation. We conceive the rate of allowance on the latter tickets remaining unsettled arises rather from a desire to stimulate the Managers to exertion, than from an idea that the premium of three per centum which they demanded was exorbitnnt. But Ke do not think that this consideration is sufficient to postpone the fixing of the premium to a time when circumstances may arise to render it much more difficult to do it, than it is at present. Such of us as were concerned in the management of the State Lottery are conscious that this motive was not necessary to induce us to exertion then, although, at that time, no distinction was made between the sold and unsold tickets, and we in fact received the ahole premium upon both. We therefore request that the vote of the Corporation may be made certain, with regard to the tickets of the latter class.
We are, Gentlemen
With respect your obedient Servants
Benjamin Austin, Junior
George R’ds Minot,
(Id., iii. 455.)
The letter was discussed at a meeting of the Corporation held July 8, and the following resolution adopted: “The Corporation, by a vote of the 3d instant, having subjected themselves to make a reasonable allowance to the Managers of the College Lottery, out of the proceeds of said Lottery, upon the amount of any of the tickets which may be unsold, and returned to the Corporation previous to the Drawing of any of the Classes thereof; and the Managers not being content to enter upon the business of said Lottery a7 appears by their letter of the 5th instant, without a precise sum being allowed them for those tickets, Voted: That the premium of three percentum, which the said Managers require, be allowed upon such unsold tickets, returned as above.” (Corporation records, iii. 456.)
282 Independent Chronicle, July 14, 1794.
283 Harvard College Papers, iii., Supp., Nos. 64–67.
284 The practice of selling “halves,” “quarters” and “eighths” originated in the lottery offices and prevailed in most of the lotteries including the Harvard College Lottery of 1806. The tickets for fractions were signed by the proprietors of the lottery offices. They were sold at an advanced price. For instance — if whole tickets were quoted at $8, quarters were quoted at $2.12. This practice drew in as adventurers many people who could not afford whole tickets. These tickets had a par value of $5; the “premiums” being retained by the lottery offices. “According to the usual custom these offices will be kept open until 9 o’clock this evening to accommodate those who wish for tickets at the present prices. The price tomorrow morning will rise to 8 dolls. 50, quarters — 2 dolls. 25.” (Advertisement of Gilbert & Dean, Independent Chronicle, July 14, 1808.)
285 Independent Chronicle, June 11, 1795. “The managers understanding that adventurers in general were dissatisfied at so much money being absorbed in the high prizes, as has hitherto been the practice, have now presented a scheme which they hope will meet with general approbation.”
286 Id., November 5, 1795.
287 The following announcement appears in Id., April 7, 1796. The managers “do not consider themselves justified in proceeding with the drawing immediately,” in view of the probability that “the whole grant of the government would not be raised.”
288 In a letter addressed to the Corporation dated August 29, 1796, the managers stated their intention “still to continue to assure the public that we shall positively draw at the time aforesaid (Sept. 15th) but that if more than one-quarter of the tickets should then be on hand” and the Corporation shall still decline to take them, the managers will in that case, “think it their duty to the public and themselves to advertise that they will return the money to the Adventurers.” At the same time they were willing to assure the Corporation that there would be no more than 10,000 tickets returned. (Harvard College Papers, iii, Nos. 201–202.)
In the Independent Chronicle, September 15, 1796, the managers announced to the public — “The managers of the Harvard College Lottery are preparing with all expedition the Wheels for drawing the Fourth Class of said Lottery which is positively to commence next Thursday week. On that day the Wheels will go their rounds and throw into the lap of some fortunate ones the following noble prizes, with many others that are tolerable, . . . Who these fortunate ones will be the chance of the Wheels must determine, each one with propriety may then exclaim ‘It may be I.’”
289 At a meeting of the Corporation held Sept. 29, 1796, the following vote was passed — “The managers of the Harvard College Lottery having rendered their account of the tickets in the fourth class unsold it appeared that the number was so great as to render it inexpedient for the college to take the risque; therefore,
“VOTED, unanimously that the managers adjourn the further drawing of the lottery to the first day of December next to give opportunity to the Corporation to take such measures as will undoubtedly enable them to go on with the drawing at that time, without further delay. In the meantime it is earnestly recommended to the lovers of literature and the college to aid the cause by the purchase of tickets, that the necessary purpose for which the money is to be raised may be speedily effected.” (Corporation Records, iii, 503.) A copy of this vote, attested by Joseph Willard, President, was delivered to the managers and by them printed in connection with the following announcement bearing the signatures of the five managers, in the Independent Chronicle, September 29, 1796:
“To the Public:
“The Corporation of Harvard College having declined risqueing the unsold tickets in the fourth class of the Lottery as has been the custom in all of the preceding classes, and having recommended an adjournment of the further drawing until the first day of December next, in order that they might take measures to enable the managers then to proceed in it without delay as appears by their vote following, the subscribers after having done everything in their power to fulfill their assurances to the Public by commencing the drawing at the time assigned and by proceeding in it for several days are constrained by the measures above mentioned to adjourn the drawing agreeably to the vote of the Corporation.”
290 Independent Chronicle, January 12, 1797, and February 13, 1797.
291 Books of the Treasurer (Ebenezer Storer); Accounts of the “Managers of the Lottery” and “The New College”; Ledger “C” pp. 102–104, 157. In these accounts the proceeds of the classes are given as 1st and 2nd classes, $10,036.15; 3rd class, $5803.30 and 4th, $1927.10. Henry Warren is credited with having made good $1302 losses on tickets.
292 From a working sheet apparently made up in the treasurer’s office, and now in the Harvard College Papers, iv. No. 175, it appears that the receipts by the years were as follows:
293 At a meeting held February 10, 1797, it was voted as follows: “Whereas the Corporation consider themselves, by the Act of the Legislature passed June 4, 1794, granting a Lottery for raising the sum of £8000 & C, required only to settle the compensation to be allowed the Managers for their services.
“VOTED: That the allowance be five per cent on all the monies received for tickets, they the said Managers to pay the charges for printing the tickets and all other incidental expences whatever, which may accrue or arise from the managing and drawing of the Classes of said Lottery, and that, in all other matters, the said Managers act under the provisions of said Law, and place no dependence upon the Corporation taking any unsold tickets — in future.” (Corporation Records, iv. 507, February 10, 1797.)
294 A letter from Austin in the Independent Chronicle of August 17, 1797, is typical of Austin’s communications and shows the kind of man the College had to deal with:
“The publication of ‘Philo-Observer’ in the Centinel with respect to Honestus is by information supposed to be the production of Mr. Stephen Higginson. If he means to pursue the subject he is requested to sign his name to his performances and he will be attended to by Mr. Austin. Like an assassin he at present lurks under a fictitious signatvre, but if he is an honest man, let him produce his charges in an open manner and Mr. Austin is ready to meet him in any way or manner he thinks proper.” (signed) Benj. Austin, Jr.
295 Silvanus Reed, born in 1755, was a son of James Reed who commanded the second regiment at Bunker Hill. James Reed was one of the original settlers of Fitzwilliam, New Hampshire, formerly known as “Monadnoc No. 4.” He was later appointed a Brigadier General by the Provincial Congress. Silvanus and his brother, James, served in their father’s regiment at Bunker Hill. Silvanus was “much in town business” in Boston, where he was known as “Colonel” Reed. Whatever he collected on his prize ticket could not have lasted long, for the inventory of his estate, filed in 1798, consisted of household and personal effects of $137.52, and some promissory notes on which his wife, Caroline, as administratrix collected $60. (J. W. Reed, History of the Reed Family, pp. 78–79; Suffolk Probate Records, xcvii. 143–145, 606.)
See also Independent Chronicle, August 10 and 14, 1797, and Columbian Centinel, August 16, 1797.
296 Corporation Records, iv. 533, March 13, 1798:
“VOTED: That the Treasurer, Mr. Bowdoin and Dr. Howard be a Committee in the name and behalf of the President & Fellows of Harvard College, to appear to defend, plead and pursue to final judgment and execution, an Action brought against said President and Fellows by Benjamin Austin, Jr., Esquire, to be heard and tried at the Court of Common Pleas for the County of Suffolk, on the third Tuesday of April next; and that the said Committee be authorized to defend any other action, in like manner that may be brought by said Austin or any other Managers of a Lottery granted by the General Court for erecting a building for the use of the University in Cambridge, and that the said Committee may commence and prosecute any Action or Actions in the name of said President and Fellows, against the said Austin or any other of the said Managers, for any matter touching the said Lottery; and the said Committee are authorized to substitute one or more Attorney or Attornies under them and the same at pleasure to revoke; and they are further authorized to submit to reference the action brought as aforesaid, or any that may hereafter be brought by Rule of Court, and all demands between the Corporation of Harvard College and the said Managers, or either of them.
“And that a Power or Letter of Attorney to the effect aforesaid under the Seal of the Corporation, and signed by the President, be made to said Committee.”
297 Records of the Court of Common Pleas for Suffolk County, 1798; Records of the Supreme Judicial Court for Suffolk County, 1800, No. 71.
298 Corporation Records, iv. 533, March 1, 1798.
299 On August 28, 1797, Judge Lowell, Mr. Bowdoin and the treasurer were appointed a committee to “confer with the managers of the college lottery and ripen matters for settlement.” (Corporation Records, iv, p. 528.) At the end of the record of the meeting of June 10, 1798, is entered — “At this meeting some measures were determined upon respecting settlement with the managers of the college lottery.” (Corporation Records, iv. 540.)
300 Corporation Records, iv. 95.
301 Independent Chronicle, August 11, 1806.
302 At the rate of 500 tickets per diem 14,500 would be disposed of before the drawing of the grand prize, thus raising the chance of every undrawn ticket (which started at 1 in 20,000) to 1 in 5500.
303 The plans are printed in detail in the current newspapers (Independent Chronicle and Columbian Centinel).
1st class plan published August 11, 1806, and Sept. 15, 1806; drawing commenced Jan. 22, 1807.
2nd class plan published March 2, 1807; drawing commenced May 21, 1807.
3rd class plan published July 20, 1807, and Dec. 22, 1807; drawing commenced Jan. 14, 1808.
4th class plan published April 21, 1808; drawing commenced May 30, 1808.
5th class plan published Feb. 27, 1811, and Mar. 4, 1811; drawing commenced June 19, 1811.
6th class plan published Nov. 13, 1811.
7th class plan published Feb. 1, 1812; drawing commenced Nov. 4, 1812.
304 “One of the quarters is owned by five ladies in this town (a fine sum for pin money), two quarters not yet heard from, and one on hand owned by Gilbert & Dean.” (Advertisement of Gilbert & Dean, Independent Chronicle July 21, 1808.) As proof of Fortune’s favor, the sale by Gilbert & Dean of the ticket that won the grand prize of $20,000 in the second class to Mr. Leonard Stone, carpenter of Watertown, and another that won $5000 to William W. Clap of Buxton, Me., is proclaimed in an advertisement in the Independent Chronicle, July 20, 1807.
305 Corporation Records, iv. 150, 164, 207, 212, 225, 247.
306 Id., iv. 186.
307 Id., iv. 196.
308 See case of Gilbert & Dean v. Williams, 8 Mass. Rep. 476. Several trunkfuls of tickets, some bearing endorsements of the owners, have been preserved and are in the Harvard College Library.
309 John Davis and John Lowell.
310 Corporation Records, v. 17.
311 Id., v. 39.
312 In the “Book of Donations” in the custody of the Treasurer of Harvard College appears this item: “Treasurer Davis says that $29,000 was realized.” See also Ledger “e,” p. 52.
313 Albert Matthews, “Sir Matthew Holworthy and Lady Holworthy,” our Publications, xiii. 154–158.
314 “Compiled” means, of course, “composed” — not “compiled” in the modern sense.
315 Colophon: “Impkinted [sic] at at [sic] London by Iohn Day, dwelling ouer Aldersgate, beneath Saincte Martins. Cum gratia & priuilegio Regiæ Maiestatis, per Septennium. ¶These bokes are to be sold at his shoppe vnder the gate.” Strype signalizes the publication (Annals of the Reformation, i . 256).
316 Registers of the Company of Stationers, ed. Arber, ii. 786–787.
317 Adam Winthrop was for some time Auditor of the accounts of St. John’s (Life and Letters of John Winthrop, i. 31–32).
318 He was probably the John Dawes who was B.A. of Cambridge 1536–7, M.A. 1540. See J. and J. A. Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses, i. ii. 19.
319 Thomas, second Baron Wentmorth, was appointed Deputy of Calais on September 13, 1553, and assumed the duties in December. He surrendered the town to the Duke of Guise on January 7, 1558. He was tried for high treason on April 22, 1559, and acquitted (Dictionary of National Biography, lx. 266). Queen Mary died on November 17, 1558.
320 The Commentarii de Statu Religionis et Reipublicæ Carolo Quinto Cæsare of Johannes Sleidanus (Philippson) was published in 1555 at Strassburg. The preface is dated “X. Cal. April. M.D.LV.” Daus’s translation appeared in 1560: A Famovse Cronicle of oure time, called Sleidanes Commentaries, concerning the State of Religion and common wealth, during the raigne of the Emperour Charles the fift. . . . Translated out of Latin into Englishe by Ihon Daus. Colophon: Imprinted at London by Ihon Daye, for Abraham Veale, and Nicholas England. 1560. The 25. of September. Cum Priuilegio ad imprimendum solum. Daus’s dedication (to “Fraunces, Earle of Bedford, Lord Russel”) is dated “The Kalendes of August. Anno. 1560.”
321 The Institvtion of Christian Religion, vvrytten in Latine by maister Ihon Caluin, and translated into Englysh according to the authors last edition. . . . at London by Reinolde Wolfe & Richarde Harison. Anno. 1561. The colophon specifies “The yeare of our Lorde. 1561. The 6. day of Maye.” There is a copy in the Harvard College Library. Daus’s connection with the enterprise is considered in the following curious apology, which stands on the verso of the title-page:
The Printers to the Reders.
Wheras some men haue thought and reported it to be a fault and negligence in vs for that we haue so long kept backe from you this boke being so profitable a woorke for you, namely sithe maister Iohn Dawes had translated it and deliuered it into our handes more than a tweluemoneth past: you shall vnderstande for our excuse in that behalfe, that we could not wel emprinte it soner. For we haue ben by diuerse necessarie causes constrayned with our earnest entreatance to procure an other frende of oures to translate it whole agayn. This translation, we trust, you shal well allow. For it hath not only ben faythfully done by the translater himself, but also hath ben wholly perused by such men, whoes iugement and credit al the godly learned in Englande well knowe & esteme. But sithe it is now come foorth, we pray you accept it, and vse it. If any faultes haue passed vs by ouersight, we beseche you let vs haue your patience, as you haue had our diligence.
The friend here mentioned was Thomas Norton (1532–1584), famous as lawyer, persecutor, and poet, who shared with Sackville the authorship of Gorboduc. See his own account of his translation in the fourth edition of The Institution (1599).
322 Something followed (perhaps a signature) in the next line, but it has been trimmed off by the binder, except for two illegible fragments of letters. The volume was rebound in July, 1840.
323 Historical Manuscripts Commission, 9th Report, Appendix, Part I, p. 255.
324 Nathaniell Bacon, The Annalls of Ipswche, ed. by W. H. Richardson, 1884, p. 330. On December 9, 1580, the town authorities had resolved that Smith should “be presented to the Bp for his allowance [i. e., approval] of him to be mr of the Grammer Schoole” (Bacon, p. 326).
325 J. and J. A. Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses, i. ii. 19.
326 Bacon, p. 272.
327 Bacon, p. 316.
328 Bacon, p. 277.
329 Bacon, p. 287.
330 Suffolk in 1568, being the Returns for a Subsidy granted in 1566, [edited by S. H. A. Hervey,] 1909, p. 158.
331 Bacon, p. 297. Cf. pp. 296 (1573), 316 (1577), 323 (1580), 331 (April 6, 1582). The charter recites that the school was “founded by our most dear father Henry VIII” (John Wodderspoon, Memorials of the Ancient Town of Ipswich, 1850, p. 89). But the school, in some form, is older than that. The schoolhouse is mentioned in 1482, and the Ipswich archives preserve a document of 2 Henry VII (August 22, 1486–August 21, 1487): “The counterpart of a grant in fee-farm, at a yearly rent of three shillings and fourpence, by the Bailiffs burgesses and community of Gippewic to John Squyer clerk, and to his heirs and assigns, of a piece of the common soil of the said town, under the walls of the Freres Preachers . . . ; with further yearly rent of a red rose; the said John Sqyer being also bound to build and erect on the said land ‘unam latrinam pro pueris grammaticalibus ejusdem ville’” (9th Report, as above, pp. 246, 235; cf. p. 236).
332 W. A. Copinger, The Manors of Suffolk, vi. 99.
333 Calendars of the Proceedings in Chancery, ii. (1830), 108.
334 Proceedings Suffolk Institute of Archæology and Natural History, vi. (1888) 391; cf. Copinger, vi. 99.
335 Venns, i. ii. 19.
336 Bacon, pp. 316, 323.
337 Venns, i. ii. 19.
338 See Abiel Abbot, History of Andover, 1829, pp. 105–108.
339 She was the daughter of the Hon. Nathaniel Gorham of Charlestown. Mr. Stephen W. Phillips has helped me in genealogical matters.
340 See the facsimile of his signature in Bond’s Watertown, ii. 873. For the family see Bond, ii. 872 ff.
341 As to Robert Feake see Bond, i. 206; ii. 757.
342 For the family troubles of the Feakes see R. C. Winthrop, Jr., 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., vi. 1–20.
343 John Winthrop to his wife, April 28, 1629 (Life and Letters, i. 290); Lucy Downing to John Winthrop, Jr., August 8, 1629 (5 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., i. 7).
344 Life and Letters of John Winthrop, ii. 34–35.
345 John Winthrop to John, Jr., March 28, 1631 (Life and Letters, ii. 61); Margaret Winthrop to the same (id., ii. 87–88).
346 John Winthrop, History of New England, ed. Savage, i. 82–83 (68–69).
347 Lucy Downing to John Winthrop, February 24, 1643 (5 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., i. 34).
348 John Winthrop, History, ii. 182 (151); 4 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vi. 174; vii. 412.
349 In a document of April 9, 1642, Feake is described as “now sick” (New York Colonial Documents, ii. 144). In a letter of his son-in-law (Thomas Lyon), April 14, 1648, he is spoken of as “destracted” some time before the date of the letter (2 Mass. Hist. Proc., vi. 6). Cf. Savage’s Dictionary, n. 150; Josephine C. Frost, Ancestors of Henry Rogers Winthrop and his Wife, 1927, p. 191.
350 Theophilus Eaton to John Winthrop, Jr., 1648 (4 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vi. 348–350, 353); Thomas Lyon’s letters (2 Mass. Hist, Soc. Proc, vi. 5–7); Connecticut Records, May 17, 1649, ed. Trumbull, i. 186; Governor John Haynes to John Winthrop, Jr., May 18, 1649 (4 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vi. 360).
351 4 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vi. 521–523; 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, vi. 11–12.
352 New York Colonial Documents, ii. 717. Cf. 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, vi. 13.
353 Bond’s Watertown, i. 206.
354 Mess. Archives, MS., vi. 341.
355 Boston, 1853, vi. Part i, p. 422
356 Massachusetts Bay Colony Records, ii. 209.
357 Mass. Archives, xlvii. 35.
358 5 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., ii. 212.
359 Joshua Brackett was born in Greenland, N. H., in May, 1733, and graduated from Harvard in 1752. After entering the ministry he withdrew from that profession in order to study medicine with Dr. Clement Jackson of Portsmouth. He became a skilful and successful practitioner. In 1783 he was elected an honorary member of the Massachusetts Medical Society, and ten years later he became president of the New Hampshire Medical Society. On the fortieth anniversary of his graduation Harvard conferred upon him the honorary degree of M.D. He died at Portsmouth, July 17, 1802. See N. Adams, Annals of Portsmouth, p. 321.
360 John Adams, Works, ii. 240.
361 161 J 32.
362 5 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., ii. 224.
363 Manuscript at the American Antiquarian Society, with the manuscript of Mather’s autobiography. I quote from a copy of the original made by A. P. Marvin.
364 Andros Tracts, ii. 293.
365 Probably Stephen Mason. See K. B. Murdock, Increase Mather, p. 280 note.
367 I. Mather, The Great Blessing of Primitive Counsellors, 1693, p. 8.
368 Murdock, pp. 276 ff.
369 Id., p. 312.
370 (O. Gill and others), Some Few Remarks upon a Scandalous Book, 1701, pp. 27–28.
371 Stephen Mason. For his relations with Mather, see Murdock, passim.
372 Mather, while in England, received some money on account of the gift of William Pennoyer to Harvard College. See our Publications, xvi. 411. Evidently he borrowed some of this money to meet expenses of the agency.
373 Thomas Lake (1656–1711), born in Boston, was a London barrister. His sister Anne later became the second wife of Increase Mather. See Dorchester Antiquarian and Historical Society Collections, iii. 100 ff.
374 What Mr. Bendall is referred to I do not know; Dr. Cooke was doubtless Elisha Cooke, one of Mather’s fellow-agents.
375 The manuscript is illegible here and several words are omitted.
376 Mather’s account may be compared with that rendered by Dennys De Berdt on February 1, 1771 (Massachusetts Archives, xiii, 572–579); see our Publications, xiii. 302, note 2.
377 An address delivered at the Meeting House of the First Parish of Lancaster, Massachusetts, on the occasion of the two hundred and seventy-fifth anniversary of the founding of the town.
378 C. H. Lincoln, Narratives of the Indian Wars, p. 134.
379 A transcription to the first person of the original notes in the Massachusetts Bay Colony Records, ii. 55–56.
380 Suffolk Deeds, xiii. 344.
381 See Albert Matthews’s article in our Publications, xxi. 146.
382 Professor Kittredge in our Publications, xxi. 126. To this important article on Dr. Robert Child, the Remonstrant, I am greatly indebted for the facts here mentioned about Dr. Child and John Winthrop, Jr., although I venture to disagree with the witty and learned author about the character and purpose of the Remonstrance. See also my Builders of the Bay Colony, 1930.
383 Our Publications, xxi. 128.
384 Id., xxi. 9.
385 Id., xxi. 113.
386 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., viii. 14.
387 Massachusetts Bay Colony Records, ii. 75.
388 J. L. Bishop, History of Manufacturing in the United States (1866), i. 477, contains the best account of Jenks.
389 G. E. Littlefield, The Early Massachusetts Press, 1638–1711, contains the best account of Day, and particularly of his part in the Nashaway venture. There are documents concerning Day in S. A. Green, Ten Facsimile Reproductions Relating to New England. See also R. F. Roden, The Cambridge Press, 1638–1692.
390 Winthrop (ed. 1826), ii. 161.
391 Id., ii. 306.
392 H. S. Nourse, Early Records of Lancaster, 12–13.
393 The buttery hatch — still a prominent feature of the Oxford and Cambridge colleges — was a sort of Dutch door in the original Harvard College building, with a shelf on the lower part which served as bar. The college stock of beer and wine was kept in the buttery, the name of which is derived from bottles, not butter.
394 “Sir” meant a student who had already taken his bachelor’s degree, and was studying for his master’s degree.
395 Nourse, p. 17.
396 Acts, ii. 3, iv. 32. Among such literal believers in the Bible as the early New Englanders, here was good authority for communism, and I have noted several instances of these verses being quoted by the poor against the rich. In every case prompt means were taken to convince the person that his interpretation was erroneous, and his utterance dangerous.
397 J. L. Sibley, Biographical Sketches of Harvard Graduates, i. 311.
398 Nouree, p. 309.
399 Nourse, p. 311.
400 Id., p. 38.
401 Id., p. 49.
402 Nourse, p. 50.
403 Modern Philology, October, 1904, ii. 173–195.
404 W. Wirt, Life of Patrick Henry (1818), p. 372. Judge Roane was a son-in-law of Patrick Henry.
405 For full particulars in regard to James Lynch, Stephen Lynch, and Charles Lynch, see Modern Philology, ii. 183–195.
406 Notes and Queries, June 5, 1909, 10th Series, xi. 445. Cf. 10th Series, xi. 515, xii. 52, 133, 174, 495; 11th Series, i. 55, 194, 273.
407 Annual Register (1816), pp. 175–176. At the end occur the words “Dublin Correspondent.”
408 For these, see Modern Philology, ii. 186–190.
409 Southern Literary Messenger, May, 1836, ii. 389. In his book called The Southern Literary Messenger (1905), p. 45, B. B. Minor merely says: “Thereafter, he [Poe] furnishes an editorial on the origin of Lynch’s Law and fifteen pages of critical notices.”
410 Modern Philology, ii. 187.
411 Journal of the House of Delegates, October 16, 27, November 17, 24, December 3, 4, 1787, pp. 4, 19, 51, 52, 66, 80, 82. Though these references prove that William Lynch was a member, yet curiously enough it is nowhere stated what county he represented, but that it was Pittsylvania County is shown in E. G. Swem and J. W. Williams’s Register of the General Assembly of Virginia 1776–1918 and of the Constitutional Conventions (1918), p. 27, printed in Fourteenth Annual Report of the Library Board of the Virginia State Library 1916–1917 To which is appended the Fourteenth Annual Report of the State Librarian (1917).
The Journals of the House of Delegates for the years 1777–1790 were printed at Richmond in 1827–1828, but as no volume contains either an index or even a list of delegates, their examination is a heart-rending process. In 1904 I had run through the Journals for the years 1777–1783 only, but Ellicott’s statement that his Captain Lynch “commenced legislator” led me to attack the Journals for the years 1784–1790, with the result detailed above.
412 In April, 1928, Sir William A. Craigie called my attention to this passage as printed (in part, but not in full) by Mrs. Catharine Van Cortlandt Mathews in her Andrew Ellicott: His Life and Letters, pp. 220–225, published in 1908. (As that was three or four years after the publication of Professor J. E. Cutler’s Lynch Law and of my former paper, we are absolved from the charge of having overlooked an important piece of evidence.) The portions printed by Mrs. Mathews give no clue as to the exact place where Ellicott met Captain Lynch, but it was natural to assume that it was somewhere along the border between Georgia and North Carolina; yet I could find no mention of Ellicott’s expedition in the histories of those States. Luckily, however, I was so fortunate as to ascertain that the manuscript of Ellicott’s diary was owned by Mr. Ellicott Douglass Curtis of Bantam, Conn., and the passage in the text is printed from a copy kindly furnished by Mr. Curtis. The sentences omitted by Mrs. Mathews are brief, but they prove that the meeting took place not in Georgia or North Carolina but in South Carolina. In her book (p. 220) Mrs. Mathews says that “this diary, in its present form, appears to have been written up from notes, after his return home,” which was in May, 1812. Even so, the diary could not have been written later than 1820, in which year Ellicott died. Of the survey he made in 1811–1812, little seems to be known.
413 The name is found in various forms: Olenoy, Oolenoe, Oolenoi, Oolenoy, etc.
414 Variously called “Table Mountain,” “Table Rock,” “Table Rock Mountain.”
415 The political divisions of South Carolina at that time are puzzling in the extreme: cf. Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, li. 30–31 note.
416 Statistics of South Carolina, p. 680. A footnote says: “Near to Captain Lynch’s house runs the 35th degree of north latitude. It was here that this important point was first ascertained.” It will be noted that Mills employs the present tense, implying that John Lynch was alive in 1826.
417 Map of “Pickens & Anderson, formerly Pendleton District, South Carolina Surveyed by Scribling, Improved for Mills’ Atlas.” Mills’s Atlas of the State of South Carolina has no date on the title-page, but no doubt was published at the time his Statistics of South Carolina appeared, for in the preface to the latter work Mills wrote: “Much labour has been bestowed in preparing this work; in order that it might serve as an appendix to the author’s ‘Atlas of the State.’ A correct idea of the several sections of the state, could not be formed without it” (p. v). The maps are quite remarkable. It would seem as if Scribling, when surveying Pendleton District, must have met John Lynch.
418 Geography of South Carolina, p. 120. It will be noted that Simms uses the past tense, implying that John Lynch was then dead. The statement, however, has no corroborative value, as it is obviously based on that of Mills.
419 Nothing further is known of this person.
420 Ellicott employed the terms “Lynch laws” and “Lynch-men” in 1811, or six years before the hitherto earliest known appearance of the term under any form.
421 His tombstone in the old Lynch burying-ground has this inscription:
nathaniel lynch, born in pittsylvania co., va. nov. 28, 1790.
died in pickens county feb. 20, 1861.
a devoted member of the baptist church for 30 years.
he followed virtue as his truest Guide,
lived like a christian, as a christian died.
This information comes from Miss Esther Edens of Pickens, S. C., who kindly undertook an investigation for me. Unless otherwise stated, all my data about the Lynch family of Pendleton District have been furnished by Miss Edens, who is a descendant of Captain William Lynch.
422 For information about the grants in 1798 and 1811 to William Lynch and William Lynch, Jr., I am indebted to Mr. A. S. Salley, Jr., of Columbia, S. C.
423 Captain William Lynch’s will follows:
State of South Carolina
In the name of God Amen I, William Lynch, of the state and district aforesaid being weak in body but of sound and perfect mind and memory do make and publish this my last will and testament in manner and form following: that is to say principally and first of all I give and recommend my soul into the hand of Almighty God that gives it in my body to the earth to be buried in decent christian burial at the discretion of my executors I do lend to my wife, Ann Lynch, during her life and widowhood all my household, all kitchen furniture, plantation working tools, stock of cattle, hogs, sheep, and five head of horses, one mare named Snip, another named Dove, another named Quince, another named Prince, another named Fan with all corn, fodder, wheat and all crop of tobacco which was made last year, and the wagon and gears and my plantation as tract of land which I now live on equally The whole of the above mentioned property at her decease to be sold to the greatest advantage except the land which I now live on which I then give and devise unto my youngest son, John Lynch, son of William and Ann Lynch, which are above mentioned to belong to the said John Lynch and his heirs and assigns forever, also one sorrel colt named Pete and two cows, two sows and pigs I bequeath to my son, Nathaniel Lynch and my stud colt named Liberty I bequeath to my daughter, Nancy Cochran after the death of her mother $100 which is to be equally divided among four eldest children, as to say William, Licinday, Samuel, and Polly Ann Cochran I give and bequeath to my son, William Lynch, ten shillings to be paid at the death of his mother the whole of the above mentioned property and all my effects and goods except that which is above given unto Nathaniel Lynch and John Lynch to be sold at the death of my wife, Ann Lynch, and the money which said property and effects produces is to be equally divided between my four youngest children which is Nathaniel, Levina, Hariet and John. After the amount of ten shillings is set apart for every one of my children which was born of my first wife which is Abner, Joseph, Sarah, Polly, Elizabeth and Jeter, which sum of ten shillings I bequeath to each of them to be paid when called for or demanded after the death of my present wife, Ann Lynch, and I do hereby disallow revoke and disannul all and every other former testament will legacies and executors ratifying this and no other to be my last will and testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal this second day of June in the year of our Lord A. D. 1820. Signed sealed and published and declared by the above named William Lynch to be his last will and testament in the presence of us who have hereunto subscribed our names as witnesses in the presence of the testator.
Makey A. Keith
As the probate documents (which are recorded in the court house in Anderson, Anderson County, S. C.) are written in obscure hands, perhaps a few words are incorrectly transcribed.
A document dated September 8, 1820, reads: “. . . whereas William Lynch late of Pendleton Dist. deceased did in his last will and testament leave to his surviving widow more stock of various kinds and other property than she feels desposed to keep Your petitioners therefore pray you to grant order of sale to despose of such property as shall meet with her approbation. John M. Lynch.” Another document dated September 2, 1822, reads: “One hogshead of tobacco Three feather beds and other household furniture, a quantity of farm tools and carpenter tools which is about to become expensive and bothersome to the estate of the late William Lynch deceased Therefore, I, Ann Lynch, wife of the late William Lynch deceased, having had the above list of Property to me by the said William in his will I therefore Pray your honor to order a sale for said property in order that the legacies may have their right agreeable to the will of the said William and Sir your compliance will oblige yours Ann Lynch.”
424 For this extract I am indebted to the officials of the Library of Congress. Are the words “the good will of all honest people who knew him” a covert allusion to his connection with lynch law? Captain William Lynch’s grave is about ten miles from the court house in Pickens County, about one mile west of the Lynch burying-ground, and about one hundred yards from the house where he lived at the time of his death. There is a stone wall around his grave, but no tombstone.
425 For this extract I am indebted to the officials of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin. John M. Lynch died before February 13, 1824, for on February 24 Banister Stone, of Greenville District, S. C., was appointed administrator on his estate.
John M. Lynch and Captain William Lynch’s son John Lynch may have been one and the same man, though I imagine not. In 1826 a John Lynch (as I am informed by Mr. M. H. Lesesne of Pickens, S. C.) was granted land on Cane Creek, a branch of Keowee River, in Pickens County. If that John Lynch was the son of Captain William Lynch, obviously he and John M. Lynch were two different men. The matter is of small importance, for it has been proved that Captain William Lynch had a son John, who inherited the land on which his father lived when the latter died.
426 The discrepancy in title is not, I think, important. If it be true that an Englishman “dearly loves a lord,” it is equally true that an American dearly loves a title. Ellicott in 1811, the obituary in 1820, and Mills in 1826 called him “Captain,” and the notice further stated that he was “an old revolutionary soldier.” No William Lynch, however, is found in the List of Revolutionary Soldiers of Virginia (in Eighth Annual Report of the Library Board of the Virginia State Library, 1912) or in the List of Revolutionary Soldiers of Virginia (Supplement) (in Ninth Annual Report of the Library Board of the Virginia State Library, 1913). If William Lynch really held the title of Captain in 1820, it could easily have been magnified into “Colonel” by 1836.
427 Modern Philology, ii. 187. Charles Lynch had an older brother John, the founder of Lynchburg, Va., who also has sometimes been called the author of lynch law; and there has been hopeless confusion between the two brothers. In a conversation alleged to have taken place in 1834 but not recorded until 1859, the speaker, giving no christian name, said: “I knew Mr. Lynch well, . . . He was for many years the senior and presiding justice of the County Court of Pittsylvania, . . . His advanced age prevented him from taking the field during the War of Independence, . . . Our flourishing town of Lynchburg received its name in compliment to his worth” (n. 188–189). Charles Lynch was of Bedford County, he fought in the Revolution, he was only sixty when he died in 1796, and Lynchburg was probably named not for him but for his brother John. The passage is a fair sample of the wild statements made about a century ago.
428 That he made his mark in signing his will was probably owing to physical weakness, for in 1799 he had signed his name to a deed.
429 Miss Elizabeth H. Jervey of Charleston examined for me various South Carolina newspapers for the months of June-December, 1820, but found no allusion to anyone of the name of Lynch.
430 Cf. our Publications, vii. 94–125.
431 The earliest example hitherto recorded is dated August 12, 1836 (R. H. Thornton, American Glossary, i. 95). But two or three months before that, “A Spaniard and a Frenchman . . . went out to settle an affair of honor. . . . When all the parties were ready and stripped for the occasion, with two large Bowie-knives, (an instrument about twelve inches in length, and an inch and a half wide, with two edges tapering to a sharp point), and the word ‘ready’ was given, both rushed to the contest!” (Niles’ Register, June 4, 1836, l. 234, quoting the Greene County, Ohio, Gazette). Both contestants were killed.
432 Niles Register, September 29, 1838, lv. 70.
433 Cf. Proceedings American Antiquarian Society, xix. 21–65.
434 Rutland (England) Magazine, iii. 78–80; Leicestershire and Rutland Notes and Queries, iii. 163.
435 A. Young, Chronicles of Massachusetts, pp. 309, 310; A. Holmes, American Annals (1805), i. 243 note.
436 T. Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts (1767), ii. 1; Young, p. 29.
437 T. Hutchinson, Collection of Original Papers (1769), pp. 1–23.
438 Hutchinson, Collection, pp. 27–31.
439 Young, p. 310; R. C. Winthrop, Life and Letters of John Winthrop (1869), i. 308–317.
440 4 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vi. 52.
441 R. C. Winthrop, i. 304, 344, 345; Young, p. 282.
442 Young, pp. 87, 88.
443 4 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vi. 31, 32.
444 Young, p. 311.
445 Id., p. 312.
446 E. Johnson, Wonder-Working Providence of Sion’s Saviour in New England (ed. Jameson, 1910), pp. 64–65.
447 T. Prince, Annals (1826), p. 311; 1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., iii. 75.
448 Young, pp. 375, 378, 380; E. Johnson, p. 65.
449 Young, pp. 380, 381.
450 J. and J. A. Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses.
451 Rutland Magazine, iii. 65–67.
452 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, viii. 360, 361.
453 See my “Mr. Blackstone’s ‘Excellent Spring’” in our Publications, xi. 295 f.
454 W. Coddington, Demonstration of True Love (1674), p. 4.
455 1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., iii. 76.
456 Young, pp. 116, 319.
457 4 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vi. 579; R. C. Winthrop, ii. 40.
458 J. Winthrop, History of New England (1853), i 40, 113 note. On August 27 the whole congregation of Charlestown and Boston kept a fast. Many had removed across the river in August. See W. Hubbard, History of New England; p. 185; W. I. Budington, History of the First Church of Charlestown, p. 16; A. B. Ellis, History of the First Church in Boston, p. 8.
459 4 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vi. 1, 32a.
460 J. Winthrop, i. 40; Young, p. 317.
461 C. Mather, Magnalia, Book i, Chapter 5, Section 4.
462 T. Prince, Annals, p. 319.
463 Preface to Volume i.
464 T. Hutchinson, History (1769), i, 16; New England Historical and Genealogcal Register, viii. 361.
465 T. Hutchinson, History, i. 16, 17.
466 A. Holmes, Annals (1805), i. 258; C. H. Snow, History of Boston, pp. 37, 331; Budington, p. 17; Young, p. 319; S. G. Drake, History and Antiquities of Boston, pp. 91 note, 99, 100.
467 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, viii. 83.
468 J. Savage, Genealogical Dictionary, ii. 552, 553.
469 Holmes, Annals (1829), i. 206 note; Felt, ii. 447.
470 R. C. Winthrop, ii. 47 note. No one knows when John Winthrop’s tomb was built. There is no contemporary notice of where he was buried. R. C. Winthrop, in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xvii. 128, said: “His must have been a most notable burial at the time, and the exact place of his interment could not have been mistaken or forgotten, even if it were not marked at the moment.” This might also be said of Johnson’s burial. See also R. C. Winthrop, Life and Letters, ii. 397.
471 T. Lechford, Note Book, p. 32; Boston Records, ii. 16 (March 6, 1637).
472 Boston Records, ix. 1.
473 J. Winthrop, i 113 note. See also W. Hubbard (1848), p. 185.
474 See p. 280, ante.
475 T. Prince, Annals, i. 311, 315; 1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., iii. 76.
476 Suffolk Deeds, xxiv. 406.
477 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, vii. 46. Of Walker Sewall wrote in his diary: “a very good man, and conversant among God’s New-England People from the begifiing.” 5 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., v. 179.
478 5 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vi. 24.
479 J. Scottow, Old Men’s Tears (1749), p. 11.
480 J. Winthrop, History, ii. 415.
481 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, viii 361, 362.
482 Young, p. 318.
483 E. Johnson, p. 65.
484 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xxviii. 472.
485 xii. 191–203; and there is a corrected chart of the voyage in xx. 278–9. Mr. David Cheever and myself have pricked out the course across the Gulf of Maine independently, and the tracing on the chart reproduced facing page 286 is the result of our joint efforts. Mr. Julius H. Tuttle and Mr. George W. Robinson have helped me to decipher the legends on the two maps in Winthrop’s Journal. The United States Hydrographic Office and the Harvard Astronomical Laboratory have independently estimated the times of high tide at Salem on June 12–14, 1630, and agree within half an hour. To all these, my cordial acknowledgements are extended.
486 Mount Desert was so named by Champlain, but does not appear on either of his two published maps of New France.
487 In plotting the Arbella’s course, I have used the United States Government chart No. 1106 (Bay of Fundy to Cape Cod) for the Gulf of Maine, and No. 240 (Salem and Lynn Harbors) for her movements on June 12. The compass declination on these charts is 19° 15’ W. for the Bay of Fundy, and 15° 30’ W. for Salem Harbor. According to the graph of magnetic declination prepared by Mr. Ware for our Publications, xii. 394, the declination at Eastport, Maine, was about 18° W. in 1630. The difference is so slight between 1630 and 1930 that I have not thought it worth while to allow for it.
488 Before this paper went to press, and in June, 1930, I endeavored to check up on some of Winthrop’s observations, without success. Almost every day in June was either foggy or hazy, the easterly winds bringing inexhaustible masses of fog, and I did not find a single day when the visibility was as good as when Winthrop crossed the Gulf of Maine.
489 If any other point than Cape Sable be taken as a landfall, the subsequent sailing directions of Winthrop would either have run the Arbella ashore on Seal Island, or have taken her beyond the 30 fathom sounding.
490 I have collated all extracts from Winthrop’s journal quoted in this article with the original ms., and have printed them as exactly as type will allow, excepting that Winthrop’s abbreviations for points of the compass have uniformly been printed with capital letters, as it is not often clear whether Winthrop meant to use a capital or not.
491 “full” crossed out.
492 “8” crossed out, “15” substituted (Savage reads “10” probably incorrect); compare legend H, below.
493 The italicized words were added by Winthrop after the original entry.
494 George E. Street, Mount Desert (1926 ed.), pp. 23, 59–60.
495 According to a legend on Captain Holland’s New and Correct Chart of the Coast of New England (1794), “this land may be seen 15 Leagues off in very Clear Weather.” Blunt’s American Coast Pilot (seventh edition, 1812) says 20 leagues.
496 It is, however, being reproduced concurrently by Mr. Stewart Mitchell, for Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., lxii., and the reprint, The Founding of Massachusetts (1930), as well as in The Winthrop Papers, vol. ii. The photogravure and that facing page 300 are used by permission of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
497 The legends are difficult to decipher, and as printed in this paper they follow readings made by Mr. Stewart Mitchell, except for a few minor changes. Letters indicating points of the compass are here uniformly capitalized.
498 The figure “15” is cancelled under the “12.”
499 The bracket represents a single numeral which has been blotted out, and a “2” has been altered to the “0” of the “10.”
500 Evening, in the 17th century, was commonly used to represent the time from noon to sundown, and is still so used in the southern part of the United States.
501 The only high land east of Mount Desert on that coast is the Gouldsborough or Scuttock Hills, which seem continuous with Mount Desert from the distance that the Arbella was.
502 See illustrations facing pp. 294 and 296. The Harvard College Library owns the 1729 edition of the English Pilot, and also the editions of 1706, 1765, 1773, 1789, and 1794. The first edition of the English Pilot, the Fourth Book, according to Sabin, was London, 1689; there is no copy of this in the Library of Congress, though Sabin says there is. The silhouettes appear in the 1706 edition, but are not found in the unique copy of the 1707 edition in the Boston Athenaeum. In the 1742 edition the bearing of Holt Island (Isle au Haut) is properly corrected from W. by N. to N. by W. In the 1773 edition the legends relating to Seguin are omitted. In the 1789 edition the line of cuts representing Agamenticus and the Wells Hills is interchanged with the line representing Holt Island, etc., but the legends remain fixed! The same mistake is made in the 1794 edition. In Captain Holland’s New and Correct Chart of the Coast of New England and New York (London, 1794), which appears in A New Edition, Much Enlarged, of the North American Pilot for New England . . . (London, 1800), the same old silhouettes are found, engraved on steel, with the Seguin doing duty for the Bonabeg or Wells Hills! The mistake of calling the eastern part of Mount Desert “Land to the Eastward of Mount Desert” is perpetuated in every edition from 1706 to 1800.
503 Checked up by personal observation in the summer of 1930. The mountains, from left to right, are Sargent, Pemetic, Green, Dry, and Newport. Windscal Point is Schooner Head, and the island, one of the Porcupines.
504 See illustration facing p. 298.
505 “10” altered from “12” and “8 or” inserted at the same time.
506 This is the confusion between the Camden Hills and Mount Desert which I have already mentioned.
507 Words in italics were inserted by Winthrop later than the original entry.
508 Our Publications, xii. 200.
509 The highest elevation of Agamenticus is 692 feet above sea level. It will be noted that the silhouettes in The English Pilot contain separate profiles for “Agamenticus Hills” and “Wells Hills.” The North American Pilot (London 1800) identifies the Wells Hills with Bauneg Beg (about 820 ft.), in North Berwick, a few miles inland. In view of the confusion shown by The English Pilot between its profiles and its captions, I am of the opinion that what it calls Wells Hills is really Agamenticus, and what it calls Agamenticus is the same hill more distant, with an intrusive and chopped-off hill of greater height, which may have been merely a trial sketch by the mariner who originally furnished the data for these much used profiles. The “Land to the Eastward” is probably Cape Porpoise, and the bearing under it, a mistake for N. by W.
510 See plate opposite.
511 Presumably the name had been transferred between 1616 when Smith’s Description of New England appeared, and the Arbella’s voyage, to Mt. Agamenticus, which more nearly resembled three heads than these three low islands.
512 This name, which is simply the seventeenth century spelling for Savages (the rock is still called “the Savages” by local fishermen and seamen), is probably also a transfer, from the Savage Rock, so called by Gabriel Archer in his account of Gosnold’s voyage in 1602, “because the Savages first shewed themselves there.” Purchas His Pilgrimes (MacLehose ed.) xviii. 303. Gosnold’s Savage Rock has generally been identified as the Nubble off Cape Neddick, Maine.
513 “The Misery Islands and What Happened There,” Historical Collections of the Essex Institute, xxxviii. 225–6. Great Misery Island was known as Morton’s or Moulton’s Misery as early as 1658. They are called the Great and Little Miseries in a document of 1701.
514 Historical Collections of the Essex Institute, xxxiv. 218.
515 See note, page 302.
516 The term Cape Ann, at that time, was applied to the entire shore east of Beverly Harbor.
517 The last clause added by Winthrop later, and now almost illegible.
518 Waft is an old sea term for convoy or accompany.
519 Edition by J. F. Jameson, p. 35.
520 V. F. Barnes, The Dominion of New England, p. 8, note 7.
521 The Education of Henry Adams, p. 21.
522 Our chief source of information about Temple is the Temple Papers in the Gay Transcripts, now in the possession of the Massachusetts Historical Society. The same collection contains other documents relating to Temple in the series of Sedgwick Papers, State Papers, and Miscellaneous Papers, to which reference will occasionally be made. Many of the Temple letters, which here are to be found in extenso, are calendared in the Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, America and West Indies, in the volumes for the years 1574–1660, 1661–1668, and 1669–1674.
523 Dictionary of National Biography; W. H. Whitmore in New England Historical and Genealogical Register, x. 74; Temple Papers, i. 103.
524 Dictionary of National Biography sub Peter and James Temple
525 Hutchinson Papers, ii. 176.
526 Temple Papers, i. 103, 120; State Papers, i. 18.
527 Temple Papers, ii. 1 ff.; Sedgwick Papers, p. 16; Suffolk Deeds, iii. 22.
528 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vii. 120.
529 Temple Papers, ii. 29, 39, 46; State Papers, i. 5.
530 Suffolk Deeds, iv. 325; Sedgwick Papers, p. 16.
531 Suffolk Deeds, iii. 26; Temple Papers, ii. 39; State Papers, i. 5. There is considerable scattered information about Breedon. Temple describes him as the chief of the New England merchants. He apparently resided in Boston, but retained his London connections. Unlike Temple he never became a good New Englander and at the time of the visit of the Royal Commissioners his hostile attitude got him into trouble with the colonial authorities. See Palfrey, History of New England, ii. 495, note 3, and the New England Historical and Genealogical Register, viii. 62; xix. 311; xlvii. 399–402; xlviii. 127. See also Massachusetts Records iv, part 2, 69, 75, 208.
532 Massachusetts Archives, n. 504; lvii. 1; New York Historical Society Collections, Clarendon Papers, (1869), p. 55.
533 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vii. 120.
534 State Papers, i. 12; Clarendon Papers, ut supra, p. 56.
535 Temple Papers, ii. 65 ff.; Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies, 1574–1660, pp. 484 ff.; 1661–1668, No. 111 ff., passim.
536 Temple Papers, ii. 119; i. 7 ff., 103; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, viii: 287.
537 Temple Papers, i. 103.
538 The mortgage is recorded in Suffolk Deeds, iv. 308, the purchase of a part of Noddle’s Island in Idem, p. 210, the lease of Deer Island in Boston Town Records, 1660–1701, p. 14.
539 Suffolk Deeds, v. 389; Papers of the Lloyd Family of Lloyd’s Neck (New York Historical Society Collections, 1927), ii. 526.
540 Register of the Lynn Historical Society (1910), xiv. 109.
541 Suffolk Deeds, iv. 330.
542 Temple Papers, i. 58, 103.
543 Temple Papers, i. 103, 112, 117, 120; Memorials of the English and French Commissaries concerning the Limits of Nova Scotia or Acadia (London, 1755) i. 604–613.
544 Temple Papers, ii. 94.
545 W. H. Sumner, History of East Boston, pp. 192, 212; Suffolk Deeds, viii. 62. An abstract of Temple’s will is to be found in Bowditch’s Land Titles (Ms.), xxii. 301, at the Massachusetts Historical Society.
546 3 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vii. 120; Maine Historical Society Collections, i. 398; Cotton Mather, Parentator, p. 34.
547 Massachusetts Records, iv, part 1, pp. 342, 355.
548 J. A. Doyle, English Colonies in America, iii. 110; George Bishop, New England Judged (1703), p. 157.
549 Hutchinson Papers, ii. 95, 106.
550 Maine Historical Society Collections, i. 398.
551 1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., vi. 67, note; xiii. 134; 5 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., ix. 41.
552 For an incident of this period, see S. G. Drake, History and Antiquities of Boston, p. 374.
553 Idem, p. 452; Temple Papers, i. 35, 38.
554 Quincy, History of Harvard College, i. 508.
555 In 1670 Temple, Lake, Walker, and certain others acted as trustees for the North Church in the purchase of a piece of property near the meeting house. See Suffolk Deeds, vii. 117.
556 Cotton Mather, Parentator, p. 34; C. Robbins, History of the Second Church, p. 31, note.
557 Idem, p. 281.
558 Temple Papers, i. 130; Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies, 1669–1674, No. 1088.
559 Temple Papers, i. 120.
560 Hutchinson Papers, ii. 175–6. The letter is dated April 10, 1674.
561 Jeremiah Burroughs (Jeremy Burrows), Puritan divine. At the time Shepard mentions, he was rector of Livetshire, Norfolk. He was deprived by Bishop Wren in 1636; according to his sympathizers, for not reading the Book of Sports; according to the Bishop, for non-residence. Victoria History of the County of Korfolk, ii. 286, 288.
562 Shepard, as was not uncommon in his day, frequently uses an abbreviation for er after u (= v). In such cases, contrary to the practice followed elsewhere in editing this manuscript, the word has been spelled out, a “u” being substituted for the “v” to conform to his usage.
563 This word, obviously demanded by the context, has been inserted in the margin in another hand.
564 Thomas Shepard, Jr., was baptized February 7, 1635–6. Young, Chronicles of Massachusetts Bay, p. 545.
565 Probably the “white pasque flower,” commonly regarded as one of the anemone family. Salmon’s Herbal (1710) does not give any cure resembling this under “pasque flower.” But under the heading “ointment of anemone” (p. 20) he says that “the eye-lids being annointed therewith, it helps opthalmies or inflammations of the eyes.”
566 The following page in the original is blank except for a note written in by a modern commentator. The pagination of this edition follows at this point that in the manuscript, not in Shepard’s hand, which does not number the blank page. Beginning with page 21 of this edition, however, the editor has used his own pagination instead of that in the manuscript which repeats the number “20.”
567 This, as the context shows, is obviously a mistake for 1605.
568 This may be a slip of the pen. Otherwise it would indicate that Shepard began writing the Autobiography during his university days, as there is no indication that he lived at Towcester after taking his M. A.
569 It was an old and amiable custom for churchwardens to have a considerable quantity of ale brewed to be sold at the festivals during Whitsuntide, a practice approved by the Book of Sports. The worthy purpose to which the proceeds were devoted, the support and repairs of the church, was obscured in Puritan eyes by the resulting hilarity which inevitably attended the festivities.
570 The Towcester Grammar School dates back to 1451, when newly half the revenues of a chantry founded by William Sponne, Archdeacon of Norfolk, were devoted to educational projects. The masters in the early seventeenth century were paid £7 14s. 2d. a year. Victoria History of the County of Northampton, ii. 225–229.
572 William Shepard’s will was proved June 6, 1617, disposing of an estate inventoried at £704 1s. 8d. Thomas was left £100, which, the will states, was then in the hands of the testator’s father-in-law, Richard Bland. According to the inst, ructions given, William Shepard’s “overseers,” among whom Thomas’ elder brother John was named, were to put the children’s portions out to interest at 18d. in the £. The house in Banbury was given to Samuel, the rent to be used for his “better education.” The widow, Amy (maiden name unknown) was granted letters of administration. Northamptonshire Notes and Queries, iv. 63.
573 There is recorded along with the will the granting of letters of guardianship, both of Thomas’ person and portion, to his brother John, a step which was taken with the “express consent” of his stepmother. Id., 63.
574 William Cluer (B.A. Emmanuel, 1610) was appointed master of the school September 23, 1617. G. Baker, History and Antiquities of the County of Northampton, ii. 336.
575 Daniel Cockerell, M.A., 1612, Fellow, 1612–1621. Venn, Al. Cantab., i. 363. For the University in Shepard’s time and the persons mentioned by him, see J. B. Mullinger, History of the University of Cambridge, ii.
576 Shepard was admitted pensioner, February 10, 1619–20. Venn, iv. 60.
577 The public rooms or other places in the university where lectures were read and disputations held.
578 This word is interlined in the hand of another person, who evidently feared lest the “great pox” (see N.E.D.) be imputed to the youth. One other episode in Shepard’s undergraduate career is described in the Notebook of Thomas Woodcock, who succeeded Shepard in the family of Richard Harlakenden, becoming tutor of the latter’s son and heir Richard: “When the same Master Shepard was at Emanuel Coledge he studyed in Bed, had a wyre Candlestick, while he slept the snuff of the Candle fell on his pillow — burned and smothred so that when the Bedmaker came in the morning shee was almost styfled, opened the Window and cryed her Mr was choaked. This awakened him: the pillow was burned, saveing in the places where his head and neck lay — not a hair of his head singed.” (This and a subsequent extract were kindly furnished by Colonel Geoffrey Probert, of Bures, Suffolk, England.)
579 Laurence Chaderton, Master of Emmanuel, 1584–1622. He was eighty four years old when Shepard entered the college, and lived to be over a hundred.
580 The correct citation is Gen. xviii. 32.
581 Dr. John Preston, a popular and talented young fellow of Queen’s Collegel who was converted to the Puritan point of view by John Cotton, was elected Master of Emmanuel in 1622.
582 Samuel Stone, of Hertford. He graduated from Emmanuel College the same year as Shepard, emigrated to New England with Thomas Hooker, and became his colleague in the ministry both at Newtown and at Hartford, Connecticut.
583 The Grinindletonians were a branch of the Familists. See Ephraim Pagitt, Heresiography (6th ed., 1661), p. 115. The Familists in general taught that “the same perfection of holinesse which Adam had before he fell, is to be obtained here in this life.” Id., 107.
584 Richard Rogers (M.A. Cambridge 1574), noted Puritan and lecturer at Wethersfield, Essex; father of Ezekiel Rogers, first minister of Rowley, Massachusetts. The book here referred to is Seaven Treatises containing such Directions as is gathered out of the Holie Scriptures (1603), of which his Practice of Christianity (1618) was an abbreviated version.
585 In the original, this numeral appears in the margin opposite the wordl “euery.”
586 Thomas Weld or Welde (M.A., Cambridge, 1618) then vicar of Terling, Essex; later pastor of the church in Roxbury. Shepard took his M.A. at Commencement, 1627.
587 Thomas Hooker, the famous Puritan, fellow of Emmanuel, 1609–18, and at this time lecturer at Chelmsford, Essex; later pastor of Newtown and of Hartford, Connecticut.
588 Young suggests that this may have been Dr. Edmund Wilson, brother of John Wilson, minister of the church in Boston. The former at another time showed his active sympathy for the Puritans by a gift of £1000 to Massachusetts Bay which was invested in military supplies. Chronicles of Massachusetts, 513n.
589 “Lecturers” were found chiefly in towns where there was a strong Puritan element. Appointed and paid through the private action of a corporation or of individuals to preach sermons, they were under no obligation to read the services in the Book of Common Prayer, and thus their conformity could not be so readily tested. Their existence “provided a certain elasticity in the ecclesiastical institutions of the country, without which the enforcement of uniformity would in the long run prove impracticable.” S.R. Gardiner, History of England (ed. 1905), vii. 130–131.
590 The following comment on the vicar of Earle’s Colne appeared in A View of the State of the Clargie within the Countie of Essex, published about 1609: “He seldome preacheth, then unprofitable and for the most parte the labors of other men, he begineth ofte tymes to saye service as he is going to his seate, he readeth the psalmes and chapters unreverendlie with his hat on his head, gaspingeand yauneinge as if he were halfe a sleepe.” Victoria History of the County of Essex, ii. 47.
591 Thomas Goodwin, a noted Puritan, was fellow of St. Catharine’s when Shepard came up to Cambridge. He succeeded Preston in the lectureship at Trinity Church, Cambridge.
592 Thomas Dove, Bishop of Peterborough from 1601 to 1630, the eloquence of whose preaching is reported to have moved Queen Elizabeth on one occasion to remark that she thought “the Holy Ghost was descended again in this Dove.” He was one of the nine bishops to represent the church party at the Hampton Court Conference, although on later occasions he was charged with remissness in allowing silenced ministers to preach.
593 The Priory, dating back as a foundation to about 1100, was dissolved in 1536, passing into the hands of the Earl of Oxford and subsequently of the Harlakenden family. Its large extent — it was partially torn down about a century ago because its owner was unwilling to keep “an acre of roof in repair” — is sufficient commentary upon the wealth and social importance of the Harlakenden family, which had been Puritan in its sympathies from the sixteenth century.
594 George Mountain or Blontaigne, successively Dean of Westminster, Bishop of Lincoln, of London, and of Durham, and Archbishop of York.
595 Thomas Prince, in his Annals of New England (ii. 46–47), quotes from a manuscript of Shepard then in his possession which gives additional information regarding this episode:
“Dec. 16. 1630. I was inhibited from Preaching in the Diocess of London by Dr. Laud Bp of that Diocess. As soon as I came in the Morning, about 8 of the Clock; falling into a Fit of Rage, he asked me, what Degree I had taken in the University? I ansaer’d him, I was a Master of Arts. He ask’d, of what College? I answer’d, of Emanuel. He ask’d how long I had liv’d in his Diocess? I answer’d three Yeurs and upwards. He ask’d, who maintain’d me all this While? Charging me to deal plainly with him; adding with all, that he had been more cheated and equivocated with by some of my malignant Faction than ever was Man by Jesuit. At the speaking of which Words he look’d as tho’ Blood would have gush’d out of his Face, and did shake as if he had been haunted with an Ague Fit, to my Apprehension by Reason of his extream Malice & secret Venom: I desired him to excuse me: He fell then to threaten me, & withal to bitter Railing, calling me $1 to naught, saying; You prating Coxcomb! Do you think all the Learning is in your Brains? He pronounc’d his Sentence thus; I charge you that you neither Preach, Read, Many, Bury, or exercise any Ministerial Function in any Part of my Diocess; for if you do, and I hear of it, I’ll be upon your back, and follow you wherever you go, in any Part of tht Kingdom, and everlastingly disenable you. I besought him not to deal so, in Regard of a poor Town, and here he stopt me in what I was going on to say; A poor Town! You have made a Company of seditious, factious Bedlams; and what do you prate to me of a poor Town? I pray’d him to suffer me to catechise in the Sabbath Days in the Afternoon: He replied, spare your Breath, I’ll have no such Fellows prate in my Diocess; get you gone, and nowmake your Complaints to whom you will? So away I went; and blessed be God that I may go to Him.”
596 Probably Peldon, a town about five miles from Colchester, Essex.
597 Son of Richard and brother of Ezekiel Rogers; for many years lecturer, as was his father, at Wethersfield, Essex.
598 Either Nathaniel Ward, “the simple cobler,” at this time at Stondon Massey, Essex, or his brother Samuel, lecturer at Ipswich, Suffok.
599 Stephen Marshall, at this time vicar of Finchingfield, Essex.
600 Samuel Wharton (M.A., Cambridge, 1612), then vicar of Felsted, Essex. Both he and Marshall were called to task by Laud for their alleged nonconformity. 3 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., i. 237.
601 Martin Holbeach (M.A. Cambridge, 1625); he was nominated to the headmastership of Felsted School by the Earl of Warwick in 1628. During his régime the school enjoyed a great reputation, drawing the bulk of its scholars from outside. Four of Cromwell’s sons were educated there. Victoria History of the County of Essex, ii. 534.
602 Subsequently the founder and first minister of Rowley, Massachusetts.
603 I.e., that time.
604 I.e., changed our clothes.
605 He subsequently played an important part in the early years of the New Haven Colony.
606 They both emigrated, and after their marriage settled in Cambridge.
607 John Alured and Mary Darley were, according to the parish register, married on November 17, 1631.
608 The following entry occurs in the parish register of Bossall, Yorks.: “1632. MT Thomas Shepard and mris margarit Tutvile were maried the .23. of July.” His wife’s name is evidently a corruption of “Estuteville,” a family of Norman origin, owners of the manor of Scrayingham in the East Riding, which in those days included Bossall and Buttercrambe on the west side of the Dement.
609 Shepard originally wrote “or 31:” after “1632.”
610 Richard Neile, Bishop of Winchester and, after 1631, Archbishop of York, was a zealous Laudian as can be seen from the ninety-seven articles of inquiry issued before he visited his province in 1633. Among other things, unlicensed lectures and exercises were to be reported. Victoria History of Yorkshire, iii. 57.
611 Thomas Morton; he has been described as belonging to the school of Richard Hooker rather than of Laud. His conciliatory attitude distinguished him in a day of violent partisanship. Victoria History of the County of Durham, ii. 4647.
612 John Bridge was in Cambridge as early as 1632, remaining there after the Hooker exodus and serving at various times as Deacon, Selectman, and Ftepresentative. Paige, History of Cambridge, p. 500.
613 John Russell was one of the Shepard group in 1635. Paige, p. 35.
614 Edward Collins settled in Cambridge in 1635 or 1636. Id., p. 35.
615 Joseph and George “Cocke” were among those crossing with Shepard on the Defense in 1635, officially listed as Roger Harlakenden’s servants. J. C. Hotten, Lists of Emigrants to America, 1600–1700, p. 100.
616 Edward Johnson furnishes additional details relating to these weeks at Ipswich (he mistakenly says Yarmouth) in his Wonder-Working Providence (ed. 1867, pp. 64–65): “. . . some persons eagerly hunting for Mr. Thomas Shepard, began to plot (for apprehending of him) with a Boy of Sixteene or seventeen yeares of Age, who lived in the House where he Lodged to open the doore for them at a certaine houre in the night; But the Lord Christ, who is the Shep heard of Israel kept a most sure watch over his indeared servants, for thus it befell, the sweet words of grace falling from the . . . lips of this Reverend and godly Mr. Thomas Shepard in the hearing of the Boy (the Lords working withall) hee was perswaded this waa an holy man of God, and therefore with many troubled thoughts, began to relate his former practice, although he had a great some of money promised him, onely to get them in at the houre and time appointed; but the Boy, the more neere the time came, grew more pensive and sad, insomuch that his Master taking notice thereof began to question him about the cause of his heavinesse, who being unwilling to reveale the matter, held of from confessing a long time, till by urgent and insinuating search of his godly Master, with teares hee tells that on such a night hee had agreed to let in Men to apprehend the godly Preacher. The good Man of the house forthwith gave notice thereof unto them, who with the helpe of some well-affected persons was convay’d away by boate through a back Lane, the men at the time appointed came to the house, where finding not the doore open (when they lifted up the Latch) as they expected, they thrust their staves under it to lift it from the hookes, but being followed by some persons, whom the good man of the house had appointed for that end; yet were they boditred out in this their wicked act by those who set them one worke. Notwithstanding they were greatly ashamed when they mist of their end!”
617 John Norton (1606–1663), then curate of Bishop’s Stortford, Northamptonshire; he too started for New England again the following yearl though not on the same ship as Shepard. After a period at Ipswich, he succeeded Cotton in the Boston church.
618 According to Johnson’s account of the storm (p. 65), “the Master, and other Sea men made a strange construction of the sore storme they met withall, saying, their Ship was bewitched, and therefore made use of the common Charme ignorant people use, nailing two red hot horse-shoos to their maine mast.”
Thomas Woodcock’s Notebook gives the following account of this episode:
“When he was going from Yarmouth to New-England a suddain storm drave the ship on the sands that the men called for all to shift for themselves for their lives, for there was no hope. Says Mr S. have you done what you can? they said, yes. Come then, saith he, let us pray, and see what God will do. Before he had done praying the wind turned, fetched the ship of the sands and flung her into the maine; so they came to shore; a little after went to sea again and finisht their voyage prosperously. Thus was this good man preserved for great purposes.”
619 Richard Champney; he came with Shepard in 1635 and served many years as Ruling Elder in the Cambridge Church. Paige, p. 506.
620 Both Edmund Frost and Edward Goffe came over the same year as Shepwd, but not in the same ship. Both settled in Cambridge where Frost acquired an estate on the westerly side of Dunster Street between Harvard Square and Mt. Auburn Street. Goffe became one of the biggest landowners. Goffe’s College, one of the early Harvard College buildings, was one of his properties.
621 William Bridge, M.A. Cambridge, 1626.
622 Shepard and his group sailed on the Defense, Thomas Bostock, master. Bostock, according to the Register of the Port of London, had brought, “testimony from the Justices of Peace & Minister in Cambridge of his conformitie to the orders & discipline of the Church of England,” and had taken “ye oaths of Alleg: &: Suprem:” In the official list of passengers, Shepard appears as “John Shepard,” aged thirty six. Unlike Roger Harlakenden, he mas not credited with having taken the oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy. Samuel Shepard, like the Cooke brothers, was listed as Harlakenden’s servant. Hotten, pp. 98–100.
623 John Wilson, teacher of the church in Boston, now returning from his second voyage to England since crossing with Winthrop in 1630.
624 John Jones, who co-operated in the founding of Concord, subsequently moving to Fairfield, Connecticut.
625 William Coddington, later to become one of Mrs. Hutchinson’s champions and Governor of Rhode Island.
626 See Winthrop’s Journal (Rosmer ed., i. 173–174) for an account of the gathering of this church, “the first use of a method that later became orthodox and prescribed in New England.” S. E. Morison, Builders of the Bay Colony, p. 112.
627 A sect originating in the sixteenth century with a creed based on the theory that religion “consists whollyin love independently of the form of faith.” C. F. Adams, Antinomianism, 185n1. From that it was easy to derive the idea of free love, with all its connotations of a “Communitie of Woemen; & all promiscuous & filthie coming togeather of men & Weomen. without Distinction or Relation of Marriage. . . .” Id., p. 314. See also note 23 above.
628 The following notes in Shepard’s hand appear in the manuscript of the Autobiography:
Mr Cotton: repents not: but is hid only
1: Wn mris Hutchinsō was conuented he comme[n]ded her for all that shee did before her confinement & so gaue her a light to escape thorow the crowd wt honour.
2: being askt whether all reu[e]lations were lost bec: all reuelations were either to compleat Scripture or for the infancy of the weake church, he answered that they were all ceased about ꝑtic. euents; rules to weake Xtians; & seemd to confirme it now; wheras in the sermō it was to the weake church vnder the old testament, he did extend it to weake xtlamals o vnder the new;
3: he doth stiffly hold the reuelatiō of or good estate still, without any sight of woord or woorke:
From the reference to Mrs. Hutchinson’s “confinement” it appears that these notes refer to the trial before the church in March, 1638, which resulted in her excommunication. Shepard was obviously not convinced of Cotton’s sincerity when on that occasion he aligned himself with the orthodox majority. The basis for his first charge may be found in a sentence of Cotton’s Admonition. Mrs. Hutchinson, interrupting him while he was discussing some of her “unsound Tenets” and their consequences, protested that she “did not hould any of thease Thinges” before her imprisonment. To this, Cotton replied: “I confesse I did not know that yow held any of thease Things, nor heare till hear of late: but it may be it was my sleepines & want of wachfull care over you. . . .” C. F. Adams. Antinomianism, pp. 314–315.
The question of “revelations” was one of the fundamental issues of the case against Mrs. Hutchinson. According to the sources printed by Adams, however, it was at the civil rather than at the ecclesiastical proceedings against her that Cotton, in answer to direct questions, gave his views on this moot point.
629 His Fast Day sermon, January 19, 1686–7.
630 The Synod lasted from August 30 to September 22. Winthrop (Hosmer ed.), i. 232–235.
631 Vane was defeated by Winthrop at the election held in Cambridge, May 17, 1637. At the same election, willism Coddington and Atherton Hough were dropped from the magistracy.
632 The reference is to the wife and children of Mononotto. “It was known to be by her Mediation that two English Maids (that were taken away from Wethersfield . . .) mere saved from Death, in requital of whose Pity and Humanity, the Life of her self and her Children was not only granted her, but she mas in special recommended to the Care of that honorable Gentleman Mr. John Winthrop. . . .” Hubbard’s Indian Wars (ed. 1865), ii. 37–38.
633 Nathaniel Eaton, educated at Trinity College, Cambridge, and at Franeker. He was a brother of Theophilus Eaton, of New Haven.
634 Haled into court in September, 1639, because of the Briscoe affair, Eaton was fined and assessed damages, removed from his position at Harvard, and permanently disqualified from teaching in the colony.
635 Henry Dunster; see Morison, Builders of the Bay Colony, ch. 6.
636 From Winthrop’s account of the episode (Hosmer ed., i. 310–315) it would appear that Shepard had ample reason to lament his part in the proceedings. After Eaton had given his usher an unmerciful beating, he persuaded Shepard that Briscoe’s brief zttempts at self-defense made the unfortunate man punishable by the authorities. Shepard even went so far as to accompany Eaton to the governor and some of the magistrates with the request that Briscoe be “enjoined to a public acknowledgement, etc.” The fact that Shepard had admitted Eaton among the first to full communion in his church, preserving the record of the latter’s statement of conversion in his notebook, could only have added to his chagrin.
637 Roger Harlakenden died of small pox, November 17, 1638. Winthrop (i. 281) laments the passing of “a very godly man, . . . of good use both in the commonwealth (Assistant) and in the church.” By his will, which Shepard vitnessed, Harlakenden left his friend £40, and entrusted to him the disbursement of £20 left to the “pore brethren of or Congregation.” New England Historical and Genealogical Register, ii. 182.
638 The Sincere Convert (London, 1640 and later editions). The title page of the fourth edition (1646) lists six “choyce and Divine Principles” that are “excellently and plainly opened.” According to Shepard in the introduction to The Sound Beleever (London, 1645), the former work appeared without his “privitie, knowledge, or will,” reliance presumably being had on shorthand accounts of his sermons in England. The second title is the one under which he published the remainder of his “notes,” thereby satisfying “the many desires both of friends and strangers, both by Private speecha and Letters” which he thought might be “the voyce of Christ.”
639 Joanna Hooker.
640 See Palfrey, History of New England, i. 112ff; 224–229.
641 Joseph Simonds, a contemporary of Shepard at Emmanuel. He subsequently became rector of St. Martin’s, Iremonger Lane, London, from which post he was deprived in 1639. Venn, iv. 77.
642 John Beadle, M.A. Cambridge, 1620; as rector of Little Leighs, Essex, he was one of those to sign a petition to Laud in favor of Thomas Hooker when the latter was in difficulties with the church authorities in 1629. Beadle himself was up before Laud for nonconformity in 1633 but submitted. Venn, i. 115.
643 ii Chron. xxii. 25.
644 These financial transactions involving “the house” are to be explained by the fact that Shepard’s group took over the homes of the departing Hooker group. Shepard himself took Hooker’s house, in the college yard on the north side of Massachusetts Avenue opposite Holyoke Street; Samuel Shepard acquired the property on the south side of the street, opposite his brother. Paige, pp. xv–xvi.
645 A Mr. Damport was licensed by the General Court, March 12, 1637–8, to sell “wine & strong watr” in Newtown. Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 221. According to Paige (p. 225) this was Nicholas Danforth, selectman and representative.
646 Long Marsh.
647 Possibly the Reverend Peter Bulkeley, who was in Cambridge for a short time before he went “up further into the woods” to establish the town of Concord.
648 The bracketed items in these accounts have been crossed out in the original.
649 Gregory Stone, probably the brother of the Samuel Stone previously mentioned.
650 Justice, wife of Guy Banbridge who was in Cambridge as early as 1634. In 1642 “our sister Banbrick being sick,” she received from the church a “brest of mutton,” and the following year her husband was given “1 bottell Sack.” Paige, p. 258.
651 Edward Winship, who settled in Cambridge in 1635.
652 Richard Girling, also an arrival in 1635; perhaps the same one as mentioned previously as master of the Hope, in which Shepard made his first start for New England.
653 There was a John Brunson among the Hartford settlers.
654 Thomas Chesholme later became steward of Harvard College.
655 John Sill, frequently helped by the church with his debts. Paige, p. 257.
656 John Trumbull, late of Newcastle-on-Tyne, master and owner of a vessel that plied between Boston, the Connecticut River, and England. He resided on the south side of South Street, at the corner of Holyoke Street. Savage, Genealogical Dictionary, iv. 336; Supplement to Paige’s Cambridge, p. 751.
657 William Goodwin, Ruling Elder of Hooker’s church in Newtown and a Hartford emigrant. Paige, p. 248.
658 Perhaps Richard Harris, brother of President Dunster’s first wife.
659 Shepard’s servant; he now removed to Bridgewater and mamed a niece of Governor Winslow.