A Stated Meeting of the Society was held at the invitation of Mrs. Bayard Thayer, at No. 84 Beacon Street, Boston, on Thursday, February 26, 1931, at three o’clock, the President, Samuel Eliot Morison, in the chair.
The Records of the last Stated Meeting were read and approved.
The President, on behalf of the Corresponding Secretary, announced the death of Edward Channing, a Resident Member, on January 7, 1931; of Morris Gray, a Resident Member, on January 12, 1931; and of Michael J. Canavan, an Associate Member, on January 21, 1931.
Announcement was made of the receipt of letters from Mr. Matt Bushnell Jones and Mr. James Duncan Phillips accepting Resident Membership in the Society.
Mr. Leverett Saltonstall, of Chestnut Hill, and Mr. Edward Allen Whitney, of Cambridge, were elected Resident Members.
Mr. Morison read a paper on “The Case of the Ketch Recovery,” based on documents in the files of the Suffolk County Court.
Mr. George Andrews Moriarty, Jr., communicated several documents, among them “A Letter from Admiral Durrell to the Hon. Thomas Hancock.”
Mr. Kenneth B. Murdock read, on behalf of Professor Oliver Elton, a paper on
The figure of the last royal Lieutenant Governor of Massachusetts is well remembered in New England tradition. His enforced resignation, on September 2, 1774, of his seat on the Mandamus Council is described in the standard books,201 and thence has filtered down, often in inaccurate shape, into other works. Amongst these is the Dictionary of National Biography, where Oliver receives little justice. Neither by nature nor by choice was he an official, or even a public man. He was an honest, loyal, undistinguished, but well-educated private gentleman, pitchforked into a cruel and impossible position. Even so, he did good service: he managed, if only for a moment, to postpone the shedding of blood. It may be useful to relate once more the chief incidents of his career and to put into connected form, for the first time, what is known of his family history. The information is widely scattered; and I write in the hope that others may add to it and may be able to carry back the record to the original sources wherever I have failed to do so.
Thomas Oliver was the grandson of Richard Oliver, a wealthy and prominent planter in Antigua, and of his second wife, Sarah (d 1726).202 Richard was first a member, then Speaker, of the General Assembly of the Island; a J. P., and successively Captain, Major, and Colonel (1715) in the militia. In 1708, he was a member of the Council. He was buried at St. John’s, Antigua, on May 29, 1716. His signature, in a bold script, is preserved.203 His arms are known: “ermine, on a chief sable three lions rampant argent.” Crest: “a lion’s head erased ermines, collared and ringed argent.” The arms are on the monument of Thomas Oliver in St. Paul’s Church, Bristol, England (see p. 65 post). It has been surmised that Richard’s family had originally come from Bristol, where Olivers had long abounded, and where Thomas Oliver spent his later life; but the evidence is not yet forthcoming.204 Richard had plantations in Virginia as well as in Antigua; he bequeathed £1500 to Robert, his third child and the father of Thomas.
Born in 1700, Robert on February 3, 1722 (N.S.), married at St. John’s Anne Brown, daughter of James Brown, of Antigua, and of his wife Elizabeth Eliot.205 He was a colonel of militia and a member of the Assembly for Nonsuch, where he owned an estate. About 1736, Robert migrated and settled in Dorchester, Massachusetts, where he bought real estate from Isaac Royall for £2516. Here he built, it is said in 1745, a handsome house in the Georgian colonial style, photographs of which remain.206 Stones in Dorchester cemetery mark the graves of three of his Negro slaves, Anne (daughter of Mimbo), Cambridge, and Betty.207 Robert died on December 16, 1762, aged 62; and it was noted in the Post-Boy that he had been “a gentleman of extensive acquaintance, remarkable for his hospitality to all; was kind to the poor; and, in his military character, beloved and esteemed.” In his will, dated August 3, 1761, Robert bequeaths: “To my son Thomas Oliver a suit of mourning, a ring, and 20s and no more because his grandfather James Brown and his great-uncle Robert Oliver gave him a greater estate than I am able to give him.”208 This Antiguan estate was to stand Thomas in good stead when he had lost all his land and property in Cambridge, and was waiting in Bristol for compensation from the Crown.
Thomas Oliver, Robert’s second son, was born in Antigua209 on January 5, 1734 (N.S.) and was a child of two when his father came to Dorchester. We hear of him on April 16, 1750, at a meeting of the President (Holyoke) and Tutors of Harvard College, when he is placed ninth in a list of twenty-one freshmen.210 We have further glimpses, from the same source, of the boy’s doings. In his freshman year, as was customary, he has a Hebrew Grammar “delivered” to him, though not as a gift;211 and on March 13, 1750, at a meeting of the President and Tutors, we read: “Agreed that for playing at cards, which is a breach of the College law, the students here immediately after mentioned be punished the sum of ten shillings each and be publicly admonished in the Chapel. . . .” Sixteen names follow, six being those of freshmen, and one of these is Oliver’s.212 On April 3, 1750, the Corporation voted: “That four pounds eighteen shillings and eight pence be given to Oliver this year, being the income of Honorable Mr. Stoughton’s Lands in Dorchester, he being intitled to it, by the said Mr. Stoughton’s will.”213 In the Commencement programme for 1753 he is named fifth in a list of seventeen youths who graduated A.B. A list of their “theses” follows, but without the names of the sustainers. In 1756, however, when he took his second degree, we are luckier. A long sheet of Quaestiones for the A.M., Prid. Idus Quint. (July 14), is printed, and number 5 runs: “An Polygamia Lege naturali sit prohibita. Negat respondens Thomas Oliver.” Probably he fell back upon Divine Law for the prohibition. In any case he graduated A.M.; and he must have been able to make at least a show of Latin and of argument in scholastic form.
To the year 1760, when he was twenty-six, belongs the only portrait of him that has so far been discovered.214 It is here reproduced; and though now in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts, it seems to be little known. It is an excellent half-length pastel by Joseph Blackburn. Thomas appears as a well-favored youth, clean-shaven, with brown hair worn long; with brown eyes, arched eyebrows, wide forehead, and well-cut lips. He wears a blue coat with glimpses of gold lining, and a white stock. He also wears an expression, rather engaging, of modest complacency and inexperience; but not, i think, of weakness. Many years afterwards he is reported as saying that he “was bred to the profession of the Law but he was prevented following it.”215 We have no clue to the nature of his “breeding” or to the reasons for his being prevented; we only know that though a gentleman of means and leisure, he was active, as a layman, in quite another calling.
Within three years of taking his second degree he had moved to Cambridge and had found his place, despite his youthfulness, amongst the leading families — well-to-do, devout, and very exclusive. On April 5, 1759, he was one among eight signers of a petition to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, requesting support, moral and financial, for their project of building Christ Church, by Cambridge Common, the Episcopalian place of worship, full of historic memories, which is now the oldest church building in the city.216 The request was also signed by Henry and John Vassall, with whom Oliver was soon to be allied by marriage. On April 25, they raised a local subscription, Oliver giving £50. Other letters to personages in England followed; the replies from the Society and from the Bishop of Bristol and others were favorable, and the work was begun. On September 28, 1759, Oliver sat on a committee which had “full power to build,” and they set about choosing a minister. On November 24, a letter was sent thanking the Society, and Oliver was again a signer. Six years later, on April 30, 1765, he was chosen a vestrymen. On April 30, 1766, he became, along with David Phips, churchwarden for the year; and on April 20, 1767, his tenure was renewed. We now begin to see Oliver’s small and clear handwriting; for he seems, as senior warden, usually to have penned the minutes. In an entry for October 1767 is his signature (reproduced with the portrait) “attesting” a document raising the charge for pew-rent. This signature recurs in many other minutes. For his own pew he had paid, in 1762, a rent of £13: 6:8; and he had another pew, at some date, in Trinity Church, Boston. In 1769 and 1770, he was again warden, together with John Vassall; and in most years, whenever he was not a warden, he was a vestryman. On April 19, 1772, he was made treasurer of the monies collected on Sacrament days, and was charged with the task of putting them out to interest; but on October 18, 1772, the vote was rescinded, “Col. Oliver” having “declined that service on account of his intended voyage to Antigua.” Doubtless he went to look after his estates. The last notice of him in the church records is on April 4, 1774, when he was once more vestryman; some nine weeks later he was to be commissioned Lieutenant Governor. But I have anticipated the story.
It is probable that Thomas Oliver made verses. In an admirably printed volume issued in 1761 by Harvard College, entitled Pietas et Gratulatio Collegii Cantabrigiensis apud Novanglos, there are poems in Latin and English by many academic hands. The work is a string of loyal effusions offered to George III upon his accession. The king received the volume, but there is no record of his returning thanks for it. Many copies are extant,217 three in the Harvard College Library; and often the names of the supposed authors are inked or pencilled in. The attributions vary much in different copies; but it may be that Oliver has to answer for certain rather blank verses which celebrate George and Charlotte his queen. They begin: “Though from thy happy shores, Britannia, far”; and they close with a pious wish that George’s “other self,” in “converse mild,” may long
Speak sweetness to his heart ineffable,
Soothe all his cares, and foretaste give of Heaven.
On May 17, 1760, was published the “intention of marriage” between Thomas Oliver and Elizabeth Vassall;218 and on June 11, it was fulfilled. Mrs. Oliver, born on September 12, 1739, was the daughter of John Vassall, Sr. The family was notable in the annals of Cambridge. Elizabeth’s brother, John Vassall, Jr., married Thomas Oliver’s sister, another Elizabeth. Such ties could hardly be drawn closer. Thomas was now firmly rooted among the conservatives of Cambridge, “a select circle,” we hear, “to which few others were admitted.” We may also imagine a somewhat select circle of ideas and prejudices,219 a ring of true-blue persons, very gallant, very spirited, thoroughly comfortable, and hardly prescient of calamity despite all the omens in the sky. We think of Oliver as looking onward to many blissful years in Cambridge for himself and his posterity. True, he told the English Commissioners in 1784 that he “foresaw the storm,”220 but he did not say how soon he foresaw it. Meantime his quiet life went on. His eldest child, Anne, was baptized on March 4, 1764 at Christ Church by the Reverend Mr. Troutbeck; the second, Elizabeth, on August 17, 1766; and the third, Penelope, on October 2, 1768. By Elizabeth Vassall, Oliver had three more daughters, Mary, Lucy (b 1771), and Frances.221 All six were to share his exile in England and to survive into the next century. Oliver, in these prosperous years, seems to have lived handsomely. During a visit to Antigua in 1763 he is stated to have “spent £900 on slaves, silver, and pictures.”222 In Cambridge, after the appearance of Anne and Elizabeth, he proceeded to construct what would surely be a permanent and delightful home. In 1766 or 1767, he bought, it is said for £1700, an estate of about a hundred acres, and there built the house Elmwood where he lived until his catastrophe, enjoying it, therefore, for some seven years.223 It stands today in Elmwood Avenue, somewhat changed, but still occupied, and its later history will be referred to again. Meantime, Oliver is heard of in connection with certain official positions. In 1771, he was commissioned Lieutenant Colonel of the First Regiment in Middlesex County;224 and in May, 1773, the report was being circulated that he had been appointed a judge of the Provincial Courts of Vice-Admiralty for Massachusetts and New Hampshire.225
New England, and the Massachusetts province in particular, teemed with Olivers. Their family trees are long and intricate; the Christian, or given, names recur without end. There are many Thomas Olivers of different races and generations. There is, however, nothing to show that, as some have supposed, our Thomas was akin to any other Olivers in the district. He was not connected by blood with the prominent brothers, Andrew and Peter Oliver. Andrew, his predecessor as Lieutenant Governor, had been appointed in 1770, had been fiercely assailed by the Whigs (including “Junius Americanus”) in England, and had died in 1774, old and stricken, his funeral being insulted by the rabble. Peter, the Chief Justice, was even more unpopular, but of harder metal. He too suffered: was impeached, was often in danger of his life, and with other Loyalists was ejected. He came to England, and died in 1791 at Birmingham.
The position of Thomas in the summer of 1774 is shown by two interesting documents. Thomas Hutchinson had been superseded as Governor of Massachusetts by General Gage, and had left America on June 1 of that year. His Diary relates how, on July 1, he was brought by Lord Dartmouth to kiss hands in his Majesty’s “closet.” He was questioned on the whole political situation by the King in the minute fashion that is made familiar to us in the satires of John Wolcot, alias “Peter Pindar”:
King. Is the present L. Governor [Thomas] a relation to the late Mr. Oliver [Andrew]?
H. No, Sir, not of the same family. I have no connection with him, nor did I let him know that I had mentioned him as one of the persons I thought might be proper for a Lt Governor.
King. The Chief Justice [Peter], I think, is brother to the late Lt Governor?
H. Yes, Sir.
King. We had thought of him, but as he was not one of those you had named, the present Gentleman, upon enquiry, appeared under all circumstances the most proper.
H. I had some particular inducement not to mention the Chief Justice. He is related to me, and his appointment would have increased the envy against both of us.226
Long afterwards, on October 2, 1783, Thomas Oliver submitted a memorial to the Crown, asking for compensation. The substance of his statement was that
he was appointed Lieutenant-Governor and President of the Council of Massachusetts in 1774 without his knowledge, and from principles of loyalty he accepted this trust, although he foresaw that he would be drawn from a state of tranquillity to a difficult situation.227
He says he foresaw the Storm & was sorry that the Situation of the Country made it necessary for him to accept the Appointmt tho’ he did not hesitate to take it. And he thought he might be of service because he was a popular person with the people. His motives in taking it were to serve Govt.228
All this carries conviction, not merely as an ex post facto account but as a state of mind accurately recollected. Oliver’s commission, accordingly, was duly signed on May 28, 1774,229 and he was sworn in at Salem on August 8. Oaths were at the same time administered by Gage, at Salem, to Oliver and to ten other members of the Mandamus Council, Oliver’s name heading the eleven signatures. As Lieutenant Governor he was to receive a salary of £300 a year, and in the absence of the Governor, £750.230
The grievance against Oliver was not that he was Lieutenant Governor, but that he was a member, and the President, of the Mandamus Council. In this capacity he received no emolument. It was, of course, the creation of the Council that lighted the heather. The tale is told in all the histories of the Revolution. It had been enacted that the Council should henceforth be appointed by the King instead of elected by the General Court,231 a modification inevitably regarded by the people as an abrogation of the charter rather than as a “better regulating” of the government. With the dissolution of the General Court in June and the Governor’s refusal to meet the newly elected House in October, the Governor and Council had all the legal authority. The eleven Councillors who had taken the oath were already a remnant.232 Thirty-six had been originally named, but some had refused to be sworn in, and some who did take the oath soon resigned. The crisis for Oliver came on Friday, September 2, 1774; and here may follow, first Oliver’s narrative of the affair, and then the whig account of it, to which it is an answer. The day was, we hear from Thomas Newell’s Diary, “fair and warm,” but “at dark, rain and thundered very hard.”
The Narrative, with Oliver’s preface, appeared on Thursday, September 8, in the Massachusetts Gazette and Boston News-Letter.233
To the Printer of the Massachusetts Gazette.
In the publications of last Monday, the transactions at Cambridge, on Friday the 2d of September, having been so generally related, I am constrained, in support of my Character, to give the Public a more particular Account of those Parts, in which I was so unhappily involved.
Early in the morning of that day, a number of the inhabitants of Charlestown called at my house to acquaint me, that a large body of people from several towns in the county were on their way coming down to Cambridge; that they were affraid some bad consequences might ensue, and beged [sic] I would go out to meet them, and endeavor to prevail on them to return. In a very short time, before I could prepare myself to go, they appeared in sight. I went out to them and asked the reasons of their appearance in that manner. They respectfully answered “They came peaceably to enquire into their grievances, not with design to hurt any man.” i perceived they were the land-holders of the neighbouring towns, and was thoroughly perswaded they would do no harm. I was desired to speak to them; I accordingly did, in such a manner, as I thought best calculated to quiet their minds. They thanked me for my advice, said they were no mob, but sober, orderly people, who would commit no disorders . And then proceeded on their way. I returned to my house. Soon after they had arrived on the common at Cambridge, a report arose that the troops were on their march from Boston. I was desired to go and interceed with his Excellency [Gage], to prevent their coming. From principles of humanity to the country, from a general love of mankind, and from perswasions that they were this orderly people, I readily undertook it. And, is there a man on earth, who placed in my circumstances, could have refused it? I am imformed [sic], I am censured for having advised the General to a measure which may reflect on the troops; as being too inactive upon such a general disturbance. But surely such a reflection on the military, can never arise, but in the minds of such, as are entirely ignorant of these circumstances. Wherever this affair is known, it must also be known, it was at my request, the troops should not be sent. But to return. As I passed the people, I told them of my own accord, I would return and let them know the event, of my application: (Not as was related in the Papers to confer with them on my own circumstances as President of the Council). On my return, I went to the Committee, I told them no Troops had been ordered, and from the account I had given his Excellency none would be ordered. I was then thanked for the trouble I had taken in the affair, and was just about to leave them to their own business, when one of the Committee observed, that as I was present, it might be proper to mention a matter they had to propose to me: It was, that although they had a respect for me as Lieut. Governor of the province, they could wish I would resign my seat at the board [i. e. on the Mandamus Council]. I told them, I took it very unkind, that they should mention any thing on that subject: And among other reasons, I urged that, as Lieut. Governor, I stood in a particular relation to the province in general, and therefore, could not hear any thing upon that matter from a particular County. I was then pushed to know, if I would resign, when it appeared to be the sense of the province in general: I answered that when all the other Counsellors had resigned, if it appeared to be the sense of the province, I should resign, I would submit.
They then called for a vote upon the subject, and by a very great majority, voted my reasons satisfactory. I enquired whether they had full power to act for the people, and being answered in the affirmative, I desired they would take care to acquaint them of their votes, that so I should have no further application made me on that head. I was promised by the Chairman, and a general assent, it should be so. This left me entirely clear, and free from any apprehensions, of a further application upon this matter. And perhaps, will account for that confidence, which I had in the people, and for which I may be censured. Indeed, it is true, the event proves I had too much. But reasoning from events yet to come, is a kind of reasoning I have not been used to.
In the afternoon, I observed large companies pouring in from different parts: I then began to apprehend they would become unmanageable; and that it was expedient, to go out of their way. I was just going into my carriage when a great croud advanced; and in a short time, my house was surrounded by three or four thousand people, and one quarter part in arms. I went to the front door, where I was met by five persons, who acquainted me they were a Committee from the people, to demand a resignation of my seat at the board. I was shocked at their ingratitude, and false dealings; and reproached them with it. They excused themselves, by saying, the people were dissatisfied with the vote of the Committee; and insisted on my signing a paper they had prepared for that purpose. I found I had been ensnared, and endeavoured to reason them out of such ungreateful behaviour. They gave such answers, that I found it was in vain to reason longer with them. I told them, my first considerations, were my honor, the next my life; that they might put me to death, or destroy my property; but I would not submit. They began then to reason in their turn, urging the power of the people, and the danger of opposing them. AH this occasioned a delay, which enraged part of the multitude, who presing [sic] into my back yard, denounced vengance [sic] to the foes of their Liberties. They [the Committee] endeavoured to moderate them, and desired them to keep back, for they pressed up to my windows which then were open, I could from thence hear them, at a distance calling out for a determination; and, with their arms in their hands, swearing they would have my blood, if I refused. The Committee appeared to be anxious for me; still I refused to sign, part of the populace growing furious, and the distress of my Family (who heard their threats, and supposed them just about to be executed) called up feelings, which, I could not suppress; and nature ready to find new excuses, suggested a thought of the calamities I should occasion, if I did not comply. I found myself giving way, and began to cast about, to contrive means to come off with honor: I proposed they should call in the people, to take me out by force; but they said the people were enraged, and they could not answer for the consequences; I told them I would take the risk; but they refused to do it: Reduced to this extremity, I cast my eyes over the paper, with a hurry of mind, and conflict of passion, which rendered me unable to remark the contents, and wrote underneath the following words, “My house at Cambridge being surrounded by four thousand people, in compliance with their commands I sign my name, tho’s oliver.” The five persons took it, carried it to the people and I believe used their endeavours to get it accepted. I had several messages, that the people would not accept it with those additions. Upon which I walked into the court yard, and declared I would do no more, tho’ they should put me to death.
I perceived that those persons, who formed the first body, which came down in the morning, consisting of the land holders of the neighbouring towns, used their utmost endeavours to get the paper received, with my additions. And I must in justice to them, observe, that during the whole of this transaction, they had never invaded my inclosures; but still were not able to protect me, from the insults which I received, from those who were in arms. From this consideration I am induced to quit the County, and seek protection in the town [Boston].
Boston, Sept. 7
The original paper, signed by Oliver, with the additional clause just quoted runs:
Cambridge, Sept. 2, 1774.
I Thomas Oliver being appointed by his Majesty to a Seat at the Council Board, upon and in Conformity to the late Act of Parliament, entitled, An Act for the better Regulation of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, which being a manifest Infringement of the Charter Rights and Privileges of this People; I do hereby in conformity to the Commands of the Body of this County convened, now most solemnly renounce and resign my Seat at said unconstitutional Board, and hereby firmly Promise and Engage, as a Man of Honor and a Christian, that I never will hereafter upon any Terms whatsoever accept a Seat at said Board on the present novel and oppressive Plan of Government.
My House at Cambridge being surrounded by about four Thousand People, in Compliance with their Commands I sign my Name
The version in the fiercely whig Boston Gazette of September 5, 1774, confirms, as far as it goes, Oliver’s account, and does not throw doubt on his good faith;235 and it makes clear, as he does not, the two incidents that provoked the “body,” namely the affair of the Cambridge guns and the chance passing of Benjamin Hallowell whose service of the Crown as Comptroller of the Port and Commissioner of Customs had made him on more than one occasion an object of popular hatred. But for this last mishap, Oliver’s declaration in his speech might still have been considered “satisfactory,” at least for the time. As to his conduct: the mob was at the door, and out of hand; the committee could not hold it back, and his family were looking on. The phrase about the “novel and oppressive plan” must have been a bitter pill, if indeed in his “hurry of mind and conflict of passion” Oliver really took it in. The Gazette is naturally silent about his last desperate stand to get his “clause” inserted; it was at this point that he was willing to risk his life. Probably few men, with their women indoors and menaced, would have acted otherwise; although, indeed, an Englishman and a descendant may breathe a fleeting wish that Oliver could have told his persecutors to go to the nether regions. Moreover, the loyalist historians claim — and with much color—that his voluntary mission to General Gage prevented bloodshed — the first bloodshed of the war — in Cambridge.236 In principle, of course, the Whigs were right; the new “plan” was “oppressive”; and its administrators, however innocent, must needs suffer, by methods however brutal and undiscriminating.
The account in the Gazette may be quoted and summarized as follows:
On Wednesday last [Aug. 31], the new Divan [i. e. Council] (consisting of the wretched Fugitives with whom the just Indignation of their respective Townsmen by a well-deserved Expulsion, have filled this capital) usurped the Seats round the Council Board in Boston. Their Deliberations have not hitherto transpired: And with equal Secrecy, on Thursday morning half after four, about 260 troops embarked on 13 boats at the long-wharff, and proceeded up Mistic river to Temple’s farm, where they landed, and went to the powder house on quarry hill in Charleston bounds, whence they have taken 250 half barrels of powder, the whole store there, and carried it to the castle.
Then a detachment of the military goes to Cambridge and takes off two field-pieces — “a scandalous expedition.” Some who “were near the Governor” gave out that he had threatened to imprison the Salem committee — and even ship them to England! — if they did not recognize the Council. Salem is warned and replies that it is prepared. The whig paper goes on:
. . . The county of Middlesex took the alarm, and on Thursday evening [Sept. 1] began to collect in large bodies with their arms, provisions and ammunition, determining by some means to give a check to a power which openly threatened their destruction, and in such a clandestine manner robbed them of the means of their defence. And on Friday morning [Sept. 2] some thousands of them had advanced to Cambridge armed only with sticks, as they had left their firearms, &c. at some distance behind them.
The Committees of Boston and Charlestown join that of Cambridge, at Cambridge. Some thousands of people round the steps of the courthouse hear an address from Judge Danforth, who signs a document (not in offensive terms) confirming his resignation of his seat on the Council and undertaking never to resume it. Judge Joseph Lee signs a similar paper. The committee pass one vote saying that they are satisfied, and another against mob violence and destruction of private property; and they accept the plea of the high sheriff that in delivering the powder he had only followed instructions.
About 8 o’clock his honor Lieut. Governor Oliver set off from Cambridge to Boston and informed Governor Gage of the true state of matters, and the business of the people; which, as his honor told the Admiral, were not a mad mob, but the freeholders of the county promising to return in two hours & confer further with them on his own circumstance as president of the council. On mr. Oliver’s return he came to the committee and signified what he had delivered to the body in the morning [N.B. the Gazette had not previously mentioned this, and Oliver denies that any such point was raised “in the morning”], viz., that as the commissions of Lieut. Governor and president of the council, seem’d tack’d together, he should undoubtedly incur his majesty’s displeasure if he resign’d the latter, and pretended to hold the former, and [as] nobody appeared to have any objection to his enjoying the place he held constitutionally, he begged he might not be pressed to incur that displeasure at the instance of a single county, while any other councellor held on the new establishment. Assuring them however, that in case the mind of the whole province collected in congress or otherwise appeared for his resignation, he would by no means act in opposition to it. This seemed satisfactory to the committee, and they were preparing to deliver it to the body, when commissioner Hallowell came through the town on his way to Boston. The sight of that obnoxious person so inflamed the people that in a few minutes above 160 horsemen were drawn up and proceeding in pursuit of him on the full gallop. Capt. Gardner of Cambridge first began a parley with one of the foremost, which caused them to halt till he delivered his mind very fully in dissuasion of the pursuit. . . . They generally observed that the object of the body’s attention that day seemed to be the resignation of unconstitutional councellors, and that it might introduce confusion into the proceedings of the day if any thing less was brought upon the carpet till that important business was finished; and in a little time the gentlemen dismounted their horses and returned to the body.
Hallowell, however, is pursued by one of the gentlemen; snaps his pistol at him in vain; has to take his own servant’s mount; hurries to escape, and gets into Boston
till the horse failing within the gate, he ran on foot to the camp, thro’ which he spread consternation, telling them he was pursued by some thousands, who would be in town at his heels and destroy all friends of government before them.
The alarm spreads from Boston to Charlestown and thence to Cambridge; a Dr. Roberts on “a fleet horse” brings it to the Cambridge committee, who are at dinner.
The intelligence was instantly diffused, and the people whose arms were nearest sent persons to bring them, while horsemen were dispatched both ways to gain more certain advice of the true state of the soldiery. A greater fervour and Resolution probably never appeared among any troops. The dispatches soon returning, and assuring the body that soldiers still remained, and were likely to remain in their camp, they resumed their business with spirit, and resolved to leave no unconstitutional officer within their reach in possession of his place. On this the committee assembled again, and drew up a paper of which the following is a copy, and at the head of the body delivered it to Lieut. Governor Oliver to sign, with which he complied, after obtaining their consent to add the latter clause implying the force by which he was compelled to do it. . . . [Here follows text of document he signed.]
The Gentlemen from Boston, Charlestown and Cambridge having provided some refreshment for their greatly fatigued brethren, they chearfully accepted it, took leave and departed in high good humour and well satisfied.
One point in Oliver’s narrative remains obscure. He told the people, he says, “of my own accord, I would return and let them know the event of my application [to Gage]: Not as was related in the papers [Boston Gazette] to confer with them on my own circumstances as President of the Council” [italics mine]. He does not expressly say that he told the General that he was returning for this purpose. He did return, and he told the people that no troops had been, or would be, ordered. Now, on December 10, 1774, ex-Governor Hutchinson, then in London, writes in his Diary (I. 320):
Mr. Welbore Ellis made me a long visit; and gave me an opportunity of explaining several parts of General Gage’s conduct; — for his not laying the Lt. Govr, under Arrest [italics mine], when he came to him from the Mob. I shewed him Judge [Peter] Oliver’s letter, which says the General told him the Lt. Govr, never let him know that they had made him promise to return to them.
Why should Oliver have concealed his promise? And why, if he had mentioned it, should Gage have laid him under arrest? There was nothing irregular or disloyal in his making the promise; indeed, his mission would have been futile if he had not returned to satisfy the patriots. We can only suggest that the General might have “arrested” Oliver in order to secure the latter’s safety, and that Oliver, foreseeing such a step and feeling it his duty to return, held his tongue about his promise. This of course, is guesswork; but whatever the situation, he was in evil case. He was, naturally, between two fires. He had signed the humiliating document, and even so he had barely satisfied the patriots. He now had to explain himself to the Crown. Hutchinson, who was his friend, and who, as we have seen, had brought about his appointment, wrote him on November 24:
I should not treat you as a friend if I represented the manner in which people express themselves upon the subject of your resignation, different from the whole truth. In general it is said, a man is excusable who, when he is in the hands of 4000 people, and threatened with death, submits to the terms imposed upon him. Some have got it here, I know not how, that before you went to ye Governor [italics mine], more had been said to you by the mob, (for I call them mob, tho’ freeholders,) about your resigning, than you communicated, and that if the Governor had known the whole, he would have laid you under Arrest. Others say that unless our mobs differ from those in England, no man is in danger of his life in open day. It is impossible for people here to know all the circumstances of ye case. A succession of other great and important events, some come and others coming, will probably put an end to further speculation, and I fancy the Answer you have already received will be all you will receive. I thought it best to take no notice of your motion for an express order from the King, because, if circumstances so alter as to make it advisable to re-assume your seat, you may do it without such an order, as well as with; and if they should not so alter, it will be best you should not have the order.237
Hutchinson writes as though he had not read the Narrative; probably it had not reached England. It would have cleared up some of the doubts to which he refers. Oliver, plainly, never prevaricated; nor had the question of his resigning from the Council come up “before” his visit to Gage. He therefore could not tell Gage about it; there is no sign that he was faced with it until his return to Cambridge on the critical day. He flatly denies, what the Gazette asserts, that the matter had been mentioned before his mission; and in no other instance has his word been doubted.
Hutchinson’s last sentences are not fully explained, and Oliver’s exact position in Boston after leaving Cambridge, and down to 1776, is slightly obscure. He had moved to Boston September 12, 1774. There is, indeed, no doubt that he remained Lieutenant Governor.238 But to what action by Oliver does Hutchinson refer? It reads as though Oliver had requested the King to “order” him to “re-assume” his seat; and where, we at first ask, could this be, save on the Council? Hutchinson seems to say that Oliver had received an “answer” of a non-committal kind, and that he had advised him to await events; that the doubts raised by the sorry terms of his renunciation would blow over. This puzzle is increased by a document presently to be quoted, in which Oliver is made to say that when he reached Boston he had re-assumed his office, and that he remained in the exercise of the office of Lieutenant Governor, etc. On the face of it, the only office he could re-assume was his post on the Council. But this surely cannot be supposed. Not only would it have been out of his character to go back on his word; but any such action would have led to a tempest of abuse, not undeservedly, from the patriots; and of this we could not fail to have a record. I suggest that the re-assumption was simply that of his Lieutenant Governorship, which, though technically never abandoned, had been, de facto, interrupted by the crisis. In Boston, at any rate, he could function. There is a glimpse of him there a month before his departure for England. An official letter of February 24, 1776, contains his authorization to occupy and prepare a house, the “Green Dragon,” as a hospital for persons who were distressed by the blockade of the town, especially “the Widow and the Orphan, the Aged and Infirm”; and Oliver contributes £15 for the purpose.239
The document above referred to throws some light on the whole story as he recalled it ten years after the event.240 In 1783–4 a Commission sat in London to consider the “losses and services” of the loyalist émigrés and their claims to compensation, and to make recommendations to Parliament. Like the rest, Oliver, as will be explained below, had sent in a memorial; and on October 12, 1784, he appeared in person to give evidence upon oath and to answer questions. We have the careful transcript, in summary, of his depositions. It was made by Commissioner Daniel Parker Coke, M.P., an admirable and liberal-minded lawyer. Nothing is here said about the harsh terms of the renunciation, but it is made plain that Oliver had been officially absolved, at home; for he had “received an approbation of his conduct from Lord Dartmouth.” Hutchinson does not mention this satisfactory clearance; but his Diary ends just before his death in 1780; and the “approbation” may have been belated. Much of the sworn evidence repeats what we already know. The following extract explains itself. The nature of the questions from the bench can be gathered from the answers here noted by Coke.
He was first molested in 1774 by a large number of people surrounding his House, & he was in their hands for 5 or 6 Hours, and they threaten’d him with destruction if he did not resign the office of Prest of the Mandamus Council. This made him more unpopular than the office of Lieut Govr. He could not hold the office without being President of the Mans Council. He had no Emolument as a Mans Councillor. He maintain’d a determined resistance for sevl Hours, & then he gave up that Situation, & the resignation was convey’d to his Majesty’s Ministers & he recd an Approbation of his Conduct from Lord Dartmouth. As soon as he got into Boston under the protection of the Kings Troops he reassumed his Office. He really thought that his Life was in danger if he had resisted. They never asked him to take an Oath to the Rebel State. He remain’d in the exercise of the Offices of Lieut Govr &c till the Evacuation of Boston & then he went with the Troops to Halifax & from thence to Engd in about a Month & he has never been in America since he came to Engd in 1776.
The Salary of £300 a Yr was paid up to Octr 1782 from which time he has recd an Allowance of £200 a Yr.
Produces no Certificates to Loyalty. During this Rebellion he has held no military Commission and has never borne Arms. He considers his Office as a Civil Employment.
In March, 1776, when the British evacuated, Thomas Oliver left Boston for Halifax, and in the following month sailed for England with the fleet.241 The number of his party, including servants, is given as six;242 and some or all of his women-folk had gone before him. Hutchinson records in his Diary, on February 14: “Letters from Boston by the Julius Caesar, a returned store-ship, at Plymouth: came out 19 Jan. Mrs Oliver, the Lt Gov’s lady, wth her family, arrived in her. . . .”243
On February 28, Hutchinson calls with his daughter on “Mrs. Oliver,” in Titchfield St., London. On June 7, he notes that the Lieutenant Governor, with Col. Vassall and others, has arrived at Dartmouth; and on June 12, Oliver, with some other émigrés, pays him a visit. “All,” he remarks, “depend upon Govt to support them.” And on the next day he calls with Oliver on Lord Dartmouth, not finding him in. On July 21, he records:
Lieutenant Gov. O. called to acquaint me with his intention to apply to Lord North for his salary. It seems, as I had it from Mr Knox, that when Gen. Gage was superceded (sic) in the command of the army, he [Gage] was promised, the whole of his salary as Governor should be continued; otherwise I should have thought the Lt Gov. might have stood a chance for half, but now he can have no more than his 300£ as L. G.
This prophecy is not very clear; it will presently appear how Oliver fared in the matter of compensation.
He had, of course, lost everything in Cambridge. His estate there was confiscated. Elmwood “was first converted into a hospital for soldiers — some of the scribbles traced with a bayonet on the woodwork at this period can still be seen.”244 There is an order, July 26, 1775, from Headquarters stating that since “the present hospital is not large enough to contain the sick, Lieutenant-Governor Oliver’s house is to be cleared for that purpose, and care to be taken that no injury is done to it.”245
The later fortunes of Elmwood are well known in Cambridge. After being leased by the Committee of Correspondence, it was sold, with ninety-six acres of land, to Andrew Cabot of Salem, thence passing, successively, to Governor Elbridge Gerry, to the Reverend Charles Lowell, with ten acres; and to his son James Russell Lowell, who in his letters has described its elms, its structure and outlook, and its library: “It was large, as things went here when it was built, and has a certain air of simplicity about it as from some inward sense of dignity.” The dignity and simplicity still remain; and Thomas Oliver must have his share of the credit for the charm of Elmwood.
He lived a while in London, doubtless watching for his chances of reparation from the Crown. He is heard of as often “visiting the courts” of law. In July, 1776, he writes to David Phips, his fellow-sufferer:
I found Mrs. Oliver well, and settled in a snug little house in Brompton. . . . But I shall continue here no longer than I am able to find an economical retreat. I have not had time to look about me yet; some cheaper part of England must be the object of my inquiry.246
Later in the year he had lodgings in Jermyn Street. The news from overseas during the next years could not have been unexpected. The Banishment Act of September, 1778, passed to prevent the return of certain persons who had “joined the enemies” of America, heads its list with the names of Hutchinson, Francis Bernard, and Oliver.247 They reappear in the Confiscation Act of April, 1779, which states that the culprits have “justly incurred the forfeiture of all their property, rights, and liberties”; and all their goods are to be seized accordingly.
It is not known when Oliver settled in Bristol, or when the first Mrs. Oliver died. But in 1781 he was in Antigua; and the parish register of St. John’s records: “1781 June 3. Thomas Oliver to Harriette Freeman. By license from his Honor the President.”248 Harriette, or Harriet, was the only child and heir of the Hon. Byam Freeman, whose family was conspicuous in the island. They were a legal race, and they had retained their ties with England. Freeman had matriculated at Oriel College, Oxford; like his father Thomas and his grandfather Arthur, he was a member of one of the Inns of Court. Harriet, in an obituary notice, is described as a “lady of superior understanding, accomplishments and manners”; and we know no more of her, except that she bore Thomas Oliver two daughters. These were Harriet Watkins Oliver (1785–1826), wife of Captain Henry Haynes, R.N., and Emily Freeman Oliver. Emily married James Elton, Recorder of Tiverton, Devon, the paternal grandfather of the present writer; and she died on April 24, 1836. It will be seen from the footnote, which presents Oliver’s two families and some of their descendants, that of his eight daughters all but one married, and six left issue. The fifth, Lucy, Mrs. Tobin, survived till 1857, a widow.249
Of Oliver’s last thirty-three years we have stray glimpses. In February, 1782, he is at Birmingham, and writes cheerfully about a present of snuff:
I am much obliged to you for your care and trouble for an irritating powder for an American Refugee, and doubt not that it be of a more agreeable nature than the so many irritables we have all turned up our noses at for four or five years past.250
One of the “irritables” was undoubtedly the question of compensation for disturbance. In 1783, Oliver submitted a memorial, dated October 2, setting forth his claim and furnishing a schedule of his property.251 He asked for the curiously precise sum of £5167/17s. He received £2320, and also a pension of £200, which was paid until his death. What with these awards, his West India inheritance, and Harriet’s contribution, he cannot have been in straits; and his will, presently to be mentioned, shows that he was indeed very comfortable. It is said that he was “noted for his success as a planter”; and one transaction shows that he was also a good man of business, and throws light on his kindliness of character. Mrs. Henry Vassall, born Penelope Royall, was the aunt by marriage of Elizabeth Vassall, Oliver’s first wife. She was now, in her later years, living in great penury in Boston. A loyalist, she had seen her Cambridge property seized and her estates in Antigua taken over by creditors. Oliver was her trustee, and by sundry skilful transactions cleared and improved these estates; and we learn that “thanks to the warm-hearted ex-lieutenant-governor, the close of her life was blessed with something resembling an income, a luxury to which she had been unaccustomed for almost thirty years.”252
This is the latest personal notice of Thomas Oliver that I have found. His will describes him as of Parkside, St. Augustine’s, Bristol. In Bristol he died on November 29, 1815; Harriet had gone seven years before. The inscription on a marble tablet in the west porch of St. Paul’s Church in that city runs as follows:253
sacred to the memory
of thomas oliver esq.
the last governer of the state of massachusetts
on the independence of that country
he relinquished considerable estates
from attachment to his sovereign
and died in this city
the 29th of november 1815
aged 83 years.
also harriet his wife
who died the 16th of july 1808
aged 50 years
There is also, “on a slab covering a vault in the churchyard next to Col. Vassall’s grave”:
most truly lamented
died harriett the wife of
. . . oliver esqr. on the 16th july
1808. aged 50 years.
died the 29th . . .
aged 83 years
sincerely regre . . .
. . . lso harr . . . wat . . .
wife of captn. h. hay . . .
died 8th decemr 1826
The age in the first inscription should be “81 years”; Oliver was born on January 5, 1734. Nor was he ever “Governer.” As to Harriet, there is a note in the Gentleman’s Magazine of July 16, 1808, to the effect that she died “after a few hours severe indisposition, from an apoplectic stroke.”
Oliver’s will, dated September 8, 1812, was proved on January 19, 1816. The estate is handsome, and the bequests seem to be equitable. The two daughters of the second marriage, Harriet Watkins and Emily Freeman, who were still unmarried at the date of the will, receive each £2500; and they share, along with Frances, the spinster, and Lucy Tobin, now a widow, “my dwelling-house in Park St., Bristol, and all my household furniture, plate, linen, china, books, paintings, and wines.” Mary Partridge and Frances Oliver each have £2500. There are legacies ranging from £500 to £750 to various grandchildren. The residue goes to Lucy Tobin, and to the three sons-in-law Rogers, Cave, and Partridge, “in trust to sell.” These four are the executors. There are other provisions, including sums to certain friends and servants.
The whole record suggests a friendly, likeable, straightforward, and shrewd character. Tradition describes Thomas Oliver as a “little” man, it is not clear why; and epithets like “mild,” “obliging,” and “retiring,” are also heard. He says himself that he had “a general love of mankind.” One is glad to have him for an ancestor; if this were China, his memory would receive some honorable ceremony, such as is due to our fathers who begat us. But a paper in a learned journal is the only substitute. I have said what I feel about his public career, and about his behavior at the crisis. For history, he is but one of a thousand straws that were tossed upon a rising torrent.
A Stated Meeting of the Society was held at the invitation of Mr. James H. Ropes, at 13 Follen Street, Cambridge, on Thursday, April 23, 1931, at half after eight o’clock in the evening, the President, Samuel Eliot Morison, in the chair.
The Records of the last Stated Meeting were read and approved.
The Corresponding Secretary announced the death of William Coolidge Lane, a Resident Member, on March 18, 1931; and of Edward Robinson, a Corresponding Member, on April 18, 1931.
The Corresponding Secretary reported that letters had been received from Mr. Leverett Saltonstall and Mr. Edward Allen Whitney, accepting Resident Membership.
Mr. Allyn Bailey Forbes, of Cambridge, was elected a Resident Member, and Mr. John Pell, of New York, N. Y., a Corresponding Member of the Society.
The President, in anticipation of the Annual Meeting, appointed the following Committees:
To nominate candidates for the several offices, — Messrs. Fred Norris Robinson, John Woodbury, and Charles S. Rackemann.
To examine the Treasurer’s accounts,— Messrs. Nathaniel Thayer Kidder and Matt Bushnell Jones.
Mr. Arthur H. Buffinton read the following paper:
In an age which more and more questions the value of war as a method of settling international differences and which distinguishes between wars which are lawful and those which are not, it is interesting to inquire what the New England Puritans thought about it. In a speech made in Congress in 1813, Josiah Quincy, Jr., asserted that the people of New England took a moral view of war, that they insisted on applying to political acts, war included, the principles of Christian ethics.
That wise, moral, reflecting people which constitute the great mass of the population of Massachusetts, indeed of all New England, look for the sources of their political duties nowhere else than in those fountains from which spring their moral duties. According to their estimate of human life and its obligations, both political and moral duties emanate from the nature of things, and from the essential and eternal relations which subsist among them. . . . And, above all, what I know will seem strange to some of those who hear me, they will not forget to apply to a case occurring between nations, as far as is practicable, that heaven-descended rule which the great Author and Founder of their religion has given them for the regulation of their conduct towards each other.254
The historian would scarcely consider assertions made in a political harangue, delivered at a time when sectional and party feeling ran high, as unimpeachable evidence. Moreover, New Englanders have certainly not been more backward than other people in claiming for themselves and their forebears a peculiar degree of moral and intellectual excellence. Before accepting Quincy’s statement, therefore, it would be well to inquire what evidence, if any, there is to support it, and whether the people of New England did, in fact, hold those views of war and politics which he ascribes to them.
* * * * * * *
It was inevitable that the first generation of New England Puritans should bring with them ready-made from the Old World their views on war, as well as on politics and religion. In the ferment of ideas which characterized the period of the Puritan migration to America, war did not wholly escape scrutiny, yet its lawfulness was seldom questioned. It was one of those institutions, like private property and the family, which were so deeply imbedded in the structure of society that they were generally accepted as a matter of course. That English Puritans of the period had no conscientious scruples on the subject of war is obvious from their conduct, for it was by force of arms that they undertook to establish those principles of government and religion for which they stood. It was only radical sects like the Anabaptists and the Quakers, which arose during and after the Civil War, which condemned war, and they were by no means typical of contemporary opinion.255
Practice, however, is often something different from theory; hence it is useful to inquire what the men of that time did think about the institution of war. Concerning this there can be no doubt. It was in 1625, on the eve of the Puritan migration to New England, that Hugo Grotius published his De Jure Belli ac Pacts. In this great treatise Grotius was not theorizing; he was merely attempting to set forth in systematic form what preceding ages and the best informed opinion of his own time thought about peace and war. His fundamental proposition is that some wars are just, and others unjust, and for this principle he found authority in the writers of classical antiquity, in the Scriptures, in the writings of mediaeval canonists and scholastics, and in that natural law which was held to embody the enlightened conscience of mankind. To Grotius and his contemporaries this distinction between just and unjust wars was axiomatic; it was hardly an arguable proposition.256
Of some of the authorities cited by Grotius the average Puritan knew little or nothing, but about one he was fully informed, and that was the Scriptures. When he read in the Old Testament about the wars of Israel, the Puritan could hardly doubt that God not only sanctioned war, but that He had on occasion used it to accomplish His peculiar ends. How then, he argued, could anyone affirm that all war was unlawful?
The circumstances of the Puritan migration to America tended to strengthen this opinion in those who emigrated. New England Puritans of the first and second generations regarded themselves as another chosen people, transported by the guiding hand of Divine Providence to their New England Canaan, which had been miraculously reserved for their habitation, and equally miraculously cleared for them of the bulk of its native inhabitants. Pursuing the parallel, they felt themselves divinely commissioned to defend their heritage against foes without and within, against the heathen, against papists and prelatists, against sectaries and Antinomians, against all the troublers of the Israel of God.
Nowhere can better illustration of this viewpoint be found than in Captain Edward Johnson’s Wonder-Working Providence of Sions Saviour in New England.
These souldiers of Christ Jesus [he writes (ed. 1910, p. 227)] having made a fair retreat from their Native country hither, and now being come to a convenient station, resolved to stand it out (the Lord assisting) against all such as should come to rob them of their priviledges . . . although the chiefest work of these select bands of Christ, was to mind their spiritual warfare, yet they knew right well the Temple was surrounded with walls and bulworks, and the people of God in re-edifying the same, did prepare to resist their enemies with weapons of war, even while they continued building.
And elsewhere he writes (p. 33):
You shall with all diligence provide against the Malignant adversaries of the truth, for assure your selves the time is at hand wherein Antichrist will muster up all his Forces, and make war with the People of God . . . and see that with all dilligence you incourage every Souldier-like Spirit among you, for the Lord Christ intends to atchieve greater matters by this little handfull then the World is aware of.
It is altogether likely that this warlike temper was more characteristic of the leaders than of the rank and file. In seventeenth-century Europe, war was still the sport of kings, the special prerogative of aristocracies which regarded it as the most honorable of occupations, the chief means of distinction and social advancement. But the settlers of New England were drawn from the middle and lower classes of society, and it may be doubted whether the common people of any civilized country have ever loved war for its own sake. Popular opinion has ever classed it with famine and pestilence as one of the great scourges of humanity. It was not long before the Massachusetts clergy and those charged with the defence of the colony were bewailing the lack of martial zeal among the people, their impatience of military discipline, and the indifferent manner in which they performed their military obligations. Probably the average settler found the wilderness a sufficient training school for the virtues of courage and endurance, and regarded war with human foes as an unwelcome interruption of the more serious business of making a living.
What the average settler thought about war, we can only infer from his conduct. The Puritan leaders, however, had definite views on the subject, of which they have left sufficient record. They were the ones who were bent upon assuring the success of their commonwealth by force of arms, if necessary. They were the ones whose zeal for their holy experiment animated them to beat down all opposition.
It so happened also that among the enemies of the Puritan Commonwealth were groups of sectaries, Anabaptists and, later, Quakers, who denied the lawfulness of war. That these religious radicals condemned war was in itself sufficient reason why the majority of Puritans had no use for such views. Denial of the lawfulness of war was regarded as a dangerous heresy, a sure sign of perverted opinions. Thus Winthrop notes among the new heresies “broached” by Mrs. Hutchinson and her followers, Anabaptism and the refusal to bear arms, and among the dangerous opinions attributed to the Anabaptists, in the order of the General Court of Massachusetts Bay banishing members of that sect from the colony, is denial of the lawfulness of making war.257
This connection between radical religious opinions and opposition to war is well illustrated in the case of the one eminent settler of New England who was most of a pacifist, Roger Williams. Those who have made a thorough study of his ideas are agreed that he was opposed to war of any kind.258 Wars he held to be generally “for greater dishes and bowls of porridge”; they were one of God’s three “most dreadfull earthly & temporall judgments vpon the children of men.” And yet even Williams refused to condemn all wars. “I yet doubt,” he wrote to John Winthrop, “ . . . whether any other vse of warr & arms be lawfull to the professours of the Lord Jesus, but in execution of justice vpon malefactors at home; or preseruing of life & Hues in defenciue warr as was vpon the Pequts &c.”259
The chief difference between Williams and Puritans of a more militant sort was one of temper. All accepted the general principle that some wars are just, but while Williams believed in using every effort to preserve peace, others required little persuasion to resort to force. The practical difficulty of the theory of a just war was never better stated than by Williams when he wrote that “ . . . all men of Conscience or Prudence, ply to Windward & wisely labour to mainteine their Wars to be defensiue. . . .”260 In holding that all but strictly defensive wars are unjustifiable, Williams went farther than most of his contemporaries.
What the contemporaries of Williams thought about war may best be discovered by reading Puritan sermons. The importance of the clergy as purveyors of ideas has long been recognized, and studies of their sermons have been made to discover what they thought on all kinds of subjects. It does not appear, however, that any systematic attempt has been made to discover from that source what they thought on the subject of war.
One group of sermons is particularly useful for such a study — those preached at the annual election of the officers of what came to be known as the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company. This was the only military organization in the colony that might be called professional, and its members were presumed to have a special interest in the art of war. The preacher of the annual sermon, therefore, not infrequently took it upon himself to consider the place of war and of the military profession in a Christian state. A large number of these sermons have been preserved, and from them one may reconstruct the whole Puritan philosophy of war.
It is not necessary to examine in detail the views of individual ministers, for the reason that the Puritan view of war became stereotyped, nor were there substantial changes over the period of a century from King Philip’s War to the beginning of the American Revolution.261 Yet in their general attitude toward war one may, indeed, discover individual differences. Some preachers were of the belligerent type, and with great fervor preached the value and necessity of preparedness; others deplored war and emphasized its evils. Cotton Mather, for instance, in the preface to his Artillery Election Sermon for 1686, speaks of his bookish habits and his longing for the coming of the golden age of peace.262 His son, Samuel Mather, in his 1739 sermon, made an extended analysis of the evils of war, noting the interruption of lawful business, the corruption of manners and morals both during and after war, the loss of many valiant and useful men, and the financial cost. As regards this last, he anticipates the argument of Bloch and Norman Angell that even a successful war is seldom worth the cost. Mather argues also that the character of the typical soldier — he evidently has in mind the professional soldier of Europe, and not the citizen soldier of Massachusetts — is a reflection upon the institution of war, a faithless, profane, impious wretch who must be kept in awe when he is not employed in fighting.263
But war, however deplorable, is a part of the scheme of things, and as such requires to be explained and justified. The Puritan firmly believed, not that whatever is, is right, but that whatever is, is so by the permission or ordinance of an omnipotent God. So with war. War is the natural consequence of sin; like all other human ills it is a result of the fall of man.
. . . Wars and Fightings [said Amos Adams] come from the Lusts of Men; they have their Origin in that Lust of Riches and Dominion so common to a degenerate World. It is Ambition and Coveteousness that have, thro’ all Ages, depopulated Kingdoms, subverted Empires, and delug’d this World in Blood and Ruin. Wars are visible sad Instances, awakening dreadful Demonstrations, of the deep Corruption of human Nature.264
Moreover, God sometimes permits or ordains war to accomplish his purposes in the world. “War,” wrote John Richardson, “is an Ordinance appoynted by God for subduing and destroying the Churches Enemies upon Earth.”265 According to Cotton Mather, God permits war to refine and purify His Church, and to punish wickedness. He may even inspire His people to defend their liberty and their religion, and may raise up deliverers as He did of old. So long as sin and evil remain, will there be wars; only with the coming of the Kingdom of God will the reign of eternal peace be ushered in.266
While war may thus be considered as part of the divinely appointed scheme of things, some proximate cause and some human agency may usually be fixed upon as responsible, for, as Cotton Mather explained,
There is no War, for the most part, which has not some Injustice on one side giving Rise unto it. . . . A great part of the War in the World is but for the Persecution of them that own the Truths and Waves of the Lord Jesus Christ.267
Among these New England clergymen an interesting tendency is to be observed to lay the blame of war upon kings and princes. “Who are they that breake the Peace of the World,” exclaimed Cotton Mather in this same sermon, “more than the Bad Rulers of it? They are the Jeroboams of the world, that corrupt and poison their Subjects with such evill manners, as bring the Vengeance of War upon them.”268 Somewhat similar was the opinion of Henry Gibbs: “The Wars of Sovereign Princes and of free States, what are they for the most part better than a more plausible and powerful Sort of Piracies.”269
Such utterances were usually made with the King of France in mind, the king whom Cotton Mather called “that French Firebrand that has of late years kept almost all Europe in a flame of War,”270 and Thomas Bridge, “the Blasphemous, Proud, and Haughty Monarch of France.”271 Samuel Phillips, however, chose a most inopportune moment to remark that “it cannot be reasonably suppos’d that a Protestant Prince will have Recourse to the Sword until all other Remedies fail”;272 for his sermon was preached only a few months after he whom Englishmen later called the Protestant Hero wantonly attacked a neighbor and despoiled her of the rich province of Silesia. It does not appear that Frederick the Great was conscious that a Protestant king should be more reluctant to appeal to the sword than his Catholic fellow-monarchs.
Under certain circumstances, however, according to Puritan theory, war is justified. This general proposition was supported by appeals both to Scripture and to the Law of Nature. The latter, as a recent writer has remarked, was considered by the New England clergy to be part of God’s law, and “as sacredly and legally binding as any other part of the divine law.”273 In one of the very earliest of the Artillery Election sermons which has been preserved, John Richardson, of Newbury, remarked that the Law of Nature, which is God’s law, binds us to prevent evil unjustly offered.274 Moreover, the right of self-preservation is part of the Law of Nature. According to Cotton Mather, “Men have their Lives, Liberties, Properties, which the very Light of Nature teaches them to maintain by stronger Arms against all Forreign Injuries. Christianity never instructed men to lay down that Natural Principle of Self-Preservation.”275
For the most part, however, war was justified on Scriptural grounds. The changes were rung upon Abraham, David, Joshua, and other warlike worthies of the Old Testament. As regards the New Testament, it was asserted that John the Baptist had, by implication at least, sanctioned war when in his advice to the soldiers he did not order them to give up their occupation, and similarly Christ when he showed favor to the Roman centurion. The dealings of Peter with the centurion of Cæsarea were also cited as evidence that the military profession was not condemned by the early Church.276 Those passages of Scripture which were cited by opponents of war to justify their position, such as the sixth commandment and Christ’s command to turn the other cheek, were waved aside as merely forbidding private revenge and not the use of the sword by public authority.
In all the sermons examined only one reference has been found to the Law of Nations. In his 1740 Artillery Election sermon the well-known Mather Byles asserted that
the Law of Nations in general gives to every People Authority to protect themselves, and to punish those who injure them as far as they are able, as their own Executors. So that Fighting may be as necessary as Laws themselves; for what signify Laws without Sanctions.277
This reference to the need of sanctions has a decidedly modern sound, and suggests that Mather Byles fully deserves his reputation as one of the most eminent, as well as the wittiest, of the clergy of his day.
Having established the lawfulness of war as a general proposition, the Puritan clergyman had then to consider the question when and under what circumstances resort to the sword is justified. In his 1678 Artillery Election sermon Samuel Nowell gives the same list of justifiable causes of war as does Grotius: self-defence, recovery of what has been taken away, and punishment for injuries suffered. Nowell also, having the late Indian war in mind, concludes that “to take up arms for the defence of friends and allies is lawfull.”278
Coming to a later generation, we find Hull Abbot writing in 1735 that “it is Lawful to take up Arms in the Defense of our Lives and Estates, to guard our Religious and Civil Liberties, and to take just Revenges on those that have cruelly Slain our Neighbours and carried into Captivity our Friends.”279 William Williams was of the opinion that men should engage in war only “for the vindication of [their] own just Rights and Properties, when incroach’d upon and invaded or threatned by the unreasonable and injurious, and this after Terms of Peace and Accomodation are rejected by them.”280 In thus suggesting that a peaceful solution must first be attempted, Williams was in advance of most of his contemporaries, if their silence on this point may be considered sufficient evidence of their position.
Such opinions are fairly typical. Under certain circumstances war is lawful, those circumstances being such as the Christian Church through the ages has accepted as justifying war. One minister, however, Nathaniel Appleton, of Cambridge, was ready to take a more practical view, and to justify wars to maintain the balance of power.
And I don’t see [he wrote] why a War may not be lawful, for the opposing and suppressing the growing Power and Tyranny of any Nation, whom we behold advancing themselves, by violent and unjust Encroachments upon their Neighbours, to such a degree of Power, as would over-ballance all the Force that we could make against them.281
And the same writer concluded that in a just war undertaken to avenge injuries, it is lawful to prosecute it not only until satisfaction has been received for the injuries sustained, but also until the power of the aggressor is so weakened that he is discouraged from committing further acts of aggression.282 Whatever may be thought of the practical wisdom of such suggestions, it will probably be admitted that it would be difficult to find Scriptural warrant for such a view.
Appleton’s suggestion that wars to preserve the balance of power are justifiable was made with France in mind. A generation later, as the American Revolution approached, other justifiable causes of war were suggested. Thus Elisha Fish, in a sermon preached in 1773 to a military company at Upton, argued that the use of arms is lawful for the defence of human rights, such as life, liberty, and property, and also as a check upon designing and ambitious rulers. Thus were the New England clergy led by circumstances to add resistance to unjust and tyrannical rulers to the list of justifiable causes of war.283
This adaptation of opinion to circumstance well illustrates the practical difficulty of formulating a generally acceptable definition of a just war. What, it may be asked, about offensive wars? Is it lawful to attack an enemy when just provocation has been given, or must one wait to be attacked? Puritan opinion on this point was, with few exceptions, clear and united — under certain circumstances an offensive war is justifiable. In the use of words, however, the Puritan writers were not always so clear as might be desired, for occasionally one finds the word “defensive” used as synonymous with “lawful.” The Articles of the New England Confederation, however, clearly distinguish between offensive and defensive wars, and imply that both are lawful.284
In admitting the justice of offensive wars Puritan writers were but accepting the traditional view. Their lawfulness, under certain conditions, had been taught by the Church Fathers and by the great mediæval scholastics. It had again been affirmed by Grotius, who gave three justifiable causes of war: defence, recovery of property, and punishment for wrongs suffered. It is obvious that the second and third of these causes would justify a technically offensive war.285
One more question connected with war received some attention at the hands of the Puritan clergy. War is an act of the State, of public authority, but what of the individual who is opposed to war? What of the conscientious objector? This problem was an acute one in colonies such as Pennsylvania and New Jersey where the Quakers formed an important part of the population. It was not particularly pressing in Massachusetts, yet Puritan writers did not wholly ignore it. Here again they were dealing with a question which had been discussed at least ever since the foundation of the Christian Church, and again the position which they took was the traditional Christian one.286
Those who considered the question at all were pretty generally agreed that the individual is bound by the decision of the civil magistrate. According to Nathaniel Appleton, it was not the business of the soldier
to enquire into the Merits of the Cause, and judge whether the War be lawful or unlawful; for that is an Affair intrusted with the Prince and Councils of a Nation; and the Soldier is to presume that the Government have good Reasons to justify their proclaiming and engaging in a War.287
For this position Scriptural warrant was usually found in Christ’s command to render unto Cæsar his due, and in other New Testament passages where obedience to constituted authority is enjoined.
In general, so long as the affairs of the colony were conducted by those who were in sympathy with Puritan principles, the clergy tended to exalt the power of the government and to restrict the right of private judgment. The only dissenting note is that of Cotton Mather, who in one of his sermons argued that if the injustice of a war was “notoriously Evident and Apparent,” the private soldier ought to suffer sooner than engage in it; otherwise he was to “use an Implicit Reliance on the Command of the Supream Power.”288
Puritan sermons also contain interesting evidence upon the contemporary practice of the art of war, although only a word can be given to this subject here. It was early recognized that the kind of training received by the European soldier was of little value in that Indian warfare which was the only kind of fighting the average colonial was likely to see. It might seem that an artillery company in particular would be of little use in such fighting. There is a note of doubtless justifiable sarcasm in the words addressed by Urian Oakes, President of Harvard College, to the Artillery Company in 1677, as New England’s greatest Indian war was drawing to a close: “I hope the Gentlemen-Souldiers present will not blame any of us, if we cannot look upon their Trainings, and Artillery Exercises with such an Eye as formerly before the Warre.”289
But the chief difficulty mentioned is the abuses which grew up in connection with the days set apart for military training. Again and again complaint is made that such days are regarded as times of recreation and diversion, and that they are spent in carousing and drunkenness instead of in the performance of military exercises. According to one preacher, such neglect was common both to officers and private soldiers, with the inevitable result that the latter ceased to respect their officers and were ready to mock and deride them.290 The officer who spent the day treating and being treated could hardly complain if his soldiers spent it in the nearest tavern.
Moreover, according to another preacher of about the same period, there was already visible a tendency for those of a little above the ordinary rank to regard the performance of military exercises as unfashionable, and to leave it to the commoner sort and to those who had a special interest in military affairs.291 Thus it appears that those evils of our military system to which advocates of preparedness have ever been fond of pointing appeared at an early date in the history of this country, even in New England, which had the reputation in the colonial period of being more martial than other parts of British America.
The views of war held by the Puritan clergy of New England were not peculiar to that region. Probably the most important debate on the question of the lawfulness of war held anywhere in the colonies was that which took place in the Quaker colony of Pennsylvania in the closing months of the third French war. Moved by the defenceless state of the colony and by the unwillingness of the Quaker Assembly to provide for a militia, numbers of the leading men of Philadelphia and vicinity, under the leadership of Benjamin Franklin, formed an Association for Defence.292 There resulted an interesting controversy between the Quakers and their opponents concerning the lawfulness of war, the most notable contribution to which was a sermon by the celebrated Gilbert Tennent, entitled, The late Association for Defence encourag’d, or The lawfulness of a Defensive War. Tennent’s sermon contains as thoroughgoing a statement of the reasons why defensive war is justified as one could desire. In support of his position he cites the Scriptures, the Roman law, and Grotius, and in keeping with the thought of his time he places special emphasis upon the Law of Nature. Every passage of Scripture cited by opponents of war in justification of their position is examined at length and is interpreted in a different sense. To the arguments commonly used to support the lawfulness of war Tennent adds others of a more practical character.
Is it always practicable [he inquires] to get reparation for national Injuries by Treaties? No, by no Means! Do not the strongest generally keep the Advantages they have got, as long as they can, and use the most labour’d Subterfuges, and crafty Artifices to elude Application for Redress, and colour their Fraud and Oppression? . . . Is there any common Magistrate that presides over contending Kingdoms? or any Law common to both by which they will abide?
Thus Tennent, in 1748, uses the same argument to justify war which has been so often used since 1918 in support of the League of Nations.293
Such then was the Puritan, one may fairly say, the accepted Christian, view of war. In Europe, however, practice steadily diverged from theory, so that the eighteenth-century successors of Grotius were forced to abandon the distinction between just and unjust wars. In practice, the principles of Machiavelli were followed, not those of St. Augustine and Thomas Aquinas. It is interesting to note, however, that in seventeenth-century New England the distinction between just and unjust wars was not merely an academic one. Something more than mere lip service was offered to the idea that a Christian state must not engage in an unjust war.
Thus the Articles of the New England Confederation carefully provided that except in case of actual invasion none of the members should engage in a war until its justice had been determined by vote of the Commissioners. If a colony could not convince its confederates of the justice of a proposed war, it would be forced to carry it on, if at all, without their military and financial support.294
Ten years after the formation of the New England Confederation there arose among the members a dispute on this very question of the justice of a proposed war which nearly disrupted the organization. At that time the Connecticut colonies alleged that the Dutch of Manhattan had plotted with the Indians to destroy the English, and sought to persuade Massachusetts and Plymouth to join them in undertaking what they regarded as a justifiable war of defence. The proceedings were long and complicated, and need not be followed in detail here. The discussion turned largely upon the justice of the proposed war, and upon the power of the Commissioners, under the Articles of Confederation, to commit a colony to war if it was unconvinced of the justice of the cause. In the end, Massachusetts stood out, and the war could not be undertaken, but in the course of the discussion we get some significant statements concerning war and the conditions under which it is justified.
One of the most significant of these is the brief record of a meeting held by the Massachusetts Council and certain of the elders to discuss this question. All present accepted the view that there must be sufficient proof of the justice of their cause before war could be undertaken, one speaker remarking that respect for the religion they professed dictated that they should be clear on this point. The conclusion of the gathering was that it is both inexpedient and unsafe “to erre either in point of lawfullnes or expediency or both in a matter of this nature.”295
On a later occasion certain of the elders gave the Massachusetts General Court the following opinion:
Wee humble conceiue itt to bee most agreeable to the Gosspell of peace which wee professe and safest for these collonies to forbeare the vse of the sword, till the Lord by his prouidence and by the wisedome of his seruants sett over vs shall further cleare of his mind either for our settled peace or most manifest grounds of warr that wee may not proceed doubtfully and soe vnsafely in soe waighty a case . . .296
As regards the binding force of the vote of the United Commissioners, a committee of the Massachusetts General Court reported that it was “A Scandall in Religion that a generall court of Christians should bee oblidged to acte and engage vpon the faith of six Delligates against theire Consience,” thus clearly indicating their opinion of the necessity of obtaining sufficient proof of the justice of war to satisfy the Christian conscience.297
Confronted with this opinion, the New Haven General Court set forth its views. Their statement of the grounds of a just war is very clear:
It may be considered when a just warr in ordinary cases may be called offensive or vindictive . . . ordinarily and in refferrence to men, lawfull warrs are to defend, recover, secure or get satisfaction, in case of just possessions or rights injuriously invaded, seized or indangered by others, wth respect to persons, estates or honors, when other meanes will not serve. . . .298
Nevertheless Massachusetts stood stiffly to its position that in the case of an offensive war each confederate has the right to act according to his own light and conscience, and that it is bound by the determinations of the Commissioners only in so far as they are “just and according to God.” “Otherwise,” said the General Court, “wee Judge wee are not bound neither before God nor men.”299
This whole episode is important not only for the light it sheds upon the working of the first attempt at confederation on American soil, but also because it shows clearly that the distinction between just and unjust wars was one maintained in practice as well as in theory. It may freely be acknowledged that the position taken by the Massachusetts Bay colony was dictated largely by its interests, but the same is true also of the Connecticut colonies. The significant thing, however, from the point of view of our inquiry, is that both parties to the controversy accepted without question the principle that only just wars are lawful.
One other episode in the early history of New England is recorded when the question of the justice of a warlike act was raised. In the year 1643, Governor Winthrop permitted the Frenchman La Tour to hire men in Boston to aid him against his adversary, D’Aulnay. Certain of the leading men of the northern part of the colony, including Richard Saltonstall and Simon Bradstreet, seriously questioned both the wisdom and the justice of this action and sent Winthrop a strongly worded letter of protest.300 War, they asserted, is an extreme remedy, not to be undertaken in a dubious cause and except to avenge some great wrong. “The grounds of warre,” they declared, “ought to be just and necessary.”
In his reply to their protest Winthrop avoided the direct issue by arguing that permission to La Tour to hire volunteers did not constitute an act of war, and that he was merely aiding a neighbor in distress. In defence of his action he cited examples drawn from the Scriptures and from the practice of European nations. Winthrop did not, however, challenge the fundamental proposition of his critics that wars are not to be undertaken save for just cause, and there is no reason to suppose that on this point he differed from them.301
Thus, both in theory and in practice, the Puritans of New England held to the distinction between just and unjust wars. Critical, even defiant, of authority in matters political, the spiritual descendants of Calvin were conservative in their approach to questions of social ethics. In the Christian centuries from Augustine to Aquinas few such problems had escaped scrutiny. Tennent and Cotton Mather had but to draw upon the reservoir of knowledge which had been stored up through the centuries. Familiar with tradition, such men were conscious of its weight, and could not ignore it as did those radical sects which trusted some inner illumination, some divine intimation to the individual soul. It was no accident that colonies where the clergy had most influence were the most conservative, for it was the clergy preëminently who were under the spell of tradition.
So it was in the case of war. While liberal Puritans like Roger Williams sought to restrict the use of the sword, and radical sects like the Quakers rejected it altogether, conservative Puritans were content to admit the lawfulness of certain wars because that was the Christian tradition. From this inflexibility of opinion flowed results both good and evil. So long as men believed that certain kinds of war are lawful they would be pretty sure to find plausible reasons for fighting whenever passion or interest suggested the advisability of so doing. Moreover, tradition too often barred the way to a fresh approach to such problems as war.
On the other hand, the very fact that it was the accepted view that the justice of war must be proved exerted a restraining influence. The Puritan’s philosophy of war gave him a bent toward peace, for it put the burden of proof upon the advocates of war. This bent to peace was strongly reinforced by the fortunate situation of the settlers of America. They were not without enemies, and more than once they had to fight, but as compared to most European peoples their lot was a peaceful one. Moreover, the decision whether or not they should fight lay in their own hands. England and France might be officially at war, but no English government could compel an American colony to fight if it was not disposed to do so. Europeans who admit that Americans have been, on the whole, a peaceful people, find the cause in the fortunate environment of Americans, the lack of powerful and ambitious neighbors, the possession of a virgin continent to develop. When one considers, however, how large a proportion of the people of America were taught either that all wars are unchristian, or that only certain wars are just, it is certainly pertinent to inquire whether there is not something after all in Quincy’s theory that the Christian training of the people of New England, one may say, indeed, of all America, was a factor in their attitude towards war. The influence of ideas passed on from generation to generation is an intangible factor, but it is one that cannot, and should not, be wholly ignored.
It is interesting to reflect that the wheel has swung full circle, and that once again practical statesmen are attempting to establish in the code of international relations the distinction between just and unjust wars. It may even be said that they have established it, that today under the Covenant of the League of Nations and the Pact of Paris, certain kinds of war are recognized as lawful and certain other kinds as unlawful. That view of war to which the New England Puritans clung long after most of the world had abandoned it is now regarded as the necessary basis of the new international order. The experience of our generation has done much to vindicate the Puritan position that no political system can function successfully over any long period of time which is not based upon a recognition of the existence of a moral order.
Mr. Morison presented the following paper, written by Miss Isabel Calder:
In October, 1636, John Cotton presented to the General Court of Massachusetts Bay “a model of Moses his judicials, compiled in an exact method.”302 This was a code of laws which Cotton had drafted in answer to a demand for a body of written legislation for the colony. The code had an interesting history until 1641, when it was rejected in favor of the Body of Liberties. Published in London in that year and in 1655, it was then lost sight of for almost two centuries. At the end of the first quarter of the nineteenth century, James Savage proclaimed it as the Body of Liberties itself and it passed as such until 1843, when Francis C. Gray produced the true Body of Liberties. Since then the Cotton code has been misunderstood and undervalued. It is the object of this paper to throw additional light on its early history and to determine its proper place in the history of early New England legislation.303
There was a demand for a body of written laws in Massachusetts as early as 1635. On March 4 of that year the General Court appointed John Winthrop and Richard Bellingham “to take a vewe of all orders already made, & to informe the nexte Generall Court wch of them they iudge meete to be altered, ebreviated, repealed, corrected, inlarged, or explained, &c.”304 On May 6, 1635, the deputies fearing great danger to the state because the magistrates, “for want of positive laws, in many cases, might proceed according to their discretions,” the General Court appointed Governor Haynes, Deputy Governor Bellingham, John Winthrop, and Thomas Dudley “to frame a body of grounds of laws, in resemblance to a Magna Charta, which, being allowed by some of the ministers, and the general court, should be received for fundamental laws.”305 Apparently this group did nothing, for on May 25, 1636, a second committee was appointed, this time with significantly different instructions. Governor Vane, Deputy Governor Winthrop, Thomas Dudley, John Haynes, Richard Bellingham, John Cotton, Hugh Peter, and Thomas Shepard were “intreated to make a draught of lawes agreeable to the word of God, wch may be the ffundamentalls of this com̄onwealth, & to present the same to the nexte Generall Court.” In the meantime the magistrates and their associates were ordered to
ꝑceede in the courts to heare & determine all causes according to the lawes nowe established, & where there is noe law, then as neere the lawe of God as they can; & for all busines out of Court for wch there is noe certaine rule yet sett downe, those of the standing counsell, or some two of them, shall take order by their best discrec̃on, that they may be ordered & ended according to the rule of Gods word. . . .306
The significant change at this time was the addition of several ministers to the committee of civil authorities and the instructions “to make a draught of lawes agreeable to the word of God.” Although there is no evidence that the committee appointed in May, 1636, functioned as a body, John Cotton, one of its members, did produce a code of laws, and in October, 1636, presented it to the General Court.307
The Cotton code consisted of ten chapters embodying the government, laws, and practices of Massachusetts Bay. It provided for Governor, Deputy Governor, Court of Assistants, and General Court, as did the colony charter; it limited the franchise and the right to hold office to church-members, as was the law in Massachusetts at the time. Only in minor details, as when he substituted the title of free burgess for that of freeman, had Cotton departed from current practices. Although the title, “Moses his judicials,” given to the Cotton code by Winthrop might imply a Biblical origin, the provisions of the code, with the exception of the chapters on crimes and inheritance, were not drawn from the Scriptures. Winthrop’s title was not inappropriate, however, for many of the provisions of the code were supported by marginal Scriptural references to prove that they were in harmony with the word of God and thus met the requirements laid down by the General Court in May, 1636. The defect of the code was that much space was devoted to outlining a government already outlined in the charter of the Massachusetts Bay Company and but little space to the legislation so urgently needed by Massachusetts. Probably for this reason it was not accepted, but, until something better suited to the needs of Massachusetts could be drafted, it was not rejected.308
In 1637, Massachusetts became involved in the Pequot War and the Antinomian controversy, and it was not until the spring of 1638 that the General Court was in a position to give further attention to legislation. On March 12 of that year the Court ordered the freemen to assemble in their several towns and
collect the heads of such necessary & fundamentall lawes as may bee sutable to the times & places whear God by his ꝑvidence hath cast vs, & the heads of such lawes to deliver in writing to the Governor for the time being before the 5th day of the 4th month, called June, next, to the intent that the same Governor, together wth the rest of the standing counsell, & Richrd Bellingham, Esq, Mr Bulkley, Mr Philips, Mr Peters, & Mr Sheopard, elders of severall churches, Mr Nathaniell Ward, Mr Willi: Spencer, & Mr Will: Hauthorne, or the maior part of them, may, vpon the survey of such heads of lawes, make a compendious abrigment of the same by the Generall Court in autum̄e next, adding yet to the same or detracting therefrom what in their wisdomes shall seeme meete, that so the whole worke being ꝑfected to the best of their skill, it may bee ꝑsented to the Generall Court for confirmation or reiection, as the Court shall adiudge.
The Court also ordered the committee thus established to
survey all the lawes & orders already made, & reduce them into as fewe heads as they may, & ꝑsent them vnto the Genrall Court for approbation or refusall, as aforesaid.309
Some of the towns acted on the order of March 12. On April 6, 1638, Newbury deputed two men “to labour to compile a body of laws & present them to the towne that they may be presented to the Governmt according to order of Court,”310 and on April 26, 1638, Charlestown desired Increase Nowell, Zachariah Sims, John Greene, John Harvard, Ralph Sprague, and William Learned “to considr of some things tending towards A body of Lawes, &c.”311 The work proceeded slowly, however, and on June 6, 1639, the General Court of the colony ordered that the marshal should “give notice to the com̄itte about the body of lawes, to send vnto the next Generall Court such drafts of lawes as they have ꝑpared, for the Court to take order about them what to settle.”312 On November 3, 1639, Ezekiel Rogers of Rowley wrote to Winthrop, “A body of Lawes is now of all much desired; & all maturenes of proceeding therin wished.”313 In the same month two codes of laws, one that of John Cotton and the other drafted by Nathaniel Ward of Ipswich, were before the General Court.
Ward’s code, the second attempt at codification, was a rather lengthy bill of rights which set a limit to the arbitrary power of the magistrates in Massachusetts and thus met the needs of the infant colony. It outlined no form of government but presupposed the existence of such a government as that provided by the charter of the Massachusetts Bay Company.
On November 5, 1639, the General Court referred the codes of Cotton and Ward to Governor Winthrop, Deputy Governor Dudley, Treasurer Bellingham, and Israel Stoughton, “or any three of them,” with two or more of the deputies of Boston, Charlestown, or Roxbury, to peruse and draw up into one body, “altering, ading, or omiting what they shall thinke fit.” Copies of the resulting composite were to be sent to the several towns for the elders of the churches and the freemen to consider before the next General Court.314 It seems probable that Cotton’s capital laws were incorporated into Ward’s code at this point. Thomas Lechford did the immense amount of writing involved in making copies of the laws for the towns,315 and, although not a freeman and therefore not entitled to express an opinion, as “Amicus curiœ” pointed out to the Governor and Assistants, in a paper dated March 4, 1639–40, changes which he considered necessary:316 Nathaniel Ward protested against the submission of the laws to the freemen.
. . . Please to advise throughly with the counsell, [he wrote Winthrop, December 22, 1639] whether it will not be of ill consequence to send the Court busines to the common consideration of the freemen. I feare it will too much exauctorate the power of that Court to prostrate matters in that manner. I suspect both Commonwealth & Churches haue discended to lowe already; I see the spirits of people runne high, & what they gett they hould. They may not be denyed their proper & lawfull liberties, but I question whether it be of God to interest the inferiour sort in that which should be reserued inter optimates penes quos est sancire leges317
Nevertheless, on May 13, 1640, the General Court desired the elders and freemen to “ripen their thoughts & counsells” regarding the breviate of laws.318 June 2, 1641, found Massachusetts still without a code of laws, however, and on that date the General Court appointed Governor Bellingham to peruse all the laws and take notice what ought to be repealed, what to be certified, and what to stand, and to make return to the next General Court.319 On October 7, 1641, the General Court desired Governor Bellingham and William Hathorne to speak to Ward for a copy of the “liberties & of the capitall lawes” to be transcribed and sent to the towns.320 Finally, on December 10, 1641, the General Court voted that the body of laws formerly sent forth among the freemen should stand in force.321 Copies of the Body of Liberties thus adopted, subscribed by Deputy Governor Endecott, Emanuel Downing, and William Hathorne, were sent to each town.322 After circulating for five years as a potential code for Massachusetts Bay, Cotton’s “Moses his judicials” had been rejected by Massachusetts in favor of Ward’s Body of Liberties.
The Cotton code received recognition, however, and was adopted and enforced in two separate regions beyond the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts Bay Colony. As has been stated, it was of little value to Massachusetts because much space was devoted to outlining a government already outlined in the charter of the Massachusetts Bay Company. But for that very reason it was of value to those groups of settlers who were passing beyond the jurisdiction of Massachusetts and establishing independent plantations in the territory thrown open by the Pequot War and who were without a charter or other outline of government.
In 1637, the Davenport-Eaton company arrived in Boston. During the ensuing nine months John Davenport lived with John Cotton.323 That Cotton and Davenport debated at least one of the provisions of Cotton’s code, Cotton’s Discourse About Civil Government in a New Plantation Whose Design is Religion324 is evidence. In 1638, the Davenport-Eaton company removed to Quinnipiac on Long Island Sound and within five years had expanded into the New Haven Colony. At Quinnipiac they adopted, first as a temporary measure, and on June 4, 1639, as a permanent constitution, “those rules wch the scripture holds forth,”325 and they meant by that phrase not the Bible, as has so often been stated, but the Cotton code. Years later Davenport wrote:
And by voluntary consent among themselves they settled a civill court & governmt among themselves, upon such fundamentalls as were established in Massachusetts by allowance of their pattent, whereof the then governor of the Bay, the Right Worpll Mr Winthrop sent us a coppie to improve for our best advantage. These fundamentalls all the inhabitants of the said Quillipyack approved, & bound themselves to submitt unto & maintaine. . . .326
This passage might be interpreted to mean that Winthrop had sent the Davenport-Eaton company a copy of the Massachusetts Bay Company’s charter, but that evidently was not the meaning intended, for in 1644 New Haven was without a copy of the Massachusetts charter.327 Moreover, the planters of Quinnipiac adopted as their constitution the “rules wch the scripture holds forth,” a phrase which could mean neither the Massachusetts charter nor the Body of Liberties but which was quite as appropriate a title for the Cotton code as was Winthrop’s “Moses his judicials.”328
In 1640, Abraham Pierson led a group of settlers from Lynn, Massachusetts, to Southampton, Long Island. This company carried a copy of the Cotton code with them and accepted it as the basis of their plantation government and copied whole chapters of it into the Southampton town records.329
The Cotton code was published anonymously in London in 1641 with the title: An Abstract of the Lawes of New England, As they are now established. It is not improbable that it was Thomas Lechford, who had been employed by the Massachusetts General Court to copy the code, and thus knew that it embodied the government, laws, and practices of Massachusetts, who was responsible for this edition which appeared in the year of his return to England.330 The code was republished in London by William Aspinwall in 1655. In the preface to this edition, Aspinwall attributed the code to Cotton and stated that it had not been adopted by Massachusetts.331 Ward’s Body of Liberties remained unpublished. With the adoption of more elaborate codes of laws by Massachusetts in 1648, 1660, and 1672, and by New Haven in 1656, which superseded the Body of Liberties and the Cotton code in those colonies, both the Cotton code and the Body of Liberties were lost sight of and forgotten.
In 1769, Thomas Hutchinson published the Cotton code in his Collection of Original Papers, with a footnote attributing it to Cotton. In 1798, the Massachusetts Historical Society published the code, with a note attributing it to Cotton and Vane.332 In 1844, Peter Force included the code in his collection of Tracts and Other Papers.
In 1825–1826, James Savage issued his edition of Winthrop’s Journal under the title, The History of New England from 1630 to 1649. In commenting on the appointment of a committee in November, 1639, to combine the Cotton and Ward codes, Savage referred to the much published Cotton code as the compilation which resulted from the efforts of the committee, mistaking the Cotton code for the unpublished Body of Liberties,333 and the Cotton code passed as the Body of Liberties adopted by Massachusetts in 1641 until 1843, when Francis C. Gray published for the first time the true Body of Liberties and proved that the Cotton code had never been adopted by Massachusetts.334 Gray’s contribution to the knowledge of early Massachusetts legislation was a valuable one, but he seriously undervalued the Cotton code. He scoffed at it as a code the provisions of which were drawn chiefly from the Old Testament, and which Massachusetts would never have seriously considered. He offered the hypothesis that the code was published in London in 1641 by someone, perhaps a friend of Cotton, who had a copy of the Cotton code in his possession and, learning of the adoption of the Body of Liberties by Massachusetts in 1641, supposed that the Cotton code was the newly adopted Body of Liberties and gave it to the world with the title, An Abstract of the Lawes of New England, As they are now established, through ignorance that there were no laws common to all of New England. Gray overlooked the fact that the Body of Liberties was adopted almost too late in the year 1641 for news of its acceptance to have reached England and for the Cotton code, mistaken for it, to have been published in the same year. He further overlooked the fact that the Cotton code was occasionally called an “Abstract of the Lawes of New England” in the colony of its origin,335 the name New England here being used as equivalent to Massachusetts.336 Gray’s erroneous evaluation of the Cotton code has been passed on from one writer to another down to the present day. James Truslow Adams writes that it “was based entirely upon Bible texts, of which, characteristically, but two were drawn from the New Testament and forty-six from the Old.”337
The provisions of the Cotton code were not drawn from the Bible, however, and, although the code was never adopted by Massachusetts Bay, it embodied to a very large extent the government, laws, and practices of Massachusetts and was as much the law of Massachusetts as a compilation of statutes, which in its finished form may not have been passed upon by the legislature, is the law of the state for which it has been compiled. The Cotton code was not without effect upon the Body of Liberties which was adopted by Massachusetts in 1641. It was carried beyond the limits of Massachusetts and became the basis for the governments of the colony of New Haven and of the plantation of Southampton. The title of the 1641 edition — An Abstract of the Lawes of New England, As they are now established — was, therefore, quite appropriate, whether or not the name “New England” was used as equivalent to “Massachusetts.” The Cotton code was not the impracticable document that has been depicted by Gray and later writers, and deserves recognition as the earliest compilation of New England legislation.
Mr. Allyn B. Forbes presented three notes based on items in the correspondence of Henry Newman (H. C. 1687).
With a varied career behind him since taking his second degree at Harvard — college librarian, amateur chaplain on a ship plying to Bilbao, and merchant at Boston and at St. John’s, Newfoundland — Henry Newman in 1703 came to London, where he was to spend the rest of his life. He had been there briefly before in the course of his voyages on the New England merchantman, but there had been little opportunity thus far for him to see the sights. Fortunately for him, Oxford was in July of that year ending its academic year with one of its infrequent public Acts, and accordingly he joined with Nathaniel Saltonstall (H. C. 1695), also in London at the time, to take in the festivities. The account of his tour is contained in the following fragment of his letter to his cousin, Henry (Tutor) Flynt.338
Henry Newman to Henry Flynt
London. 27 July 1703.
Having lately made a visit to Oxford, I look upon my self oblidged to give an account of my Journey to some Harvard Friend, and upon more accounts than one, think it belongs to yourself. Mr Saltonstall and I went down thither a Week before the Act began, that we might see the University, before the throng and Hurry of the approaching Solemnity, should ruffle her sedate appearance.
I can’t pretend to give you a Particular account of the University having spent but 14 Days there (that also being the Business of a Volumne) but only to relate what more remarkably affected my Observations.
As to the Buildings I cant refer you to a Better Description than Mr Loggan’s,339 which Mr I. Mather or Mr T. Brattle has, and will give you a better Idea, than any thing I can say. Let me only tell you there are 18 Colledges and 7 Halls, so full of Students that some Junrs are forc’d to take Lodging in Town. That each Colledge is fitt for a Princes Palace, and the Heads of them resembling, or rather excelling Princes in their Way of living, because they have all the Pleasure, seperate from the Toyls of such a Life, They know nothing of the fatigue of Managing State Designs, but as farr as the Contemplation of Warr and Peace may administer Pleasure to their Mind they enjoy it. The Principall Task these Gentlemen have, is to see the Statutes of the University, and the regulations of their severall Founders duely observed, which they do with the greatest Ease and Exactness, thereby preserving such a religious Decorum (if I may so call it) thro’ the University as strikes even a Stranger with Aw that visits them. When we went thither, we carried the Expectations of seeing a Place abandoned to all manner of loose and licentious Living, according to the Character some had given of it, but instead of that we found an admirable Discipline every where, as tightly executed, as was consistent with such a Vast Body, filled with young rampant Blood, made up of all sorts of Genius’s and Inclinations; and if any Difference was made to Quality, Noble Men’s Sons seem’d to be under a stricter Eye, than other’s, they being more immediately under the Conduct of the Heads: Batchelors of Art we took Notice, were censured and punished for Misdemeanrs as well as Undergraduates; and a Mastr of Arts That was upon his Præfermt would not willingly bear you Company out of his Colledge after 9 a Clock in ye Even: at which hour the mighty Tomm rings and the Students vanish from Taverns, Publick Houses, and all Quarters, as if some Plague had swept ’em away. After that hour the two Procters or their Subs; go thro’ the Town attended with 2. or 3. Gent: to visitt all Houses they suspect of entertaining Scholl’s unseasonably, and have generally such Intelligence that hardly any Caball of Students escapes being blown up before Midnight, where the Landlord is sure to pay 4s and the Schollars what the Vice Chanceller pleases, some are admonished, some tasked with Exercises, some fined, and some have a Compound Penance appointed. The Vice Chanceller is always a Justice of Peace by his Place and therefore can punish Disordrs in the Town as well as in the University, which makes the Inhabitants more observant of him, than of their Mayor or any other Officer in the Place.
It is not to be imagined the Aw those Procters carry with them during their Proctorship which is but one year, they go attended each with one & sometimes two foot-men, who I took Notice were always lusty fellows in a Hand-some Livery and as the Vice Chanceller is always a Head of some Colledge or other, these are fellows of some Colledge or other, and take place next to the Vice Chanceller of all the University, they have a large Commission and are very strict in executing it: It seems rivetted in the nature of a Schollar to shunn them, wherever they meet them, the Principall reason for which, that I could learn was, lest they should be surprized without a Band, have a wrong Capp on, or an improper Gown for their Standing, for any of which they are punishable, and are not spared by the Procters, however winked at by other Superiours. One Custom I must not omitt to acquaint you, because it was as surprizing, as it was odd to us both: We happened one Day to dine with the Provost of Queen’s Colledge in the Hall, where we were introduced on purpose to see their Manner. After Grace was said in Latin and about 16 or 18 Fellows, Masters of Art, and Strangers were seated at Mr Provost’s Table, 8 Schollars (which they told us were Batchellrs of Art) stood reverently with Books in their Hands, before the Table, and by Turns upon their Knees, recited Aristotle in Greek or Latin; I did not understand that they were tyed to any particular Topick, But might begin where they Pleased in either of the Learned Languages, this they did every one in their Turns, saying by heart a good round Lesson, till they were interrupted by the Provost with some Question upon the Topick they were reciting, which they generally answered very smartly, and were obliged to go on ’till the Provost said Sufficit when another succeeded till they had all said something, this Ceremony lasted most of the Dinner time, and if we had not been there, they said it would have lasted all the time:340 Dureing this 10 Undergraduates, that waited at the Provosts Table, stood with their Hands across ’till the Cloath was taken away: Then we all washed our hands in a great Brass Bason, returned Thanks in Latin and marched out of the Hall. This Custom they told us was strictly observed every Day in the year, the foundation of the Coll: depending upon it: Other Colls have Customs as odd, too tedious to relate: Let me only add one more, because it was common to the whole University; all those Gentlemen that stood Candidates for a Mastr of Arts Deg: (besides the Common Badges of a Master of Arts) wore a peice of Leather soe’d to the middle of the forepart of the Soles of their Shoes, so that it might flapp as they went along (as if the Sole were half rent off) and wherever they went thô in the Common Streets during Act Time (which was 4 or 5 Days) they were obliged besides wearing these Sorts of Shoes to goe Bear-headed, ’till they had the Vice Chancellors Benediction: I asked a reverend Doctor the meaning of the Custome, he said it was very antient, and signifyed the Humility that ought to possess every Man, before they arrived to Academick Honrs (they being by these flapps obliged to walk slowly) and that together wth so innocent a Signification, it was necessary as a Badge to distinguish Candidates from those that were Master of Arts, regent as they called them.
There has not been an Act for 8 or 10 years before this discontinued because of the Expense it puts the University and Graduates to341 besides the Tumult and riottous Liberty it occasions, so that now, they have them only to preserve the Memory of Ancient Custome and invite mankind once in a few years to see a Glorious University. Degrees are usually conferred in Scholasticall Congregations, at their Terms, of which they have 4 in a year; and the July Term may have an Act at the V. Chancs Pleasure. I should tire your Patience to give you the Process of the Act; Let me only tell you; It began the 2d Fryday in July; all mankind being assembled in the Theatre (an August Fabrick) the Entertainments were introduced with a Consort of Musick, consisting of a Pair of organs, severall Bass-Viols, Violins, Flutes, Haut Bois and Voices, both of Men and Boys, the Words sung all in Latin. Then severall undergraduates of the higher rank in the No of 27 Gent: made Speeches upon Astronomy, Geoy, Law, Physick, Logick &c as they pleas’d all in Latin Verse, pronounced by Heart with a great Grace, and the 17 or 18 Orator spoke in praise of Musick, at the End of which, all the Musicians struck up, and play’d another Consort. The last Orator concluding with an Encomium upon all the other Performances, at the End of which, the Learned Multitude arose and the organs play’d them out.342 The 2d Day being the 10th July several Disputations were manag’d upon ye Questions, you find for the Day in the enclosed, about the middle of which Disputs the Terrae filius (as they called [him]) came to one of ye Desks and was introduced with a Shout and Clapping of Hands. This Terrae filius was chosen by the youngest Proctor, must be a Master of Arts and is generally a rake that fears neither God nor man, with a face made of Brass. Their Business is to expose all the Private failings of the Heads, Professors & Doctors in the University, which they do with abundance of artificiall railery, sometimes in Latin, sometimes in English Verse and sometimes in Prose, sparing neither the Vice-Chancr the Proctors, nor their best Friends, and think they don’t come off honourably, if they are not expelled.343 This Custom likewise they say is antient, and has been indulged for the same reason it was first instituted, Viz: Because the Heads &ca being above the ordinary Censures of the Statutes, to oblidge them to [be] circumspect, this Practice has been allowed as the fittest Way to lash them for their faults.
Monday the 12th July was spent in Disputations on the Quests inclosed, about the middle of which the 2d Terrae filius chosen by the Eldest Proctor mounted the Desk and lashed afresh all the heads of the University, not sparing their Ladies and their Acquaintance in Town: This Office is so ungratefull that they could find but one in the University that would accept of it.344
[End of fragment]
In those early eighteenth-century days when for a Bostonian to order from London by catalogue was far more hazardous than at present, it was a thoroughly recognized practice to entrust one’s purchases to one’s acquaintances or correspondents overseas. Particularly would this be the case when the selection of the desired items required a degree of expert knowledge. Hence it was that when Thomas Prince wanted some globes and some up-to-date scientific literature, he appealed to Henry Newman. Their actual acquaintance was apparently at the most very slight, limited perhaps to occasional contacts during Prince’s years in England. But Newman was under the circumstances a logical man to be pressed into service. In the year of his second degree at Harvard (1690) he had made a modest début in the scientific world as the compiler of an almanac and had followed that with another the next year. His early London associations had brought him contacts with members of the Royal Society, of which both Cotton Mather and Benjamin Colman had been on occasion glad to avail themselves in order to get contributions before that body. It was also through Newman that the Royal Society on its part had made advances in 1713 to the executors of Thomas Brattle’s estate for the latter’s manuscripts “relating to Astronomy, Musick and the other parts of ye Mathematicks.” Prince might thus well think that there was no one else available so well fitted to discharge his commission.
At the same time, having decided the previous year “to draw up a short account of the most remarkable transactions and events [of New England history] in the form of a mere Chronology,” Prince seized the opportunity to submit to Newman a series of questions regarding the history of the latter’s family. It was doubtless to such correspondence as this that the historian later referred when he gave as one source of his facts “chronological Letters . . . collected from . . . the information of aged and intelligent persons.”
Thomas Prince to Henry Newman345
4 March 1728/9
Ye Day ye taking down of the fourth Church346 Meeting House.
Tho I have not often taken ye Liberty of troubling Mr Newman with my Letters, yet I hope He has such a Remembrance of me as will dispose him to excuse ye present Freedom. And this especially when the Reason of my looking to him for ye following Favour is an Apprehension, in which the Honourable Bearer joins wth me, that none of my acquaintance in London is so well accomplished in ye Mathematick sciences to do it for me.
Being very desirous of a Pair of ye exactest Globes I wou’d humbly intreat you to receiv ye Rings or money I send you by the Honble Mr Belcher, and procure them at as cheap a Rate as you can, and then consult wth him to send them to me by ye safest Hand & as soon as may be.
In a catalogue of Globes &c made & sold by Philip Lea at ye Atlas & Hercules in Cheapside, near ye Corner of Fryday street, wch I suppose was printed about 1712 I find the 2 following articles —
(1) A new size of Globes 15 Inches Diameter, made according to modern astronomy & Geography; ye coelestial according to ye latest Observations, & ye Terrestrial rectified more than 10 Degrees, and quite different from ye old Globes. Price [£]4.1.
(2) Globes of 10 inches Diameter, after ye same Observations. Price 2.1.10.
Now what ye character of Mr Lea’s Globes are I can not tell; or whether any have been made since more agreeable to ye new Discoveries or more nicely engraven. I doubt not but you are perfectly acquainted. To be sure, I desire ye truest & most accurate yet made and as large as ye money reaches. For ye Rest I entirely leav it to your Judgment.
When you have purchased ye Globes, if there shou’d be any money left, I wou’d further humbly request you to lay it out as far as it goes upon the following Books in order.
(1) Sphaer’s anatomy,347 Englished by John Ireton. Price 14s sold by I. Moxen at ye Atlas in Warwick Lane — or if there is a later, better done, of ye same sort, wc lays open ye several Parts of ye Humane Body as they gradualy appear in Dissection, by turning up so many several Papers lying over one another, &c.
(2) Dr Well’s set of maps both of ancient & Modern geography — wth a geographical Treatise particularly adapted to ym348 sold by A. & I Churchill at ye Black Swan in Pater Noster Row. Or if there are other small Books of Maps of ancient & modern Geography helpfull to ye understanding of ye ancient authors, more neatly engraven & of better character, for ye use of schools &c.
With this I humbly present you wth one of ye last Sermons I have been prevail’d to Publish, and send you a couple of Printed Papers, to let you see what I am Preparing for ye Publick Use.349 And this last I ye rather do in Hopes you will oblige me wth a particular & precise account.
- 2. When your excellent Grandfather350 came over to New England.
- 3. When He settled at Weymouth, or elsewhere first in this countrey.
- 1. What part of England He came from, when & where Born, & at what University & College educated.
- 4. When He remov’d from Weymouth to Rehoboth, & wth Part or number of his Church.
- 5. When He Published ye several editions of his Concordance.
- 6. When he died, & about wt Age, if you can’t precisely tell when He was Born.
- 7. How many children He left, & where they liv’d & died &c.
- 8. Where & when your Rev. Father351 also was Born, when ordain’d at Rehoboth, when He Died, How many children left behind Him, & where they have lived &c.
- 9. And if you please to let me know ye Place & Time of your own Birth, & when you left New England, wth other Historical Passages of your worthy Family — you will, as well for the Trouble above desir’d extreamly oblige
Your very respectful humble Servant
P.S. I have some expectations of a Brother352 of mine, master of a ship being in London sometime this Spring. If he shou’d be so — you cannot trust my Globes wth a more carefull Hand. He is now at Antigua & sails in Messrs Oliver & Wilks Employ.
Newman’s reply to the first part of this letter, dated July 16, 1729, was as follows:
I receiv’d yr letter of the 4th of March last by our good friend Mr Belcher and with it ten Gold Rings which Mr Woodward of Change Alley weigh’d at 16dw & 18gr and at the rate of 3:15: ꝑ ounce the then market price allow’d me three Guineas for them, tho by my computations they wanted 2d of that value. I bespoke a pair of Globes of Mr Senex353 the best maker of them in Engld now reckon’d (tho he had some very good ones by him) because when a pair are made on purpose to go beyond Sea, the artificer will exert himself to excell his common performances. I have deliver’d them to yr Brors order, and he I believe has ship’d ’em on the Sarah Galley Captn Walker.
I have enclos’d a copy of the Prime Cost of them
paid to Mr Senex as p Particulars.
pd a Porter with them to the waterside
The Rings came to
And yr Bror paid me the Balla
The cases in wch they are pack’d are mark’d T.P. No I Coelestial, 2. Terrestrial and as to the goodness of them I leave them to speak for themselves. I thank you for this Comission to serve you and for the Sermons and Proposals you sent to me and for the laudable Service you are doing to the Publick by your Chronology.
I have this day receiv’d a letter from Govr Belcher’s Son354 . . . in behalf of the Revr Mr Tho. Prince one of the learned Minrs of the Church at Boston which the Govr constantly resorts to. I know him by his fame to be one of the most esteemed Divines educated in New Engld where he has been a Graduate above 30. years of Harvard Coll. and is the author of several valuable things which have pass’d the Press, particularly the Chronological History of N. Engld &ca but Mr Belcher personally knows him, and has so well express’d his Character that I have sent his letter and heartily joyn with him in recomending Mr Prince to yr good offices for procuring him the honour of a Diploma for the degree of Dr of Divinity in either of yr celebrated Universities. . . .
DEAN BERKELEY, PATRON OF THE NEW ENGLAND COLLEGES
The story of Berkeley’s dream of a colonial college, of his interest in New England institutions of higher learning during his sojourn in Newport, and of his gifts to both Harvard and Yale upon his return to England is well known.355 The following letters relating to these benefactions, written to President Wadsworth of Harvard, Rector Williams of Yale, and the Reverend Samuel Johnson, are taken from copies in a letter-book of Henry Newman preserved in the archives of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, of which body he was for many years the Secretary. A search of the Harvard archives reveals no trace of the original letter to President Wadsworth, and it would appear that the original to Rector Williams is also missing; nor does that to Johnson appear in Professor Schneider’s recent comprehensive edition of Johnson’s writings and correspondence. That Newman should have copies is explained by the use Berkeley made of him in getting his gifts to their destination.
London May 31st 1733
To the Revr Mr Wadsworth President of the Colledge at Cambridge near Boston in New England
With this letter I take the Liberty to introduce a Box of Books containing all the Latin classick Authors in quarto being of the fairest Editions356 and the best Comments for the use of your Society. This is owing to certain well dispos’d Persons who having made me Steward of their Liberality I thot it might in part answer their views for the Encouragement of usefull Learning, if I should send to your Colledge at Cambridge the foremention’d Books which as they seem’d to be wanting in your Publick Library, so I am persuaded there are not wanting those in your Society who will make the proper use of them. I remain with sincere wishes that piety and learning may Flourish among you
Your obedient humble Servt
The Box is markt CC and consigned by Mr Henry Newman to Mr Belcher the Governours Son at Boston.
Berkeley to Rector Williams
London May 31. 1733
To the Rev’ M’ Williams Rector of Yale College at New Haven in Connecticut N. E.
I thought I could not better apply the benefactions of certain persons who left them to my disposal than in purchasing a collection of usefull books for the publick Library of your College, which books are contained in Eight cases & accompany this Letter. I earnestly hope that the pious intentions of the benefactors may be answer’d in the use of this Gift for the increase of Religion and Learning.357 These cases of Books are consign’d by Mr Henry Newman to Mr Belcher (son of the Govr) merchant at Boston who will deliver them to your order. The freight to Boston hath been paid here. I wrote to you last Summer by the same Vessel wch brought a Deed for conveying the farm I formerly possess’d in Rhode Island to the use of your College, but have not since heard from you. I remain with sincere wishes that true learning and Piety may ever grow and flourish among you, Sir
Your obedient humble Servt
Berkeley to Samuel Johnson
London 31. May. 1733
To the Revr Mr Samuel Johnson at Stafford358 in Connecticut New England
Being desirous so far as in me lies to promote sound Learning and true Religion in your part of the World I judged that the purchasing a good Collection of books for the Library of Yale College might be a proper application of the liberality of certain publick spirited persons who left it to my disposal. Accordingly I have sent herewith 8. Cases of Books, I think well chosen, which I heartily wish may shed a copious light in that remote wilderness, and answer the worthy intention of the benefactors. The aforemention’d cases of books are consign’d by Mr Hen. Newman to Mr Belcher son of the Govr at Boston. I had a letter from you dated in last December wherein you intimate some defect in the expression of the instrumt conveying the farm in Rhode Island to the use of Yale College in wch benefaction, as I told you before, I had but a small Share. I know not wherein particularly that defect consists: and as I have heard nothing from the Presidt or College, I must desire you to place this matter in a clear light and show how it may be rectify’d. If you think a Letter of Attorney empowering certain Persons there to make a Conveyance in such terms as shall best answer the design would be the proper means, let me know; and name the persons you would have joyned with your self (for there should be 2 or 3 to provide in case of Mortality or accidents) and I will send you such Letter of Attorney. In order to which it might be proper to send me a patern thereof conformable to the advice of your own Lawyers.359 Though I should be gone to Ireland, Mr Henry Newman will forward any letter to me. This Gentleman is I doubt not by reputation, if not by person, known to you and to all New England, for the Service of which he is very zealous; so letters directed to him will be very safe. In order to preserve the books I doubt not the College will think fit to make proper Statutes and regulations, particularly in lending them out. It would seem convenient that the full price (if not the double) of the Book lent should be lodg’d in the hands of the President by way of caution or security360 I hope this will find you and your family well. My wife and I join our Services to you. I thank God my health seems on the mending hand. I write by this same Opportunity to Mr Williams Rector of the Colledge. Pray give my Service to any friends in your Colony, not forgetting Mr Elliot361 in particular. I am
with great Truth
Your most faithfull humble Servt
Mr. Winship presented the following communication prepared by the Reverend Charles F. Robinson and Mr. Robin Robinson:
Two of the libraries here described were bought in 1651 for the use of John Eliot by the Corporation for the Propagation of the Gospel in New England; the third was the collection belonging to a pioneer minister who died in 1702. The books of the Eliot purchase were left behind by their owners when they returned to England after their brief stay in the Bay Colony, and evidently were largely those brought with them when they came, augmented by moderate purchases during their American pastorates.
For convenience in avoiding duplications in identification, these three have been listed in one numbered series, in the order found in the manuscript sources: for the first two, the Rawlinson Manuscript C 934 in the Bodleian Library, Oxford; for the third, the original inventory preserved in the archives of Middlesex County, East Cambridge, Massachusetts. Photostats of both sources have been furnished by their custodians.
The first of these libraries belonged to the Reverend Thomas Jenner.362 The following facts about him are gleaned from a short notice in Venn’s Alumni Cantabrigienses (ii. 469). The son of Thomas Jenner, of Fordham, Essex, a farmer, he matriculated as a sizar at Christ’s College, Cambridge, in 1624 at the age of seventeen. In 1635, his father, accompanied by him, emigrated to New England and settled at Roxbury. Thomas Jenner, the son, became minister at Weymouth in 1636, and continued there until 1640, when he transferred to Saco, where he stayed until 1646. After residing at Charlestown from 1646 to 1649, he returned to England in 1650 and secured a living at Coltishall, Norfolk, in which he remained until 1658. He wrote Quakerism Anatomis’d and Confuted (1670). His will, made May 26, 1676, is recorded at Dublin.
The second library was that of Eliot’s colleague, the Reverend Thomas Weld, one of the well-known figures in early New England ecclesiastical history. Weld, too, was a Cambridge alumnus, having taken his A.B. from Trinity College in 1613, and his M.A. in 1618. He was the son of Edmund Weld, mercer, of Sudbury, Suffolk, and was baptized at St. Peter’s Church there, July 15, 1595. After his university course he became vicar of the church in Terling, Essex, where he adopted Puritan methods, for which he was excommunicated by Archbishop Laud in 1631. He sailed from London on the William and Francis, which reached Boston on June 5, 1632. In July, he was settled as the first pastor of the new church in Roxbury. John Eliot became his colleague as “teacher” early in November. Weld’s career for nine years has received extended mention from historical authorities. In 1641, the Bay Colony sent to England a commission of three, consisting of Weld, Hugh Peter, and William Hibbens of Boston. There Weld had a moderate degree of success in raising money for the new college, of which he was one of the first overseers, and for Indian evangelization, and he endeavored to forward the unsuccessful experiment of transporting needy children to New England in order to “better their condition.” There is a pretty well-grounded suspicion that Peter and he were expected to render advice to the Puritan party in England on the establishment of religion there after the New England model. At any rate, Peter was soon engrossed in the course of political and military activity that was to make him the sturdy preacher and pamphleteer of the Commonwealth, chaplain and commander in the Ironsides, preacher of Cromwell’s funeral sermon, and beheaded regicide after the Restoration. Of Hibbens we hear little. On Weld, therefore, in this confused time, rested the burden of forwarding such money and supplies as the commission secured, and of accounting for their dealings to distant and captious critics. Innocency Cleared, a rare pamphlet, and audited accounts (Rawlinson C 934) contain his answer to them. After nearly three centuries, there is at least one monument to his activities, rarely, indeed, recognized as such. In 1643, he secured from Anne Radcliffe, Lady Mowlson, the first donation to Harvard College made by a woman. The fund, for many years held inactive by the Commonwealth of Massachusetts for lack of a college treasury, finally came into use, and furnished the name — rather by its feminine origin than for any other reason — to Radcliffe College.
The power of the bishops having been broken, there was now a pastorate for Weld in England. Of the parish of Gateshead in Newcastle it is said:363 “Thomas Weld, an intruder, was put in by the sequestrators in 1649.” There, to the great dissatisfaction of the majority, he put into execution his Puritan idea of “Communion for Saints only.” The complaint was that of a flock of one thousand persons he would admit “only eight men and two women, weak and unstable persons” to the Lord’s table, denying the rest the solace even of a lecturer “to administer the means of salvation.” There must have been some good in his work, for the Corporation of Newcastle voted him twenty pounds “for his good services to the town.” In the choir of the church appears the epitaph of Judith, his second wife, who died there in 1656. Weld was dispossessed immediately on the Restoration, and after January 6, 1660/1, we find him in London signing “a renunciation and declaration of the ministers of Congregational Churches and Preachers of the same judgment living in and about London against the late horrid insurrection and rebellion acted in the City of London.”364 He died in London on March 23,1661/2.
The third library is that of Weld’s grandson and namesake, the Reverend Thomas Weld of Dunstable. On his return to England, the first Thomas Weld gave the 533 acres of land which the General Court had granted him in recognition of his services as pastor at Roxbury, as well as his homestead, to his second son, also Thomas, who, thus established as one of the most substantial citizens of Roxbury, married Dorothy, daughter of the Reverend Samuel Whiting of Lynn, and became the progenitor of one branch of the American Welds. The third Thomas Weld, his second son, was baptized at Roxbury, June 12, 1653; graduated at Harvard in 1671; studied theology with the Reverend Samuel Danforth; gathered a church at Dunstable, and was ordained there, December 16, 1685. At the time of his death in Dunstable, June 9, 1702, his books were at three places, Roxbury, Dunstable, and Cambridge. His library is of interest for its transitional character, preserving the staple books of the English Puritan worthies, and adding a good number produced by his colleagues in the New World. It contains a few that may have been college text-books.
Something should be said of the purchase of the first two libraries for John Eliot. Weld had left his books with his colleague when he went to England, and upon finding that he was not to return, set on them a price of thirty-four pounds. In 1649, the Corporation for the Propagation of the Gospel in New England had been founded, giving new impetus to the collection of funds started by Peter and Weld. In that same year Edward Winslow, agent for the colonies in England, corresponded with Eliot about the work and his needs in forwarding it. In a letter in reply, undated, but printed between one dated “this 8 of the 5.49” and another “this 29 of the 10th 49,” Eliot wrote:365
Mr Mahew, who putteth his hand unto this Plough at Martins Vineyard, being young, and a beginner here, hath extreme want of books; he needeth Commentaries and Common Places for the body of Divinity . . . if therefore the Lord bring any meanes into your hand, I desire you would (by the help of some godly Divine) send him over such books as may be necessary for a young Scholer; I will name no books, he needs all. . . .
And for my self, I have this request (who also am short enough in books) that I might be helped to purchase my brother Weld his books, the summe of the purchase (34li.) I am loth they should come back to England when we have so much need of them here, and without ready money there I cannot have them; if therefore so much money might be disbursed for me, it would be a blessing to me, but it is on condition that all his books here be comprehended, else I will not give so much for them.
The response evidently was favorable; for on October 21, 1650, he wrote again:366
Sir, when I had gone thus farre in my Letters, by a Ship that came in, you wrote unto our Governour touching the two Libraries, my brother Welds and Mr. Jenners, and of the willingnesse of the Corporation to discharge for them, for which cause I do humbly thank the Worshipful Corporation, all the Christian and much respected Gentlemen my loving friends. And Sir, I thank you for all your faithful pains in this work. . . .
Whereas you require the Catalogue of both Libraries, it shall be done (if God will) but I am to go into the Countrey to the Indians now, and have much businesse, therefore know not whether I can send it by this Ship, if I can I will.
Eliot’s willingness to make the catalogues plainly shows that both libraries were accessible to him on this side of the ocean.
Mr. Jenner, at his home in Norfolk, was in much need, and pleaded his case so strongly that Winslow, trusting to support by the Commissioners of the United Colonies, who had charge of spending the funds that were raised, advanced thirty pounds for his library. On April 17, 1651, Winslow wrote them about his payment to Jenner as follows:367
For his necessities pressed us to a present disbursement of thirty pounds, and to recover it againe would be a hard matter, yea too hard for us, he living in Norfolk; but a word is sufficient, it is better to loose some than all. I shall speedily write to Mr. Weld and acquaint him also with the readines that is in the corporation to pay the thirty-four pounds to him also (having order soe to doe) for his library left with Mr. Elliott, so that I trust that gapp will be soone stopped.
It is not quite plain in which direction the catalogue, mentioned by Winslow in this same letter, was “sent over”; Winslow may have meant the list that Eliot was to send to him; or he may have sent back to America the lists made by Jenner and Weld; at any rate, the Rawlinson Manuscript has the two in different handwritings, attested by the two owners. The transaction was completed with the receipt by Weld dated August 18, 1651.
The only printing of any of these catalogues is the unannotated transcription of the second in the New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxxvi. 371ff. This copy was probably not made directly from the Bodleian manuscript, but from a manuscript book of uncertain date in the Harvard College Library, entitled “Papers relating to the Progress of the Gospel in New England, 1641–1654. Copied from the Original Autograph Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, for Henry Stevens of Vermont.”368 A comparison of this book with the printed list in the Register, and studies in identification of the books intended by the entries made it seem necessary to secure a photostat of the original source; and the resulting clearing up of obscurities amply justified the trouble and expense of doing so. The transcription is in many places difficult, even to those accustomed to seventeenth-century chirography. It is often only the finding of the title in less obscure sources that makes it certain. With the greatest care, there may be some errors still.
Where possible, we have tried to indicate the editions of the books which the owner probably had; but it must be understood that such particularity is generally out of the question. When books went from two or three to twenty or thirty editions — sometimes even more — it is only the bare chance of some twist in the nomenclature, or the argument of the date that can decide. Consequently, we have usually had to be content with giving the imprint of an early edition, with the understanding that others usually followed. It was a time when printing presses were busy.
Our work has been carried out mainly through the facilities of the Harvard College Library and the Baker Library at Dartmouth, whose officials have given valuable advice. We have also been assisted by Mr. Julius H. Tuttle, Librarian of the Massachusetts Historical Society, and by Professor Emeritus Charles R. Gillett and Professor William W. Rockwell of Union Theological Seminary.
Key to Abbreviations
Catalogue of the Library of the American Antiquarian Society (1834).
Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie (1875–1912).
A Critical Dictionary of English Literature (1858–1871).
Library of Andover Theological Seminary. Cambridge, Mass.
The Term Catalogues, 1668–1709 A. D. (1903–1906).
British Museum Catalogue of Printed Books.
Catalogue Générale des Livres Imprimés de la Bibliothèque Nationale.
Biographie Universelle (1811–1862).
Catalogus Librorum Bibliothecæ Collegij Harvardini (1723).
Dartmouth College Library.
Dictionary of National Biography.
Harvard College Library.
Manuscript card catalogue of early New England libraries, in the office of the Massachusetts Historical Society, made by J. H. Tuttle, Librarian.
Catalogue of the David Hunter McAlpin Collection of Books pertaining to British History and Theology in the Library of Union Theological Seminary.
Catalogue of John Harvard’s Library, in the Publications of this Society, XXI. 190–230.
Catalogue of the Library of the Reverend Thomas Prince.
A Transcript of the Register of the Company of Stationers of London, 1554–1640 A. D. (1875–1877).
A. W. Pollard and G. R. Redgrave, A Short-title Catalogue of Books Printed in England, Scotland, and Ireland, and of English Books Printed abroad, 1475–1640.
Bibliotheca Britannica (1824).
Mr Thomas Jenners Cattolog of Books as Followeth:369
- 1 Cottons concordans in Fołłs.
Clement Cotton. The Christians concordance: containing the most materiall words in the New Testament. London, 1622. 4o. mca. stc.
Clement Cotton. A complete concordance to the Bible of the last translation. London, 1631. fo. hcl. mca. stc Cf. 213.
- 2 Bæza in N test in fołłs.
from a photostat furnished by the Bodleian Library. The first line of each entry
Theodore Beza. Jesu Christi domini nostri Nouum Testamentum. London, 1574. 8o. bm. hcl. has an edition of 1585.
- 3 Wiłłt Hexapl in Gene. fołłs.
Andrew Willet. Hexapla in Genesin: that is, a sixfold commentarie vpon Genesis, wherein sixe seuerall translations, that is, the Septuagint, and the Chalde, two Latin, of Hierome and Tremellius, two English, the great Bible, and the Geneva edition are compared, where they differ, with the originall Hebrew, and Pagnine, and Montanus interlinearie interpretation: together with a sixfold vse of euery chapter. Cambridge, 1605. fo. hcl. mca. stc
- 4 Willots in exod. in fołłs.
Andrew Willet. Hexapla in Exodum. London, 1608. 2 pts. fo. stc.
- 5 Wellet in Levit. in fołłs.
Andrew Willet. Hexapla in Leviticum. London, 1631. fo. mca. stc.
- 6 Perkins works 3 voll fołłs.
William Perkins. Works. Cambridge, 1605. 3 vols. fo. hcl. Cf. 208.
- 7 Gouge his works in fołłs.
William Gouge. Workes. London, 1627. 2 vols. fo. hcl. stc.
- 8 Willets Synopsy in fołłs.
Andrew Willet. Synopsis papismi, that is, a generall viewe of papistrie: wherein the whole mysterie of iniquitie, and summe of antichristian doctrine is set downe, together with an antithesis of the true Christian faith, and an antidotum or counterpoyson out of the Scriptures, against the whore of Babylons filthy cuppe of abomination. 2nd ed. London, 1594. fo. hcl. mca. stc.
- 9 Downhams warfare in fołłs.
John Downame. The Christian warfare. Wherein is first generally shewed the malice, power and politike strategems of the spirituall enemies of our saluation, Satan and his assistants the world and the flesh; with the meanes also whereby the Christian may withstand and defeate them. 2nd ed. London, 1609. fo. hcl. mca.
- 10 Book of Marters in 3 vołłs.
John Foxe. Actes and monuments of these latter and perillous dayes. 6th ed. London, 1610. 3 vols. fo. bm. hcl.
- 11 Josephus his historij fołłs.
Josephus. Famous workes; translated by T. Lodge. London, 1602. fo. hcl. stc.
- 12 Downhams Divinitij in fołłs.
John Downame. The summe of sacred diuinitie briefly and methodically propounded. London, 1630? 8o. mca. stc. Downame also wrote an introduction to: James Usher. A body of divinitie, or the summe and substance of Christian religion, catechistically propounded and explained. London, 1645. fo. bm.
- 13 Simpson on the histo of ye ɔħ fołłs.
Patrick Symson. The historie of the Chvrch since the dayes of our Saviour Iesus Christ, vntill this present age. 3d. ed. London, 1634. fo. hcl. stc.
- 14 Heiron in ps 51 & other sermō foiłłs.
[Samuel Hieron.] Davids penitentiall psalme opened: in thirtie lectures. Cambridge, 1617. 8o. stc.
Samuel Hieron. All the sermons of Samvel Hieron heretofore sunderly published, now diligently reuised, and collected together into one volume. London, 1614. fo. hcl. mca.
- 15 Junius & Trmel in Bib in fołłs.
Franciscus Junius (François du Jon) and Emmanuel Tremellius. Testamenti Veteris biblia sacra, quibus etiam adiunximus Noui Testamenti libros. London, 1593, 92. fo. hcl. Cf. 201, 476.
- 16 Misterij of iniquitij in Fołłs.
Philippe de Mornay. The mysterie of iniqvitie: that is to say, the historie of the papacie. London, 1612. fo. hcl. mca. stc.
- 17 Wilson in romans in Fołłs.
Thomas Wilson. A commentarie vpon the most diuine Epistle of S. Paul to the Romanes. London, 1620. fo. mca. stc.
- 18 Bæza in Job in a small fołłs or great qto.
Theodore Beza. Iobus partim commentariis partim paraphrasi illustratus. London, 1589. 8o. hcl. stc. No folio edition listed. Cf. 374.
- 19 Twist his Vinditiæ in fołł.
William Twisse. Vindiciæ gratiæ, potestatis, ac providentiæ Dei: hoc est, ad examen libelli Perkinsiani de prædestinationis modo et ordine, institutum a Iacobo Arminio, responsio scholastica. Amsterdam, 1632. fo. hcl. mca. Potter. Cf. 332.
- 20 Byfeild in Coll. in fołłs.
Nicholas Byfield. An exposition vpon the Epistle to the Colossians. London, 1615. fo. hcl. mca. stc. Cf. 236.
- 21 Parker on Crosse in fołłs.
[Robert Parker.] A scholasticall discourse against symbolizing with Antichrist in ceremonies: especially in the signe of the Crosse. Amsterdam, 1607. 2 pts. fo. mca. stc.
- 22 Saints Cordialls in fołłs.
Richard Sibbes. The saints cordialls. London, 1637. fo. mca. hcl. has an edition of 1658. Issued in 1627 as the third volume of the Works of William Gouge (see 7).
- 23 Calvin in pentit in fołłs.
John Calvin. Mosis libri V., cum commentariis, Genesis seorsum, reliqui quatuor in formam harmoniæ digesti. Geneva, 1563. fo. bn. Cf. 217, 414.
- 24 Calvin on Job in fołłs Engl.
John Calvin. Sermons vpon the Booke of Iob. Translated out of French by Arthur Golding. London, 1574. fo. hcl. mca.
- 25 Calvin in Jerimia in fołłis.
John Calvin. Prælectiones in librum prophetiarum Jeremiæ et Lamentationes. Geneva, 1563. fo. bn.
- 26 Calvin in Danill in fołłis.
John Calvin. Prælectiones in librum prophetiarum Danielis. Geneva, 1571, fo. Prince, hcl. has an edition of 1583.
- 27 Calvin in Jsaiah in fołłs Engl.
John Calvin. A commentary vpon the prophecie of Isaiah. Translated out of French into English: by C. C[otton]. London, 1609. fo. mca. stc.
- 28 Calvin in proph. min. in Fołłs.
John Calvin. Prælectiones in duodecim prophetas (quas vocant minores). Geneva, 1559. fo. bn.
- 29 Calvin in psal in 4to.
John Calvin. The psalmes of David and others. With commentaries. London, 1571. 2 pts. 4o. hcl. stc.
- 30 Caluin in Josua — 4to.
John Calvin. A commentarie vpon the Booke of Iosue. London, 1578. 4o. mca. stc.
- 31 Calvin in Harm: in 4to.
John Calvin. A harmonie vpon the three euangelists, Matthew, Mark, and Luke, with commentary. Whereunto is added a commentarie vpon S. John. London, 1584. 4o. bm. stc.
- 32 Caluin in actes in 4to.
John Calvin. Commentaries vpon the Actes of the Apostles. London, 1585. 4o. stc.
- 33 Caluin Ephes in 4to.
John Calvin. Sermons vpon the Epistle of S. Paule too the Ephesians. London, 1577. 4o. mca. stc.
- 34 Caluin in Samuell — this book mistaken for another author.
John Calvin. Homiliæ in primum librum Samuelis. Geneva, 1604. fo. hcl. jht. Potter. The book for which, according to the note, this was mistaken, would probably be the following, the only other important commentary of the time on Samuel: Peter Martyr. Samuelis prophetse qui vulgo priores libri Regum appellantur commentarii cum rerum et locorum plurimorum tractatione perutili. Zurich, 1575. fo. bm. Cf. 221.
- 35 Caluin his instit. in 4to.
John Calvin. The institvtion of Christian religion. Norton translation, London, 1574. 4o. stc. hcl. has the folio edition of 1561; also editions of 1599, 1611, 1634.
- 36 Calvin, the Epitomij of his Instit.
John Calvin. Institutionis Christianæ religionis epitome, per G. Launreum. London, 1583. 8o. stc.
- 37 Caluin his Epistles.
John Calvin. Epistolæ et responsa. 2nd ed. Lausanne, 1576. 8o. bm.
- 38 Cal. & Laviter in Ezech in FołłS.
John Calvin. Prælectiones in Ezechielis viginti capita priora. Geneva, 1583. fo. Prince.
Ludwig Lavater. Propheta Ezechiel, homiliis seu comentariis expositus. Chronologia adjuncta est, ad intelligenda non solum hujus prophetæ, verumetiam Jeremiæ ac Danielis recondita vaticinia. Ancre, 1571. fo. bn.
- 39 Arretius on Mathew.
Benedictus Aretius. Novum Testamentum Jesu Christi, commentariis explanatum. Editio postrema, emendatissima. Morges, 1596–1600–1596. 3 pts. fo. bm.
- 40 Aretius in mark.
See under 39.
- 41 Aretius in Luke.
See under 39.
- 42 Aretius in John.
See under 39.
- 43 Aretius in acts.
See under 39.
- 44 Aretius in Epłs Rom.
Benedictus Aretius. Commentarii in omnes Epistolas D. Pauli, et Canonicas, itemque in Apocalypsin D. Joannis. Morges, 1583. 3 pts. fo. bm. See also under 39.
- 45 Aretius in Epłs corin. 1st & 2d.
See under 39, 44.
- 46 Aretius in Epłs Gall.
See under 39, 44.
- 47 Aretius in Epłs Ephes.
See under 39, 44.
- 48 Aretius in Epłs Col.
See under 39, 44.
- 49 Aret. in Epł phil.
See under 39, 44.
- 50 Aret. in Epł Thes.
See under 39, 44.
- 51 Aret. in Epłs Tim. & Tit.
Benedictus Aretius. Commentarii in Epistolas Pauli ad Timoth. ad Titum et ad Philem. cum indice rerum memorabilium. Morges, 1583. 8o. bm. See also under 39, 44.
- 52 Aret. de Eclesia.
Benedictus Aretius. Examen theologicum. Lausanne, 1579. 8o. bn.
- 53 Aret. in Epist. Hebr. &c.
See under 39, 44.
- 54 Aret. in Epłs Jam. &c.
See under 39, 44. Judge Sewall in his diary speaks of studying Aretius’ comments on James 4:5 with approval, and of making them the subject of table-talk. 5 Mass. Hist. Soc. Col., vii. 367.
- 55 Aret. in Epłs pet. & John.
See under 39, 44.
- 56 Rolloc in Efect-vocat.
Robert Rollock. Tractatus de vocatione efficaci. Edinburgh, 1597. 8o. stc. Translated into English with the title “A treatise of Gods effectual calling.” London, 1603. 4o. stc.
- 57 Rolloc in psal.
Robert Rollock. An exposition vpon some select psalmes of Dauid. Edinburgh, 1600. 8o. stc.
- 58 Rolloc in Joan:
Robert Rollock. In Evangelium secundum Johannem commentarius. Acc. harmonia in historiam mortis, resurrectionis & ascensionis Domini. Geneva, 1600. 8o. Cat. 1723.
- 59 Roll in rom:
Robert Rollock. Analysis dialectica in Epistolam ad Romanos. Edinburgh, 1593. 8o. stc.
- 60 Roll in Gallathis.
Robert Rollock. Analysis logica in Epistolam Pavli Apostoli ad Galatas. London, 1602. 8o. stc.
- 61 Roll in Ephes.
Robert Rollock. In Epistolam Pauli Apostoli ad Ephesios commentarius. Edinburgh, 1590. 4o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1592.
- 62 Roll in phil.
Robert Rollock. Certaine sermons vpon severall places of the Epistles of Paul. Edinburgh, 1599. 8o. Wodrow Society reprint (Select Works), I (Edinburgh, 1849). hcl. The tenth sermon is on Philippians i: 18–26. No general commentary on Philippians is found in the list of Rollock’s works in the first volume of the reprint.
- 63 Roll in Thess.
Robert Rollock. In Epistolam Pauli Apostoli ad Thessalonicenses priorem (posteriorem) commentarius. Edinburgh, 1598. 2 pts. 8o. stc.
- 64 Roll in Coll.
Robert Rollock. Commentarius in Epistolam ad Collossenses. Edinburgh, 1600. 8o. stc.
- 65 Roll in Hebr.
Robert Rollock. Analysis logica in Epistolam ad Hebræos. Edinburgh, 1605. 8o. stc.
- 66 Roll his Sermons on pass & Risr —
Robert Rollock. Lectures, upon the history of the passion, resurrection and ascension of our Lord Jesus Christ. Edinburgh, 1616. 8o. hcl.
- 67 Rolloc on Daniell:
Robert Rollock. In librum Danielis prophetse commentarius. Edinburgh, 1591. 4o. stc.
- 68 Hebrew bible verij faire in 4to.
- 69 Paulus de pellatis in proph Minores.
Paulus Palacios de Salazar. In XII Prophetas, quos minores vocant, commentarius. Cologne, 1583. 8o. bm.
- 70 Marlor̄ts Thesaurus.
Augustin Marlorat. Propheticæ et apostolicæ, id est, totius diuinæ ac canonicæ scripturæ thesaurus. London, 1574. fo. stc.
- 71 Bæzæ in passiones:
Theodore Beza. Sermons sur l’histoire de la passion et sépulture de notre Seigneur Jésus Christ, descrite par les quatre Évangelistes. Geneva, 1592. 8o. hcl.
- 72 Bæzæ in Resurectn̄:
Theodore Beza. Sermons sur l’histoire de la résurrection de nostre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Geneva, 1593. 8o. bn.
Theodore Beza. Homiliæ in historiam Domini resurrectionis. Geneva, 1593. 8o. bm.
- 73 Bæza his Confessions.
Theodore Beza. Confessio Christianæ fidei et eiusdem collatio cum papisticis hæresibus. London, 1575. 8o. stc.
Theodore Beza. A brief and piththie [sic] summe of the Christian faith made in the forme of a confession. London, 1565? 8o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1572.
- 74 Bæza in psal:
Theodore Beza. Psalmorum Dauidis et aliorum prophetarum libri quinque Latine expressi. London, 1580. 8o. stc
Theodore Beza. The Psalms of David truely opened and explained. London, 1580. 16o. stc. Cf. 375.
- 75 Bæza de Ministerijs.
Theodore Beza. Tractatvs pivs et moderatus de vera excommunicatione, & Christiano presbyterio, iampridem pacis conciliande causa, CI. V. Th. Erasti D. Medici centum manuscriptis thesibus oppositis, & nunc primum, cogente necessitate, editus. Geneva, 1590. 22.9 x 15.8 cm. mca.
Theodore Beza. Ad tractationem de ministrorum evangelii gradibus ab H. Seravia editam responsio. London, 1592. 8o. bm.
- 76 Amesius his Medulla.
William Ames. Medulla theologica. Franeker, 1623. 12o. bu. hcl. has editions of 1628, 1629, 1656.
- 77 Ames his Coronis.
William Ames. Coronis ad collationem Hagiensem, qua argumenta pastorum Hollandiæ adversus Remonstrantium quinque articulos de divina prædestinatione, & capitibus ei adnexis, producta, ab horum exceptionibus vindicantur. Leyden, 1618. 4o. Potter.
- 78 Ames Bell. Enarv:
William Ames. Bellarminus eneruatus. Sive disputationes anti-Bellarminianæ. 3d ed. Oxford, 1629. 4 vols, in 2. 12o. Cat. 1723. hcl. stc. Cf. 503.
- 79 Ames in psal in 4to.
William Ames. Lectiones in CL psalmos Davidis. Amsterdam, 1635. 4o. bn. hcl. has an edition of 1656.
- 80 Tilen: Syntag. 1. pt.
Daniel Tilenus. Syntagmatis disputationum theologicarum in Academia Sedanensi habitarum. Editio postrema recognita; cui nunc primum tertia pars accessit. Geneva, 1622. 8o. bm.
- 81 Tilen Syntag. 2 pt.
See under 80.
- 82 Ames his Case in 4to.
William Ames. De conscientia et ejus jure vel casibus, libri quinque. Amsterdam, 1631. 12o. stc. Edition in English, 1643. 4o. mca. hcl. has an edition of 1635. Cf. 532. Judge Sewall refers to Ames “Cas. Consc. Lib. 5. cap. 23,” as supporting his antislavery views. 5 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vi. 20.
- 83 Preston on New Covnt.
John Preston. The new covenant, or the saints portion. A treatise vnfolding the all-sufficiencie of God, and mans vprightnes, and the covenant of grace. London, 1629. 4o. mca. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1631. Cf. 257.
- 84 Preston on faith & love.
John Preston. The breast-plate of faith and love. London, 1630. 4o. mca. stc. hcl. has editions of 1631 and later.
- 85 Preston on the attributs.
John Preston. Life eternall; or, a treatise of the knowledge of the divine essence and attributes. London, 1631. 4o. hcl. stc.
- 86 Preston on the new Creat.
John Preston. The new creatvre: or a treatise of sanctification. London, 1633. 4o. mca. This is the second part of his Saints Qualification, with separate pagination and register.
- 87 Preston on Mortificat.
John Preston. Sins overthrow: or, a godly and learned treatise of mortification. London, 1633. 4o. hcl. mca. stc.
- 88 Pareus in Matt in 4to.
David Pareus (Waengler). In S. Matthei Evangelium commentarius. Oxford, 1631. 4o. stc.
- 89 Pareus in Cor. in 4to.
David Pareus (Waengler). Commentarius in priorem Epistolam ad Corinthios. In Works, ii. Heidelberg, 1628. fo. Prince. The original separate edition was probably dated 1613 or 1614, as in 90.
- 90 Pareus in Gallat. in 4to.
David Pareus (Waengler). In divinam ad Galatas Apostoli Epistolam commentarius. Geneva, 1614. 8o. Prince. Cf. 291.
- 91 Pareus in Heb. in qto.
David Pareus (Waengler). Commentarius in Epistolam ad Hebræos. In Works, ii. Heidelberg, 1628. fo. Prince.
- 92 parres one romanes Capt 8 &c qto.
Elnathan Parr. A plaine exposition upon the whole eighth, ninth, tenth, eleventh, twelfth chapters of S. Paul’s Epistle to the Romans. London, 1620. 4o. dnb. stc.
- 93 parr, on Rom. 15: capt. 16 ad fine.
Elnathan Parr. A plaine exposition upon the whole thirteenth, fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth chapters of the Epistle to the Romanes. London, 1622. 4o. stc. Cf. 313.
- 94 Cartwright his Catech: in qto.
Thomas Cartwright. Christian religion: svbstantially, methodicallie, plainlie, and profitablie treatised. London, 1611. 4o. mca.
Thomas Cartwright. A treatise of Christian religion. London, 1616. 4o. mca. Cf. 342.
- 95 Tho: aquinus sum̄ in fol.
Thomas Aquinas. Summa sacræ theologiæ in tres partes divisa, Thomas a Vio Caietani commentariis illustrata. London, 1562. 4 vols. fo. bm.
- 96 pemble in Eccles.
William Pemble. Salomons recantation and repentance; or the Booke of Ecclesiastes briefly and fully explained. London, 1627. 4o. bm. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1658.
- 97 pemble on Zacherry.
William Pemble. A short and sweete exposition upon the first nine chapters of Zachary. London, 1629. 4o. mca. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1658.
- 98 pemble his vindic̄ Gratiæ.
William Pemble. Vindiciæ gratiæ. A plea for grace. More especially the grace of faith. Or, certain lectures as touching the nature and properties of grace and faith: wherein, amongst other matters of great vse, the maine sinewes of Arminius doctrine are cut asunder. 2nd ed. London, 1629. 4o. mca. hcl. has an edition of 1659. Cf. 261.
- 99 pembl on Justificat.
William Pemble. Vindiciæ fidei, or a treatise of justification by faith. Oxford, 1625. 4o. mca. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1658. Cf. 412.
- 100 pembl on the Sacremt & other sermō.
William Pemble. An introduction to the worthy receiving the sacrament of the Lords Svpper. London, 1628. 4o. hcl. stc.
- 101 Heming: in Ephes.
Neils Hemmingsen. The Epistle to the Ephesians expounded. London, 1581. 4o. stc.
- 102 Camdens Remains in qto.
William Camden. Remaines, concerning Britaine: but especially England, and the inhabitants thereof. London, 1614. 4o. hcl. mca. An earlier quarto edition, in two parts (London, 1605) has a slightly different title, hcl. stc.
- 103 English dictionary.
Henry Cockeram. The English dictionarie, or a new interpreter of hard English words. London, 1623. 8o. stc. hcl. has editions of 1642, 1658. Cf. 198.
- 104 Downeham on Commandts.
George Downame. An abstract of the dvties commanded, and sinnes forbidden in the law of God. London, 1620. 8o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1635.
- 105 Cleuer one the Law.
Robert Cleaver and John Dod. A treatise or exposition vpon the Ten Commandments. London, 1603. 8o. stc. Cf. 106.
- 106 Dod on Commandts.
See under 105. Cf. 329, 330.
- 107 Scuddars walking wth god.
Henry Scudder. The Christians daily walke in holy securitie and peace. London, 1627. 12o. mca. stc.
- 108 Practis of Christianity.
Richard Rogers. Seven treatises, containing svch direction as is gathered ovt of the holie Scriptvres, leading and guiding to true happines, both in this life, and in the life to come: and may be called the practise of Christianitie. London, 1603. fo. mca. stc. Cf. 169.
- 109 Practic of Piety & oracles.
Lewis Bayly. The practice of piety. 3d ed. London, 1613. 12o. bm. stc. Cf. 346, 550. The “& oracles” in the title may be a case of dittography; see next number.
- 110 Byfeilds marrow & oracles.
Nicholas Byfield. The marrow of the oracles of God. London, 1620. 12o. stc.
- 111 Byfeilds Principles.
Nicholas Byfield. The principles or, the patterne of wholesome words. Containing a collection of such truths as are of necessity to be belieued vnto saluation, separated out of the body of all theologie. Made euident by infallible and plaine proofes of Scripture. London, 1622. 8o. mca. The title of the first edition, 1618, lacks the first three words of the above, stc.
- 112 Byfields one the Creed.
Nicholas Byfield. The rvle of faith: or an exposition of the Apostles Creed, so handled as it affordeth both milke for babes, and strong meat for such as are at full age. London, 1626. 4o. hcl. mca. stc. Cf. 242.
- 113 Alstedius his definitions.
- 114 Alstedius his distinctions.
Johann Heinkich Alsted. Both 113 and 114 are perhaps preparatory studies made in the course of Alsted’s preparation of his Lexicon (cf. 343). Or they may be portions of his Præcognita Theologica (Hanover, 1623. 4o.), of which Liber 1 is made up of definitions with theorems following, and Liber 2 has a section of twelve pages made up of “distinctiones.” hcl. Or, compare: Compendium lexici philosophici. Herborn in Nassau, 1626. 8o. bn.
- 115 Astedius synopsis.
Johann Heinrich Alsted. Synopsis theologia exhibens œconomiam singulorum locorum theologicorum. Frankfort-on-Main, 1653. 12o. bn. This is, of course, a later edition than Jenner’s.
- 116 Astedius his Quest: & Respons.
Johann Heinrich Alsted. [Perhaps] Theologia catechetica exhibens sacrosanctissimam novitiolorum Christianorum scholam. Hanover, 1622. 4o. bn.
- 117 Markams Husbandry.
Gervase Markham. Cheape and good husbandry. London, 1614. 4o. stc. hcl. has editions of 1631 and 1676.
- 118 Dike one Repent.
Daniel Dyke. Two treatises, the one of repentance; the other of Christs temptations. London, 1616. 4o. stc. Cf. 246, 413.
- 119 Dixon in hebr.
David Dickson. A short explanation of the Epistle to the Hebrewes. Aberdeen, 1635. 8o. hcl. mca. stc.
- 120 Gouermt of Thoughts.
Thomas Cooper. The sacred mysterie of the government of the thoughts. London. 1619. 8o. mca. stc. Cf. 388.
- 121 Gales of Grace.
Thomas Barnes. The gales of grace: or, the spirituall winde: wherein the mysterie of sanctification is opened and handled. London, 1622. 8o. mca. stc.
- 122 Barnard faithfull shepard.
Richard Bernard. The faithfvll shepheard: or the shepheards faithfulnesse: wherein is set forth the excellencie and necessitie of the ministerie. London, 1607. 4o. hcl. mca. stc. Cf. 391.
- 123 Hedersham on Fastings.
Arthur Hildersam. The doctrine of fasting and praier, and humiliation for sinne. London, 1633. 2 pts. 4o. mca. stc.
- 124 Bradshew one the Lds Super.
William Bradshaw. Direction for the weaker sort of Christians shewing in what manner they ought to fit themselves to the worthy receiuing of the Sacrament. London, 1609. 12o. stc. Another edition, part one rewritten, with altered title, London, 1617. 12o. stc.
- 125 Dods housould gouernmt.
John Dod. A godly form of householde government. London, 1598. 8o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1621. According to the notice of Dod in dnb., Dod did “editorial work” on Robert Cleaver’s work of the same title. Cf. 395.
- 126 Return of prayer.
Thomas Goodwin. The retvrne of prayers. A treatise wherein this case [how to discerne Gods answer to our prayers] is briefly resolved. London, 1626. 4o. hcl. stc.
- 127 Brentius Judges & Ruth.
Johann Brentz, the Elder. In librum Judicum et Ruth commentarii. Schwäbisch-Hall, 1544. fo. bm.
- 128 Kekermans Theolog.
Bartholomäus Keckermann. A manduction to theologie. London, 1622. 8o. stc.
- 129 Tailers rule of life.
Thomas Taylor. Regula vitæ, the rvle of the law vnder the gospel. Containing a discovery of the pestiferous sect of libertines, Antinomians, and sonnes of Belial, lately sprung up to destroy the law, and disturbe the faith of the gospell. London, 1631. 12o. mca. stc.
- 130 Mortons 3. fold estat.
Thomas Morton. A treatise of the three-folde state of man, or, an anatomie of the soule. London, 1596. 8o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1599.
- 131 Ainsworths St comun.
Henry Ainsworth. The communion of saints. A treatise of the fellowship, that the faithfull have with God, and His angels, and one with another; in this present life. [Amsterdam?] 1615. 8o. bm. hcl. has an edition of 1628.
- 132 Saints societij.
Joseph Bentham. The saints societie. London, 1636. 4o. stc. A reprint of “The societie of the saints; or, a treatise of good-fellowes.” London, 1630. 4o. stc.
- 133 Richardson on Peter & Jude on repent.
Charles Richardson. The repentance of Peter and Iudas. Together with the frailtie of the faithfull, and the fearefull ende of wicked hypocrites. London, 1612. 4o. mca. stc.
- 134 Sadeel in Terranum.
Antoine de Chandieu (Sadeel). Opera theologica. Geneva, 1592. fo. hcl. Several parts are devoted to a controversy with Francisco Torres, a Spanish Jesuit, the first section of which (pp. 561–829) is headed: Sophismata F. Tvrriani Monachi, ex eorum sodalitate qui sacrosancta Iesu nomine ad suss sectæ inscriptionem abutantur.
- 135 Smith patt: of prayer.
John Smith. A paterne of true prayer. London, 1605. 4o. stc.
- 136 Gilpins life.
George Carleton. Vita Bernardi Gilpini, viri sanctissimi, famaqve apvd Anglos aqvilonares celeberrimi. London, 1628. 4o. mca. Translated by W. Freake with the title “The life of Bernard Gilpin.” London, 1629. 4o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1636.
- 137 Rogers on saul.
Richard Rogers. Samuel’s encovnter with Saul. London, 1620. 12o. mca. stc.
- 138 Lightfoot his missella.370
John Lightfoot. Erubhin: or miscellanies, Christian and Judaicall. London, 1629. 8o. stc.
- 139 Tayler on Titus in 4to.
Thomas Taylor. A commentarie vpon the Epistle of S. Paul written to Titvs. Cambridge, 1612. 4o. hcl. mca. stc.
- 140 Tayler on the Types.
Thomas Taylor. Christ revealed, or, the Old Testament explained. A treatise of the types and shadowes of our Saviovr contained throughout the whole Scriptvre. London, 1635. sm 4o. mca.
- 141 Frogmorton on faith.
G. Throgmorton. A treatise of faith. London, 1624. 8o. stc. Watt.
- 142 Sacra Heptad.
G. S. (George Sandys?). Sacræ heptades, or seaven problems concerning Anti-christ. Leyden, 1625. 4o. mca. stc.
- 143 Europæ speculum.
Sir Edwin Sandys. Europæ specvlvm or, a view or svrvey of the state of religion in the westerne parts of the world. Wherein the Romane religion, and the pregnant policies of the Church of Rome to support the same, are notably displayed. The Hague, 1629. 4o. mca. stc. hcl. has editions of 1632 and 1637.
- 144 Rogers practicall catich. fołł.
Daniel Rogers. A practicall catechisme: or, a view of those principall truths of the word, which most directly tend to life and godlinesse. London, 1632. 4o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1640.
- 145 Rogers on the sacriments 4to.
[Daniel Rogers.] A treatise of the two sacraments of the gospel: Baptisme and the Svpper of the Lord. London, 1633. 4o. stc.
- 146 Israels Idolatry Genisson.
Robert Jenison. The height of Israels heathenish idolatrie. London, 1621. 4o. stc. Mackenzie: Historical Account of Newcastle, i. 282, 316.
- 147 Moulins Anoton. of Armin.
Pierre du Moulin, the Elder. Anatome Arminianismi seu, enucleatio controversiarum quæ in Belgio agitantur. Leyden, 1619. 4o. Potter. English translation with the title “The anatomy of Arminianisme.” London, 1620. 4o. mca. stc.
- 148 Testamentij restitutio.
- 149 Ursinus Catich.
Zacharias Ursinus. Catechesis religionis Christianæ quæ in ecclesiis Palatinatus traditur. Edinburgh, 1591. 8o. stc. The Heidelberg Catechism, of which Ursinus was one of the authors.
Zacharias Ursinus. Explicationum catecheticarum editio altera. Cambridge, 1587. 8o. stc.
- 150 Bucanum Com̄. pl.
Gulielmus Bucanus. Institutiones theologicæ, seu locorum communium Christianæ religionis analysis. Geneva, 1617. sm. 8o. Potter.
Gulielmus Bucanus. Institvtions of Christian religion framed out of Gods word. London, 1606. 4o. mca.
- 151 Fresh suit agst Cerum.
William Ames. A fresh svit against human ceremonies in Gods worship. [Rotterdam?] 1633. 3 pts. 4o. mca. stc.
- 152 The visible church.
[Henry Barrow]. A true description out of the word of God of the visible church. London, 1589. 4o. stc.
- 153 Trelcatius.
Lucas Trelcatius. [Probably] A briefe institution of the common places of sacred divinitie. London, 1610. 8o. stc. Cf. 454.
- 154 Spirituall stedfastness.
John Barlow. A seasonable discourse of spiritvall stedfastnes. Published in his “Exposition of the first and second chapters of the latter Epistle to Timothie.” London, 1632. 4 pts. fo. mca.
- 155 Weemes in 2 vołł in 4to.
John Wemyss (Weemse). Works. London, 1633. 3 vols. 4o. 1636. 4 vols. 4o. hcl.
John Wemyss (Weemse). Exercitations divine, in two books. The first containing sundry questions for the understanding of the Scripture in general, the second containing sundry questions for the understanding of the moral law. London, 1632. 4o. stc. Cf. 484.
- 156 Weems godes Image in qto.
John Wemyss (Weemse). The povrtraiture of the image of God in man. London, 1627. 2 pts. 4o. mca. stc.
- 157 White woolf.
Stephen Denison. The white wolfe or, a sermon preached at Pavls Crosse, Feb. 11. 1627. Wherein faction is vnmasked, and iustly taxed without malice. Especially the Hetheringtonian faction growne very impudent in the citie of late yeeres, is here confuted. London, 1627. 4o. mca. stc.
- 158 Harrisons Sermō st[?] Abso. Funłł: & others.
Robert Harris. Absaloms fvnerall: or, the lamentation of a loving father for a rebellious childe. London, 1626. 4o. hcl.
- 159 Baynes Letters.
Paul Baynes. Christian letters. London, 1620. 8o. stc.
- 160 Denison on sacriments.
Stephen Denison. The doctrine of both the sacraments. To wit, Baptisme and the Svpper of the Lord. London, 1621. 4o. stc. 1634. mca.
- 161 Sibs saints saftij.
Richard Sibbes. The saints safetie in evill times. London, 1633–1634. 2 pts. 12o. stc.
- 162 Randall of the church.
John Randall. Twenty nine lectures of the church. London, 1631. 4o. mca. stc.
- 163 Luther on Gallath.
Martin Luther. A commentarie vpon the Epistle to the Galathians. London, 1575. 4o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1588. Cf.290.
- 164 Slater on Thess.
William Sclater, the Elder. An exposition with notes upon the first and second Epistles to the Thessalonians. London, 1627. 2 vols. 4o. mca. stc. A work of his on First Thessalonians only was published in London in 1619. mca.
- 165 Slater on rom.
William Sclater, the Elder. A key to the key of Scriptvre: or an exposition with notes vpon the Epistle to the Romanes; the three first chapters. London, 1611. 4o. mca. stc. Cf. 312.
- 166 Gualter on act.
Rudolph Walther. An hundred, threescore and fiftene homeleyes or sermons vppon the Actes of the Apostles. London, 1572. fo. stc.
- 167 Rogers on faith.
John Rogers. The doctrine of faith. 3d ed. London, 1629. 12o. stc.
- 168 Goodwins Moses & aron.
Thomas Godwin. Moses and Aaron. Civil and ecclesiastical rites, vsed by the ancient Hebrewes; obserued, and at large opened, for the clearing of many obscure texts thorowout the whole Scriptvre. London, 1625. 4o. stc. hcl. has editions of 1628 and later.
- 169 Rogers 7 Treatesys.
See under 108.
- 170 [ ]371 in Gen:
- 171 Culverwel on faith.
Ezekiel Culverwell. A treatise of faith. Wherein is declared, how a man may liue by faith, and finde reliefe in all his necessities. 6th ed. London, 1629. 4o. mca.
- 172 Essex Dove.
John Smith. Essex dove, presenting the world with a few of her olive branches. London, 1629. 4o. mca. stc.
- 173 Rayners sinfulnes of sin qto.
Edward Reynolds. Three treatises of the vanity of the creature; the sinfulnesse of sinne; the life of Christ. London, 1631. 4o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1634.
- 174 Palag: Redivium̄.
[Daniel Featly.] Pelagius redivivus. Or Pelagivs raked ovt of the ashes by Arminivs and his schollers. London, 1626. 4o. hcl. mca. The same as his “Parallel of new-old Pelagiarminian error.”
- 175 Wheatlij Care-clo[th].
William Whately. A care-cloth: or a treatise of the cumbers and troubles of marriage. London, 1624. 4o. stc. Cf. 331.
- 176 Vestig Antiquitees.
Richard Verstegen (Rowlands). A restitvtion of decayed intelligence in antiquities. Concerning the most noble and renowned English nation. Antwerp, 1605. 4o. hcl. mca.
- 178372 Genevas Discipline.
Robert Fills (translator). The laws and statutes of Geneua, as well concerning ecclesiastical discipline as ciuill regiment, with certeine proclamations, duly executed, whereby Gods religion is most purelie mainteined, and their common wealth quietli gouerned. London, 1562. 8o. bm. mca.
- 179 Dike on 4:373 Evang hystor:
Daniel Dyke. Sixe evangelical histories. Of water turned into wine. The temples purgation. Christ and Nicodemvs. Iohns last testimonie. Christ, and the woman of Samaria. The rvlers sonnes healing. Contained in the 2. 3. and 4. chapters of St. Iohns Gospel. London, 1617. 4o. stc. 1633. mca.
- 180 Baal on faith.
John Ball. A treatise of faith. London, 1631. 4o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1632.
- 181 Rogers on Luke: ch. 15.
Nehemiah Rogers. The trve convert. Or an exposition vpon the whole parable of the prodigall. London, 1620. 4o. mca.
Nehemiah Rogers. The trve convert: or, an exposition vpon the XV chapter of St. Luke’s Gospell, containing the lost sheepe, the lost groat, the lost sonne. London, 1632. 3 pts. 4o. hcl. mca. stc. Cf.307.
- 182 Rogers on the vinyard.
Nehemiah Rogers. A strange vineyard in Palætine. London, 1623. 4o. stc.
Nehemiah Rogers. The wild vine: or, an exposition on Isaiah’s parabolicall song of the beloued. London, 1632. 4o. mca. Cf. 333.
- 183 Rogers his sermon.
Richard Rogers. Certaine sermons. London, 1612. 4o. stc.
- 184 Richardson his Lodgick.
Alexander Richardson. The logicians schoolmaster. London, 1629. 4o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1657.
- 185 Mayor on James.
John Mayer. Praxis theologica: or, the Epistle of the Apostle St. Iames resolved, expovnded, and preached vpon by way of doctrine and vse. London, 1629. 4o. mca. stc.
- 186 Smith on ps ye 51.
Samuel Smith. Davids repentance: or, a plaine and familiar exposition of the 51. psalme. London, 1614. 4o. stc. 1640. 8o. mca.
- 187 Whitaker agst Camp.
William Whitaker. Edmvndi Campiani Iesvitæ rationes decem, quibus fretus certamen Anglicanæ ecclesiæ ministris obtulit in causa fidei: & ad eas responsio. London, 1582. 4o. mca. stc. Translated into English with the title “An answere to the ten reasons of Edmvnd Campian the Iesvit.” London, 1606. 4o. mca.
- 188 Arrainent of hipocrites.
John Yates. Gods arraignement of hypocrites: with an inlargement concerning Gods decree in ordering sinne. As likewise a defence of Mr. Calvine against Bellarmine: and of M. Perkins against Arminivs. Cambridge, 1615. 4o. mca. stc.
- 189 Brightman on revelat.
Thomas Brightman. Apocalypsis apocalypseos. Frankfort, 1609. 4o. Prince. Translated into English with the title “A revelation of the Apocalyps.” Amsterdam, 1611. 4o. stc. Another English edition: “A revelation of the Reuelation that is the Revelation of St. John opened clearely with a logicall resolution and exposition.” Amsterdam, 1615. 4o. mca.
- 190 Gilt Latin bible.
- 191 wattons defence of Perkins.
Anthony Wotton. A defence of M. Perkins booke, called A Reformed Catholike: against the cauils of a popish writer, one D. B. B. or W. B. in his Deformed Reformation. London, 1606. 4o. hcl. mca. stc.
- 192 Prins Antijarminisme.
William Prynne. Anti-Arminianisme. Or the Church of Englands old antithesis to new Arminianisme. Wherein seven anti-arminian orthodox tenets, are evidently proved; their seven opposite Arminian (once popish and Pelagian) errours, are manifestly disproved, to be the ancient, established, vndoubted doctrine of the primitive and moderne Church of England. London, 1630. 4o. hcl. mca.
- 193 Cristopher on Eph.
[Possibly] St. Chrysostom. An exposition upon the Epistle of S. Paule the Apostle to the Ephesians: truely and faithfully translated out of Greeke, perused and auctorized, according to an order appointed in hir Maiesties iniunctions. London, 1581. 4o. bm.
- 194 Boltons his instructions.
Robert Bolton. Instrvctions for a right comforting afflicted consciences, with speciall antidotes against some grievous temptations. London, 1631. 4o. hcl. mca. stc.
- 195 Bolton his Direction for walks.
Robert Bolton. Some generall directions for a comfortable walking with God. London, 1625. 4o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1630.
- 196 Boltons 4 last thinges.
Robert Bolton. The foure last things, death, ivdgement, hell, and heaven. London, 1632. 4o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1639. Cf. 416.
- 197 Passors Lexicon.
Georg Pasor. Lexicon Græco-Latinum in Novum Testamentum. London, 1620. 8o. stc.
- 198 Riders Dictionary best sort.
John Rider. Riders Dictionarie, corrected and augmented by F. Holyoke. London, 1606. 4o. stc. hcl. has editions of 1639 and 1659.
- 199 Dikes Deceit of ye hart.
Daniel Dyke. The mystery of self-deceiving. Or, a discovrse and discouery of the deceitfulnesse of mans heart. London, 1614. 4o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1634.
- 200 Barnard on witch Craft.
Richard Bernard. A guide to grand jury men [with respect to witches]. London, 1627. 12o. hcl. stc. Sta. Reg. Cf. 531.
The Catalogue of mine Thomas Jenner. This aboue written Cattaloug of bookes according as they are nombred being tow hundred Bookes are sould vnto the Corporacon for the propagacõn of the Gospell in New England374
A Catalogue of the Library yt Mr Eliot Hath Bought of Me Tho: Weld for Thirty & Fowre Pounds, Paid Me by the Corporation for N. Engl. Aug. 18 1651.
Bookes in folio375
- 201 Tremelius & Junius bible.
See under 15. Cf. 476.
- 202 Halls workes.
Joseph Hall. Works. London, 1625. fo. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1634.
- 203 Zanchij opera, vol.
Girolamo Zanchi. Opera theologica. Geneva, 1613. 3 vols. fo. BN.
- 204 Chemnitij opera, vol.
Martin Chemnitz (Chemnitius). Loci communes. Frankfort-on-Main, 1631, 1591, 1592. 3 pts. fo. Cat. 1723.
Martin Chemnitz (Chemnitius). Loci theologici quibus et Loci Communes Philippi Melanthonis explicantur. Frankfort-on-Main, 1591–2. 3 vols. fo. hcl.
- 205 Cypriani opera.
St. Cyprian. Opera ab innumeris mendis repurgata, adjectis nonnullis libellis quæ hactenus non habebantur ac remotis iis, quæ falso videbantur inscripta, una cum annotatiunculis, atque hæc omnia nobis prsestitit labore suo Erasmus. Basel, 1521. fo. bn. hcl.
- 206 Basilij Magni Opera.
St. Basil the Great. Ἁπαντα τα του θειου και Μεγαλου καλουμενου Βασιλειου. Divi Basilii Magni opera Græca quæ ad nos extant omnia. J. Cornarius, ed. Basel, 1551. fo. bm. hcl.
St. Basil the Great. Opera omnia. Paris 1638, ’37. 3 vols. fo. hcl.
- 207 Polani Syntagma.
Amandus Polanus. Syntagma theologiæ Christianæ. Hanover, 1615. fo. Potter. Translated into English with the title “The svbstance of Christian religion, sovndly set forth in two bookes. The first booke concerneth faith. The second concerneth good workes.” London, 1595. 8o. mca.
- 208 Perkins workes, in vol.
See under 6.
- 209 Grenehams works.
Richard Greenham. Workes. London, 1601. fo. stc hcl. has an edition of 1627.
- 210 Rogers 7 treatises.
See under 108. Cf. 169.
- 211 Heirons works.
Samuel Hieron. Workes. London, 1620. 2 vols. fo. mca. stc.
- 212 Tayler on Titus.
See under 139.
- 213 Cottons Concordance.
See under L
- 214 Destructoriū Viciorum.
Alexander, Anglus (Alexander Carpenter). Tabula compendiosa operis præsentis destructoriū viciorum intitulati. Cologne, 1480. fo. bm.
Alexander, Anglus (Alexander Carpenter). Summa quæ destructoriū viciorum appellatur. Cologne, 1485. fo. Nuremburg, 1496. fo. bm. Copies in America of the Cologne, 1485, edition are in the Providence, R. I., Athenæum and in the library of the Catholic University, Washington, D. C.; of the Nuremberg, 1496, edition, in hcl., at the Peabody Institute, Baltimore, and at Cornell University. Census of Fifteenth-Century Books in America.
- 215 Babingtons workes.
Gervase Babington. Workes. London, 1615. 5 pts. fo. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1637.
- 216 Hemingius in Epistolas.
Niels Hemmingsen. Commentaria in omnes Epistolas Apostolorum, Pauli, Petri, Judæ, Johannis, Jacobi, et in earn quæ ad Hebræos inscribitur. Leipzig, 1572. fo. bm.
- 217 Calvinus in 5 libros Mosis.
See under 23.
- 218 Calvins sermons in Deutero:
John Calvin. Sermons vpon the fifth booke of Moses called Deuteronomie; faithfully gathered word for word as he preached them in open pulpet. London, 1583. fo. hcl. mca.
- 219 Ainsworth in Gen. et. Exod.
Henry Ainsworth. Annotations upon the first book of Moses, called Genesis. Amsterdam, 1617. 4o. stc.
Henry Ainsworth. Annotations vpon the second booke of Moses, called Exodus. Amsterdam, 1617. 4o. stc. The earliest folio edition in which these items appear is “Annotations upon the five bookes of Moses,” London, 1627, 26. bm.
- 220 Attersole on numbers.
William Attersoll. A commentarie vpon the fourth booke of Moses, called Numbers. London, 1618. fo. dnb. stc. Made up of “The pathway to Canaan” (1609), “The historie of Balak” (1610), and other works.
- 221 Pet: Martir in Iud.
Peter Martyr (Vermigli). Most fruitfull & learned commentaries with a very profitable tract of the matter and places. London, 1564. fo. hcl. mca. stc. The running title is “A commentary vpon the booke of Iudges.”
- 222 Rogers on ye Judges.
Richard Rogers. A commentary vpon the whole booke of Ivdges. London, 1615. fo. mca. stc.
- 223 Willet on 1st & 2d lib. Sam̄.
Andrew Willet. An harmonic upon the first booke of Samuel. Cambridge, 1614. fo. stc.
Andrew Willet. An harmonie upon the second booke of Samuel. Cambridge, 1614. fo. stc. Cf. 471.
- 224 Musculus in Psalmos.
Wolfgang Musculus. In Davidis psalterium sacrosanctum commentarii. Basel, 1618. fo. bm.
- 225 wilcocks on the psal.376
Thomas Wilcox. Works, containing an exposition upon the whole booke of David’s Psalmes. London, 1624. fo. bm.
- 226 Musculus in Isaiā.
Wolfgang Musculus. In prophet. Isaiam. Basel, 1570. fo. Cat. 1723.
- 227 Bullinger in Isa.
Heinrich Bullinger. Isaias excellentissimus Dei propheta expositus. Zurich, 1567. fo. bm. Potter.
- 228 Marloret in Isa.
Augustin Marlorat. Esaie prophetia, cum Catholica expositione ecclesiastica. Paris, 1564. fo. bm.
- 229 Musculus in Math.
Wolfgang Musculus. Commentary in Matthseum Evangelistam. Basel, 1611. 3 vols. fo. bm. Potter.
- 230 Marloret in novū test.
Augustin Marlorat. Novi Testament: Catholica expositio ecclesiastica. [Paris?] 1570. fo. bm.
- 231 Gaiter in Acta Aposto.
See under 166.
- 232 Calinus in Epistolas.
John Calvin. Commentarii in omnes Pauli Epistolas. Adivnximvs commentaries in omnes Epistolas canonicas. Geneva, 1580. fo. Prince.
- 233 Erasmus in novū test.
Desideeitjs Erasmus. The first tome or volume of the paraphrase vpon the Newe Testamente. London, 1548. fo. mca. stc.
Desiderius Erasmus. The second tome or volume of the paraphrase vpon the Newe Testament. London, 1549. fo. mca. stc.
- 234 Musculus in Rom. & Corinth.
Wolfgang Musculus. In Epistolam D. Apostoli Pauli ad Romanos commentarii. Basel, 1600. fo. bm.
Wolfgang Musculus. In Apostoli Pauli ambas Epistolas ad Corinthios commentarii. Basel, 1611. fo. bm.
- 235 Willet on ye Romans.
Andrew Willet. Hexapla: that is, a six-fold commentarie vpon the most diuine Epistle of the holy Apostle S. Paul to the Romanes: wherein according to the authors former method sixe things are observed in euery chapter. Cambridge, 1611. fo. mca. stc.
- 236 Byfield on ye Col.
See under 20.
- 237 Hildersham on ye4 chap, of John.
Arthur Hildersam. Lectvres vpon the fovrth of Iohn. London, 1629. fo. mca. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1632.
- 238 P. Martir. Loci.
Peter Martyr (Vermigli). Loci communes. London, 1576. fo. mca. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1622. Translated into English with the title “The common places of Peter Martyr.” London, 1583. fo. hcl. stc.
- 239 Willets Synopsis.
See under 8.
Bookes in 4to
- 240 Wilsons dictionary.
Thomas Wilson. A Christian dictionary. Opening the significations of the chiefe words dispersed generally through Holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testament. 2nd ed. London, 1616. 4o. stc. Cf. 488.
- 241 Simpsons history of the church.
See under 13.
- 242 Byfield on ye Creeds.
See under 112.
- 243 Heron on Psal. 51.
See under 14.
- 244 Dyke on the heart.
See under 199.
- 245 Dyke on Philemon.
Daniel Dyke. Two treatises; the one upon Philemon, the other the school of affliction. London, 1618. 2 pts. 4o. stc.
- 246 Dyke on repentance &c.
See under 118. Cf. 413.
- 247 Dyke of 6 histories on John.
See under 179.
- 248 Downhams Warfare in booke
See under 9.
- 249 Downhams 4r treatises.
John Downame. Foure treatises tending to diswade all Christians from swearing. London, 1609. 4o. stc.
- 250 Smiths sermons.
Henry Smith. Sermons. London, 1595. 4o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1631.
- 251 Gouch on Ephes: domesticall duties.
William Gouge. An exposition of part of the fift and sixt chapters of S. Paules Epistle to the Ephesians, wherein is handled all such duties as belong to household gouernnient; also the spiritvall armour, ovt of which a Christian may fetch svfficient furniture against all his spirituall enemies. London, 1630. 4o. mca.
- 252 Rogers on ye 39 Art.
Thomas Rogers. The faith, doctrine, and religion, professed, & protected in the realme of England, and dominions of the same: expressed in 39 articles, concordablie agreed vpon by the reuerend bishops, and clergie of this kingdome. Cambridge, 1607. 4o. hcl. mca. stc.
- 253 Forbes on Justification.
John Forbes. A treatise tending to cleare the doctrine of ivstification. Middelburgh, 1616. 4o. mca. stc.
- 254 [Sphinx Philosophica]377
See under 362.
- 255 Molineus contra Armin.
See under 147.
- 256 Negus of faith.
William Negus. Mans active obedience, or the power of godlines, especially in the cominandement of the gospell, which requireth faith in euerie Christian: or a treatise of faith. London, 1619. 4o. mca. stc.
- 257 Counsell of Dort.
Synodus. Ivdicium synodi nationalis, reformatarvm ecclesiarvm Belgicarvm, habitae Dordrechti, Anno 1618. & 1619. Dort, 1619. 4o. mca. hcl. has two editions of 1620.
- 258 Boultons Workes.
Robert Bolton. Workes. London, 1641. 4o. mca. stc.
- 259 Dr Preston Allsufficieny & Covent.
See under 83.
- 260 Dr Preston of faith & Love.
See under 84.
- 261 Pemble his Vindicia Gra. et Glo.
See under 98. The source of the phrase “& Glo.” is not apparent.
- 262 Pemble in Zach.
See under 97.
- 263 Granger in Eccles.
Thomas Granger. A familiar exposition or commentarie on Ecclesiastes. London, 1621. 4o. mca. stc.
- 264 2 Physick bookes
- 265 Esties Workes.
George Estey. Certaine godly and learned expositions vpon diuers parts of Scripture. London, 1603. 2 pts. 4o. mca. stc.
- 266 Topsell on Ruth.
Edward Topsell. The reward of religion. Deliuered in sundrie lectures vpon the Booke of Ruth. London, 1601. 4o. mca.
- 267 Topsell on Joel.
Edward Topsell. Times lamentation: or an exposition on the prophet Ioel. London, 1599. 4o. mca.
- 268 Edwins Works.
- 269 Calvin on ye Psalmes.
See under 29.
- 270 Dod on ye Proverbs.
John Dod and Robert Cleaver. A plaine and familiar exposition of the ninth and tenth chapters of the Proverbs of Salomon. London, 1606. 4o. stc. Four later volumes, 1607–1610, carried their exposition through chapter 20. stc.
- 271 A. C. on Eccles:
Antonio de Corro (Corranus). Salomons sermon of mans chief felicitie with paraphrase. Oxford, 1586. 8o. stc.
- 272 Giffird on ye Cant.
George Gifford. Fifteen sermons vpon the Song of Solomon. London, 1598. 8o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1612. Cf. 376.
- 273 Clapham on ye Cant.
Henoch Clapham. Three partes of Salomon his Song of Songs, expounded. London, 1603. 4o. mca. The fourth and fifth parts were published in London in 1606. stc.
- 274 Gouch on ye Cant.
William Gouge. An exposition of the Song of Solomon. London, 1615. 4o. stc.
- 275 Brinsley in Chap. 9th of Ezekiell.
John Brinsley, the Elder. The third part of The Trve Watch, containing the call of the Lord, to awake all sorts to meet him with intreatie of peace, and to turn unto him by true repentence: taken out of the vision of Ezekiel, chap. 9. London, 1622. 4o. mca. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1623.
- 276 Map of Rome.
Thomas Taylor. A mappe of Rome: lively exhibiting her mercilesse meeknesse, and cruell mercies to the church of God; preached in fiue sermons on occasion of the Gunpowder Treason. London, 1619. 4o. mca. stc hcl. has an edition of 1659.
- 277 Renolds against Hart.
John Rainolds. The summe of the conference betwene John Rainolds and John Hart; touching the head and faith of the church. London, 1584. 4o. bm. hcl.
- 278 Whitaker against Bellermine.
William Whitaker. Disputatio de sacra scriptvra contra huius temporis papistas, imprimis Robertum Bellarminum & T. Stapletonum. Cambridge, 1588. 4o. bm.
William Whitaker. Prselectiones in quibus tractatur controversia de ecclesia contra pontificios, inprimis R. Bellarminum. Cambridge, 1599. 4o. bm.
- 279 Danseus in Omnes minores Prophetas.
Lambert Daneau. Commentarium in prophetas minores. Geneva, 1586. 2 vols. 8o. bm. Translated into English with the title “A frvitfvll commentarie vpon the twelue small prophets.” Cambridge, 1594. 4o. hcl. mca. stc.
- 280 Winklemann̄ in omnes Prophetas minores.
Johannes Winklemann. Commentarius in xii prophetas minores. Frankfort, 1603. 8o. Watt.
- 281 Downham on ye 4 Chap of Hosea.
John Downame. Lectures upon the foure first chapters of Hosea. London, 1608. 4o. stc.
- 282 Dr Mayers Catechisme.
John Mayer. The English catechisme explained, or, a comentarie on the short catechisme set forth in the Booke of Common Prayer. London, 1620. 4o. mca. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1623.
- 283 Mayer on the 4r Evangl. & Acts.
John Mayer. A treasvry of ecclesiasticall expositions, vpon the difficult and doubtfull places of the Scriptures, collected out of the best esteemed interpreters, both auncient and moderne, together with the authors judgement, and various observations. Conteining 270. texts, throughout the Gospels of Mathew, Marke, Luke, and Iohn, and the Acts of the Apostles. London, 1622. 4o. mca. stc. Cf. 489.
- 284 Malcolmus in Acta.
John Malcolm. Commentarius in Apostolorum Acta, notis locisque sacrarum literum appositis illustratus. Middleburg, 1615. 4o. bm.
- 285 Musculus in Johan̄.
Wolfgang Musculus. In Divi Joannis Apostoli Evangelium commentarii. Basel, 1618. fo. bm.
- 286 Bucerus in Johan̄.
Martin Bucer (Butzer). In Euangelium Joannis. Catalogue of William Ames library in Prince Collection.
- 287 Wilson on ye Romanes.
See under 17.
- 288 Pareus in Romanos.
David Pareus (Waengler). In divinam ad Romanos S. Pauli Apostoli Epistolam commentarius. Heidelberg, 1613. 4o. bm.
- 289 Pareus in 1st Epist. ad Cor.
See under 89.
- 290 Luther on ye Gal.
See under 163.
- 291 Pareus in Gal.
See under 90.
- 292 Aiery on ye Philipians.
Henry Airay. Lectvres upon the whole Epistle of St. Paul to the Philippians. London, 1618. 4o. bm.
- 293 Elton on Col.
Edward Elton. An exposition of the Epistle of St. Paule to the Colossians. London, 1615. 4o. mca. stc. Cf. 477.
- 294 Rolocus in Thes. 1̄ et 2̄ Epist.
See under 63.
- 295 Slater in 1̄ Epist: ad Thes.
See under 164.
- 296 Phillips sermons.
Edward Philips. Certaine godly and learned sermons. London, 1605. 4o. mca. stc.
George Phillips. Fiue godly and learned sermons. London, 1594. 8o. stc.
- 297 Tayler on ye Parable of ye Sower.
Thomas Taylor. The parable of the sower and of the seed. London, 1621. 4o. mca. stc. To the third edition (1634) was added the “Mappe of Rome.” hcl. has an edition of 1659. See 276.
- 298 Tayler on 10. Chap of the Acts.
Thomas Taylor. Exposition of the 10th chap, of the Acts from verse 34 to verse 43. Cambridge, 1612. 4o. Cat. 1723.
- 299 Tayler on Psal. 32.
Thomas Taylor. Davids learning, or the way to true happinesse, in a commentarie vpon the XXXII. psalme. London, 1617. 4o. mca. stc.
- 300 Luther on the epistles of Joh: Jude & Revel.
Martin Luther. A commentarie or exposition vpon the twoo Epistles generall of Sainct Peter, and that of Sainct Jvde. London, 1581. 4o. mca. stc. A commentary by Luther on Revelation was published in German in 1530. bm.
- 301 Boulton on ye 1 Psal.378
Robert Bolton. A discourse [on Ps. i. 1] about the state of true happinesse. London, 1611. 4o. hcl. This book strongly influenced John Winthrop. Winthrop Papers, I. (1929), 211.
- 302 Simpson on 7 Pen. Psalmes.
Archibald Simson. A sacred septenarie or the seven psalms of repentance. London, 1638. 4o. stc.
- 303 Cygnsea Cantio.
Daniel Featley. Cygnea cantio:379 or, learned decisions, and most prvdent and poivs directions for stvdents in divinitie; delivered by our late soveraigne of happie memorie, King lames, at White Hall a few weekes before his death. London, 1629. 4o. mca.
- 304 Bradshaw on 2 Thess.
William Bradshaw. A plaine and pithy exposition of the second Epistle to the Thessalonians. London, 1620. 4o. mca. stc. Cf. 405.
- 305 Jackson on 2 Thess.
Timothy Jackson. A brief and plaine exposition upon S. Pauls second Epistle to the Thessalonians. London, 1621. 4o. stc.
- 306 Bradshaw on ye 90 Psal.
William Bradshaw. A meditation of mans mortalitie. Containing an exposition of the ninetieth psalme. London, 1621. 4o. mca. stc.
- 307 Rogers on yc Parables.
See under 181.
- 308 Anatomy of Death.
John More. A liuely anatomie of death. London, 1596. 8o. stc.
- 309 Stapletons Postillory libri Duo.
Thomas Stapleton. Promptvarivm morale svper evangelia dominicalia totivs anni. Ex sacris Scripturis SS. Patribus, & optimis quibusq[ue] authoribus studiosè collectum. Antwerp, 1593. 2 pts. 4o. Allibone. mca.
- 310 Theodorici Postill. libri tres.
Conrad Dieterich. Analysis logica evangeliorum quæ diebus festis in D. Apostolorum ecclesia Christi proponi solent. Giessen, 1617. 8o. bm.
- 311 Whatly of Gods husbandry. &c.
William Whately. Gods husbandry. London, 1619. 4o. stc.
- 312 Slater on Rom. / Cap. 1. 2. &. 3.
See under 165.
- 313 Parr on Rom. / cap. 12. to end of ye Epist.
See under 93.
- 314 Couper on ye 8 cap. ad Rom.
William Cowper. Three heavenly treatises upon the eight chapter to the Romanes. London, 1609. 4o. stc.
- 315 Elton on ye 7th Cap: ad Rom.
Edward Elton. The complaint of a sanctified sinner answered: or an explanation of the seuenth chapter of the Epistle of Saint Paul to the Romans. London, 1622. 4o. mca.
- 316 Dr Denison on 1 Cor. 11. 28 ad finem.
See under 160.
- 317 Cooper on 2 Cor. Cap. 5 to vv. 10th.
William Cowper. A defiance to death. London, 1610. 12o. stc. A collection of tracts by Cowper, with autobiography, the general title page having been torn out, but with separate title pages intact, is in the Dartmouth College Library, presented to Samson Occum in London. It has this treatise (ed. 1629), which proves to be a commentary on ii. Cor. 5: 1–9, inclusive, which might be called “to verse 10.”
- 318 Baines on ye first Chapt. to ye Ephes.
Paul Baynes. A commentarie vpon the first chapter of the Epistle of Saint Pavl to the Ephesians. London, 1618. 4o. mca. Reading this book suggested to Judge Sewall the writing of his antislavery tract “The Selling of Joseph.” 5 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vi. 16.
- 319 Byfield on 1 Pet. Cap. 1.
Nicholas Byfield. Sermons vpon the first chapter of the first Epistle generall of Peter. London, 1617. 4o. mca. stc.
- 320 Byfield on 1 Pet. Cap. 2.
Nicholas Byfield. A commentary: or, sermons vpon the second chapter of the first Epistle of Peter. London, 1623. 4o. mca.
- 321 Denison. 2 Pet. Cap. 1.
Stephen Denison. An exposition upon the first chapter of the second Epistle of Peter. London, 1622. 4o. stc. Cf. 386.
- 322 Boys his Postills.
John Boys. An exposition of all the principall Scriptvres vsed in our English liturgie. Together with a reason why the church did chuse the same. London, 1609. 4o. mca. Thirteen other editions with varying titles: on dominical epistles and gospels; on festivall epistles; of the proper psalmes. stc. hcl. has an edition of the “festivall epistles,” 1613–14.
- 323 Brentij Postil.
Johann Brenz. Pericopae evangeliorum, quæ singulis diebus dominicis publice in ecclesia recitari solent, expositae. Frankfort-on-Main, 1556. 4o. hcl.
- 324 Hemingij Postil.
Niels Hemmingsen. A postill, or exposition of the Gospels that are vsually read in the churches of God, vpon the Sundayes and feast dayes of sainets. London, 1569. 4o. hcl. mca. stc.
- 325 Erasmi Post, in dies festas.
Desideeitjs Erasmus. Evangelia et epistolæ quæ diebus festis in templis leguntur. Cologne, 1534. 8o. bn.
- 326 Melancton. Postil.
Philipp Melanchton. Annotationes in Evangelia dominicalia, quæ usitato more diebus dominicis et festis proponuntur. Wittemberg, 1561. 8o. bn.
Philipp Melanchton. Postilla. The same, edited with additions and comments by Christopher Pezellerich, Hanover, 1594, 1596. Corpus Reformatorum: Melanchton’s Works, xiv.11 n.
- 327 Whites way to ye church.
John White. The way to the true church. London, 1608. 4o. stc. hcl. has editions of 1610, 1612. This was defended by his brother, Francis White, in “The orthodox faith and way to the chvrch explained and iustified.” London, 1617. 4o. mca. stc. Both treatises were included in Dr. John White’s “Workes,” 1624, the latter with separate register and pagination, mca.
- 328 Ames Contra. Armin.
William Ames. De Arminii sententia, qua electionem omnem particularem fidei praevisae docet inniti. Amsterdam, 1613. 4o. bn. hcl. has an edition of 1658.
- 329 Dod on ye 10 com̄d.
See under 106.
- 330 [Dod]380 on ye 4th com̄d.
See under 106.
- 331 Whately of Mortif. & troubles of Marriage.
See under 175.
- 332 Dr Twisesus Contra Armin.
See under 19. Or perhaps, although the edition seems later than most of Weld’s books: Ad Jacobi Arminii collationem cum Francisco Junio; & Johan. Arnoldi Corvini defensionem sententiæ Arminianæ, de prædestinatione, gratia, & libera arbitrio. Amsterdam, 1639. fo. mca.
- 333 Strange Vinyards in Palestina.
See under 182.
Libri in octavo. & 16o
- 334 Bucani Loci.
See under 150.
- 335 Hyperij Loci.
Andreas Gerardus, Hyperius. Methodi theologiæ, sive præcipuorum Christianæ religionis locorum communium libri tres. Basel, 1567. 8o. bn. Translated into English with the title “Two common places taken out of A. Hyperius.” London, 1581. 8o. stc.
- 336 Alstedij Loci.
Johann Heinrich Alsted. Loci communes theologici, perpetuis similitudinibus illustrati. Frankfurt-on-Main, 1653. 12o. bn. Weld’s must have been an earlier edition.
- 337 Yates his Modell.
John Yates. A modell of divinitie catechistically composed. London, 1622. 4o. mca. stc.
- Samuel Crooke. The gvide vnto trve blessednesse. Or, a body of the doctrine of the Scriptures, directing man to the sauing knowledge of God. London, 1614. 8o. mca. An abridgment was published the same year under the title “A briefe direction to trve happinesse.” dnb.
- David Pareus (Waengler). Explicationum catecheticarum Z. Ursini opus recognitum. Geneva, 1608. 8o. Cf. 509.
- Paul Baynes. Briefe directions vnto a godly life. London, 1618. 12o. bm. stc.
- 341 Baals expos, of ye Cat.
John Ball. A short treatise contayning all the principall grounds of Christian religion. By way of questions and answers. London, 1631. 8o mca.
- 342 Cartwrights Cat.
See under 94.
- 343 Alstedij Lexicon.
Johann Heinrich Alsted. Lexicon theologicum, in quo sacrosanctæ theologiæ termini dilucide explicantur juxta seriem locorum communium. Accedit monitio de lectione Novi Testamenti. Hanover, 1620. 8o. bm. Cf. 113; 114.
- 344 Virelij opera.
Matthieu Virel. A learned and excellent treatise concerning all the principall grounds of Christian religion. 2nd ed. London, 1594. 8o. stc.
- 345 Allins Cat.
Edmond Allen. A catechisme, that is to saie, a familiar intro-duccion and trainyng of the simple in the commaundementes of God. London, 1548. 8o. stc.
Robert Allen. A treasvrie of catechisme, or Christian instrvction. London, 1600. 12o. mca. stc.
- 346 Practise of Piety.
See under 109. Cf. 550.
- 347 Bunies resol. pt.
Edmund Bunny. A booke of Christian exercise appertaining to resolution, that is, shewing how that we should resolue our selues to become Christians indeede; by R. P. Perused, and accompanied now with a treatise tending to pacification. London, 1585. 8o. stc The first part is Bunny’s altered version of a treatise published anonymously by Robert Parsons the Jesuit. The second part was issued separately in 1594 and 1598. dnb. In 1585, Parsons reissued his treatise under the title “A Christian directory gviding men to their salvation, with reprofe of the corrupt and falsified edition of the same booke lately published by M. Emd. Buny.” Bunny replied in 1589 with “A briefe answer vnto those idle quarrels of R. P. against the late edition of the Resolution.” dnb. stc
- 348 Plutarchi Moralia in lib.
Plutarch. Moralia. Latine, ex diversorum interpretum versione. London, 1542–1551. 3 vols. 8o. bm. An English version appeared in 1603 under the title “The philosophic, commonly called, the morals.” stc
- 349 Piscator in novū Test, in quatuor libris.
Johannes Piscator (Fischer). Commentarii in omnes libros Novi Testamenti. Herborn, 1621. 4o. bm. Cf. 482.
- 350 Downhamus in Ramū.
George Downame. Commentarius in Rami dialecticam. Frankfurt-on-Main, 1610. 8o. dnb. hcl.
- 351 Magirij Physica.
Johannes Magirus. Physiologise peripatetics libri sex. Frankfort-on-Main, 1619. 8o. Cat. 1723. hcl.
- 352 Keckermanni Logica.
Bartholomäus Keckermann. Gymnasium logicum. London, 1606. stc.
- 353 Dy on scandalls.
Jeremiah Dyke. The mischiefe and miserie of scandals, both taken and given. London, 1631. 8o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1632. Cf. 413.
- 354 Dy on Conscience.
Jeremiah Dyke. Good conscience: or, a treatise showing the nature thereof. London, 1624. 8o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1632. Cf. 413.
- 355 Burroughs Gra. spirit.
Jeremiah Burroughs. The excellency of a gracious spirit. London, 1638. 8o. stc
- 356 T. Goodwin of Returne of Prayer.
See under 126. Cf. 442.
- 357 Child of light.
Thomas Goodwin. A childe of light walking in darknes. London, 1636. 4o. mca. stc
- 358 Sibbs, bruised reed.
Richard Sibbes. The bruised reed and smoaking flax. London, 1630. 12o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1632.
- 359 Great assize.
Samuel Smith. The great assize or day of jubilee. London, 1618. 8o. stc.
- 360 Greenwoods works.
Henry Greenwood. Workes contayned in five several tractates. London, 1616. 8o. stc.
- 361 Danseus de hæresibus.
Lambert Daneau. Augustini liber De hæresibus adquodvoltdeum emendatus et commentariis illustratus. Geneva, 1578. 8o. bm.
Lambert Daneau. Elenchi hoereticorum. Geneva, 1592. 8o. bn.
- 362 Sphinx Philosophica.
Johann Heidfeld. Sphinx theologico-philosophiea. Herborn, 1604. 8o. bm. hcl. has an edition of 1621. Cf. 438.
- 363 Morneus de veritate rel. Christ.
Philippe de Mornay. De la verité de la religion chrestienne. Antwerp, 1581. 4o. bm. The author’s own Latin version appeared in 1583 under the title “De veritate religionis Christianæ.” Prince. (hcl. has editions of 1587 and 1592.) An English version (1587), “begunne to be translated by Sir Philip Sidney Knight,” has the title “A woorke concerning the trewnesse of the Christian religion.”
- 364 Samll Wards sermons.
Samuel Ward. Collection of sermons and treatises. London, 1627. 8o. mca. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1636.
- 365 Aristophanes.
Aristophanes. Comcedire undecim. Leyden, 1600. 12o. bm.
- 366 Greeke Test.
- 367 Chaine of Graces.
Cornelius Burgess. A chaine of graces, London, 1622. 8o. stc.
- 368 Greeke Gramm̄er.
[William Camden.] Institutio Graecae grammaticæ compendiaria in vsum regiæ scholæ Westmonasteriensis. London, 1595. 8o. stc.
- 369 True watch.
John Brinsley, the Elder. The true watch. London, 1606. 8o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1626. Cf. 275 for the third part of this work.
- 370 Brightman on ye Revel. Engl.
See under 189.
- 371 Halls contemplations, in 3 bookes.
Joseph Hall. Contemplations upon the principal passages of the holie storie. Vol. 1. London, 1612. 8o. stc. The second volume, “in four bookes,” appeared in 1614, and the third, “in three bookes,” in 1615. Seven volumes in all appeared up to 1623.
- 372 Rogers on 1 Sam. 15.
See under 137.
- 373 Pilkington in Nehemiah.
James Pilkington. A godlie exposition vpon certeine chapters of Nehemiah. Cambridge, 1585. 4o. stc.
- 374 Beza on Job.
See under 18.
- 375 Beza on Psal.
See under 74.
- 376 Gifford on Cant.
See under 272.
- 377 Benifield on Amos. 1 cap.
Sebastian Benefield. A commentarie or exposition vpon the first chapter of the prophecy of Amos. Oxford. 1613. 4o. mca. stc.
- 378 Theophilac in Evangelia.
Theophylactus, Archbishop of Achrida. In quatuor Evangelia enarrationes. Cologne, 1532. 8o. bm.
- 379 Hochmester in Lucan.
- 380 Mathisius in Rom.
Guerard Matthys. In Epistolam S. Pauli ad Romanos commentarius. Cologne, 1562. adb.
- 381 Rolocus in Ephes. & 1 Thess.
See under 61 and 62.
- 382 Bullinger in Reu.
Heinrich Bullinger. A hundred sermons vpō the Apocalips. London, 1561. 4o. hcl. stc.
- 383 Fox in Reu.
John Fox. Eicasmi, seu, meditationes in Apocalypsin S. Ioannis Apostoli et Euangelistre. Geneva, 1596. 8o. bm.
- 384 Dent in Reu.
Arthur Dent. The rvine of Rome: or an exposition vpon the whole Reuelation. Wherein is plainly shewed and proued, that the popish religion, together with all the power and authoritie of Rome, shall ebbe and decay still more and more throughout all the churches of Europe, and come to an vtter ouerthrow euen in this life before the end of the world. London, 1603. 4o. mca. stc.
- 385 Withers in ye1 Psal.
George Wither. Exercises upon the first psalme. London, 1620. 8o. hcl. stc.
- 386 Dr Denison on 2 Pet. 1 Chap.
See under 321.
- 387 Moulin of the Love of God.
Pierre du Moulin. Theophilvs, or love divine. A treatise containing five degrees, markes, aides, of the loue of God. London, 1610. 12o. mca. stc.
- 388 Governmt of thoughts.
See under 120.
- 389 Converts Catechisme.
Clement Cotton. The converts catechisme; wherein are seaven of the divine graces of the Holy Spirit anatomized. London, 1616. 12o. stc.
- 390 Pathway. Dent.
Arthur Dent. The plaine mans path-way to heaven. London, 1601. 8o. stc Twenty-five editions before 1612. hcl. has an edition of 1648.
- 391 Faithfull Shepherd., Bernard.
See under 122.
- 392 Lewes his sermons.
R. Lewes. A sermon preached at Paules Crosse concerning Isaac his testament. Oxford, 1594. 8o. bm.
Jeremiah Lewis. The doctrine of thankfulnesse. A sermon. London, 1619. 4o. stc
John Lewis. Treatise on Heb. x. 2. Sermon on I John iv. 19. London, 1620. 8o. Watt.
- 393 Hildersham on ye Lo. supper.
Arthur Hildersam. The doctrine of communicating worthily in the Lords Svpper. London, 1617. 12o. dnb. Included in William Bradshaw’s “A preparation to the receiving of the Sacrament.” See under 124.
- 394 Sutton on ye Sacts.
Christopher Sutton. Godly meditations upon the sacrament of the Lordes Supper. London, 1601. 12o. stc.
- 395 Houshold Govermt. mr Dod.
See under 125.
Diverse other, small bookes. wch I sett not down.381
ꝑ me Thomā Wel[d]
Novemb : 18 : 1702
An Inventory of the Estate of Mr Thomas Weld Minister of Dunstable Deceased, Lying in Roxbury382Books, Viz
- 396 Leighs Critica Sacra.
Edward Leigh. Critica sacra: or philologicall and theologicall observations upon all the Greek words of the New Testament in order alphabeticall. London, 1639. 4o. bm. dnb. stc.
Edward Leigh. Critica sacra. Observations on all the radices or primitive Hebrew words of the Old Testament in order alphabeticall. London, 1642. 4o. bm. dnb. The two published together, London, 1650. 4o. Dart. dnb.
- 397 Featlye’s Clavis Mystica.
Daniel Featley. Clavis mystica: a key opening divers difficult and mysterious texts of Holy Scripture. London, 1636. fo. bm. stc.
- 398 Musculus In Genesin.
Wolfgang Musculus. Commentarii in Genesin. Basel, 1554. fo. adb. bu.
- 399 R. Bajlij opus historicum &c.
Robert Baillie. Operis historici et chronologici libri duo. Amsterdam, 1663. fo. dnb. mca. hcl. has an edition of 1668.
- 400 Reliquiæ Raleighanæ.
Walter Ralegh, D.D. Reliquiæ Raleigbanæ, being discourses and sermons on several subjects. London, 1679. 4o. dnb. mca.
- 401 A Practicall Catechism By D. R.
See under 144.
- 402 An English Bible.
- 403 Scarpij Cursus Theologicus.
John Sharp (Sharpe, Scharpius). Cursus theologicus. Geneva, 1618. 4o. dnb. hcl. has President Hoar’s edition of 1620.
- 404 Grynei Enarratio Brevis Psal. 133 &c.
Johann Jacob GrynÆus. Enarratio brevis psalmi CXXXIII. De concordia fidelium: CX. De Jesu Christo Immanuele: XIX. De Studio Theologico. Geneva, 1579. 8o. bm.
- 405 Gataker on the 2d Epistle to ye Thessal:
Thomas Gataker, Editor. See under 304.
- 406 Normans Cases of Conscience Resolved.
John Norman. Cases of conscience practically resolved. London, 1673. 8o. dnb. mca.
- 407 Poems Occasioned by a Melancholy vision.
Humphrey Mill (Mille). Poems occasioned by a melancholy vision. Or, a melancholy vision upon divers theames enlarged. London, 1639. 8o. dnb. hcl. stc.
- 408 Baxters Saints Everlasting Rest.
Richard Baxter. The saints everlasting rest. London, 1650, 49. 4 pts. 4o. bm. hcl.
- 409 Antisynodalia Scripta &c.
William Ames. Anti-synodalia scripta, vel animadversiones in dogmatica ulla, quæ Remonstrantes in Synodo Dordracena exhibuerunt, & postea divulgarunt. Amsterdam, 1633. 12o. bm. hcl.
[Charles Chauncy.] Anti-synodalia scripta Americana. Or, a proposal of the judgment of the dissenting messengers of the churches of New England assembled, by the appointment of the General Court, March 10, 1662, whereof there were several sessions afterwards, n.p., 1662. 4o. Sabin’s Bibliotheca Americana.
- 410 Brooks paradice opened.
Thomas Brookes. Paradise opened; or the secrets, mysteries, and rarities of divine love. London, 1675. 4o. bm.
- 411 Mr Hooker on ye 17 of John.
Thomas Hooker. A comment upon Christ’s last prayer in the seventeenth of John. London, 1656. 4o. Massachusetts Historical Society Library. On the half-title-page it says that this is Hooker’s “Seventeenth Book, made in New-England.”
- 412 Pembles Treatise of Justification.
See under 99.
- 413 Dykes 2 Treatises.
Jeremiah Dyke. Two treatises; the one of good conscience, the other of scandals. 5th ed. London, 1632. 8o. stc. Published separately first in 1624 and 1631 respectively.
Daniel Dyke. Two treatises; the one upon Philemon, the other the school of affliction. 2 pts. London, 1618. 4o. stc.
Daniel Dyke. See under 118, 246.
- 414 Calvin on ye Book of Joshua.
See under 30.
- 415 Owen on ye Sabbath.
John Owen. Exercitations concerning the day of sacred rest. London, 1671. 8o. bm. dnb. hcl.
- 416 Bolton on ye 4 Last things.
See under 196.
- 417 Keckermanni Systema Mathematices.
Bartholomäus Keckermann. Systema compendiosum totius mathematices; hoc est, geometriæ, opticæ, astronomiæ et geographiæ. In fine accessit brevis commentatio nautica. Hanover, 1617. 12o. Fogg Museum, Harvard University.
- 418 Nortons Orthodox Evangelist.
John Norton. The orthodox evangelist. London, 1654. 4o. bm. hcl. has an edition of 1657.
- 419 Roman Antiquities.
Thomas Godwin. Romana? historiæ anthologia, or an English exposition of the Romane antiquities. Oxford, 1614. 4o. dnb. stc. hcl. has editions of 1623 and 1628.
- 420 Meads383 Treatise of Sacramental Covenanting with Xt.
John Rawlet. A treatise of sacramental covenanting with Christ. 5th ed. London, 1692. 8o. bm. The Mead referred to may have been Matthew Mead, Independent divine (1630?–1699). No such title, however, appears among his works.
- 421 Calvin on the Psalms.
See under 29. Cf. 269.
- 422 Ch:t ye perfect pattern.
- 423 Cotton of Schism.
John Cotton. A defense from the imputation of selfe contradiction, charged on him by Mr D. Cawdrey. Whereunto is prefixed, an answer to a late treatise of the said Mr Cawdrey about the nature of schisme. Oxford, 1658. 8o. bm. Prince.
- 424 Dr Rolls Answer to Dr Patrick.
Samuel Rolls (Rolle). A sober answer to the friendly debate betwixt a conformist and a nonconformist. London, 1669. 8o. bm.
- 425 Dicksons Therapuetica Sacra.
David Dickson. Therepeutica sacra; seu, de curandis casibus conscientiæ circa regenerationem per fœderum divinorum prudentem applicationem. London, 1656. 4o. bm. An English translation appeared in 1695 with the title “Therapeutica sacra, or the method of healing the diseases of the conscience concerning regeneration.” dnb.
- 426 Durnhams Treatise Concerning Scandal.
James Durham. The dying man’s testament to the church of Scotland. Or, a treatise concerning scandal. Edinburgh, 1659. 4o. hcl. mca.
- 427 Drakes Bibliotheca Scholastica.
Thomas Draxe. Bibliotheca scholastica instructissima, or, a treatise of ancient adagies, and sententious proverbs, selected out of the English, Greeke, Latine, French, Italian, and Spanish. London, 1633. stc
- 428 Loves two Treatises.
Christopher Love. The souls cordiall: in two treatises. London, 1653. 2 pts. 8o. bm. dnb.
Christopher Love. Heaven’s glory, hell’s terror: or two treatises. London, 1653. 2 pts. 4o. bm. dnb.
- 429 Cartwright in Eccleasiastes.
Thomas Cartwright. In librum Salomonis qui inscribitur Ecclesiastes homiliæ. London, 1604. 4o. dnb. stc.
- 430 Weckerus de Secretis.
Johann Jacob Wecker. De secretis libri XVII ex variis auctoribus collecti. Basel, 1582. 8o. bu. hcl. has editions of 1587 and later.
- 431 Chamberlains present State of Engd.
Edward Chamberlayne. Angliæ notitia: or, the present state of England; together with divers reflections upon the antient state thereof. London, 1669. 12o. bm. hcl. The first volume of a long series under the same title.
- 432 The Barren figtrees doom.
Samuel Willard. The barren fig trees doom. Boston, 1691. 8o. Evans.
- 433 Henrici Smitii Prosodia.
Henricus Smetius. Prosodia; de syllabarum quantitate, ex veterum poetarum auctoritate. Frankfort-on-Main, 1611. 8o? aas.
Henricus Smetius. Prosodia in novam formam digesta. Amsterdam, 1648. 12o. bm.
Henricus Smetius. Prosodia promptissima quæ syllabarum posic̄one et dipthongis carentium quantitates sola veterum poetarum auctoritate adductis exemplis demonstrat ab autore reformato, locisque inumeris emendata et quarta sui parte audaucta. Sta. Reg., April 29, 1695.
- 434 Ius Regum &c.
Henry Parker. Jus regum. Or, a vindication of the regall power: against all spirituall authority exercised under any form of ecclesiasticall government. London, 1645. mca.
- 435 Ward of Wit & wisdome.
Richard Ward. Two theological treatises: the first shewing the nature of wit, wisdom, and folly. The second describing the nature, use, and abuse of the tongue. London, 1673. 8o. bm.
- 436 Riveti critici Sacri Libri 4.
Andre Rivet. Critici sacri libri IV. Geneva, 1626. hcl.
- 437 Horn on Infant Baptism.
John Horne. Διατριβη περι παιδο-βαπτισμου: or, a consideration of infant baptism. London, 1654. 4o. bm. dnb. hcl.
- 438 Heildfedij Sphynx Theolog: Philosophico.
See under 362.
- 439 Hookers four Treatises.
Thomas Hooker. Foure learned and godly treatises; viz. The carnall hypocrite. The churches deliverance. The deceitfulnesse of sinne. The benefit of afflictions. London, 1638. 12o. Allibone. stc.
- 440 Index biblicus Multijugus.
Leonard Hoar. Index biblicus multijugus, or a table to the Holy Scriptures wherein each of its books, chapters, and divers matters are distinguished and epitomized. London, 1672. 8o Cat. 1723. dnb. hcl. An enlarged edition of “Index biblicus.” London, 1668. 8o. Prince.
- 441 Castanej distinctiones Philosophicæ.
Henri Louis Chasteigner. Celebriorum distinctionum turn philosophicarum, turn theologicarum synopsis. London, 1617. 4o. stc.
- 442 Goodwin’s Return of prayers.
See under 126. Cf. 356.
- 443 Amesij Sciagraphia xtianæ Catecheseos.
William Ames. Christianæ catechesωs sciagraphia. Amsterdam, 1635. 12o. bm.
- 444 Netheni Examen Arminianismi.
Matthias Nethenus, Editor. Examen Arminianismi. Utrecht, 1668. 8o. bm. From a ms. left by Samuel Rutherford.
- 445 Clarks Golden Apples.
Samuel Clarke. Golden apples; or seasonable and serious counsel from the sanctuary to the rulers of the earth, held forth in the resolution of sundry questions and cases of conscience about divisions, schisms, heresies, and the tolleration of them. London, 1659. 8o. bm.
- 446 Crucjj Logica.
Jacobus Crucius. Medulla logicæ contracta. Leyden, 1646. 8o. Cat. 1723. jht.
- 447 Dansie’s Mathematicall Manuell.
John Dansie. A mathematicall manuel; wherein is handled arithmeticke, planimetry, stereometry, and the embatteling of armies. Whereunto is annexed the measuring of superficies. London, 1627. 12o. Allibone. bm.
- 448 Cobbett on ye Respective duties of parents & children.
Thomas Cobbet. A fruitfull and usefull discourse touching the honour due from children to parents, and the duty of parents towards their children. London, 1656. 8o. Sabin’s Bibliotheca Americana.
- 449 Ravisii Text Epithet: Epitome.
Joannes Ravisius Textor (Jean Tixier de Ravisi). Epithetorum epitome. Accedunt synonyma poetica. London, 1564? 16o. stc. First published (Paris, 1518) under the title “Specimen epithetorum.” bu. hcl. has editions of 1595 and later.
- 450 Mathers Companion for Com̄unicants.
Cotton Mather. A companion for communicants. Discourses upon the nature, the design, and the subject of the Lords Supper, with devout methods of preparing for, and approaching to that blessed ordinance. Boston, 1690. 8o. Evans, hcl.
- 451 Alstedij Methodus Sacrosanctse Theologian.
Johann Heinrich Alsted. Methodus theologian. Hanover, 1619. 16o. aas.
- 452 Prestons Sermons Concerning God.
See under 85.
- 453 Bacons Advancemt of Learning.
Francis Bacon. The twoo bookes of the proficience and advancement of learning, divine and humane. London, 1605. 4o. stc.
- 454 Trelcatij Institutiones.
Lucas Trelcatius. Scholastica et methodica locorum communium sacran theologite institutio. London, 1604. 8o. stc. Translated into English with the title “A briefe institution of the common places of sacred divinitie.” London, 1610. 8o. stc. Cf. 153.
- 455 Sphera Johan. de Sacro Bosco Emendata.
Johannes de Sacro Bosco (John Holywood or Halifax). Sphæra Ioannis de Sacro Bosco, emendata. Paris, 1562. Library of Congress, hcl. has editions of 1478 and later. A copy of the edition of 1478, containing the signature of Christopher Columbus and two marginal notes resembling his engrossing hand, is in the John Carter Brown Library.
- 456 Hereboords Collegium Ethicum.
Adrian Heereboord. Collegium Ethicum. Leyden, 1649. jht.
- 457 Fullers Infants Advocate.
Thomas Fuller. The infants advocate. Of circumcision on Jewish, and baptisme on Christian, children. London, 1653. 2 pts. 8o. bm. hcl.
- 458 Giffard against ye Brownists.
George Gifford. A short treatise against the Donatists in England, whom we call Brownists. London, 1590. 4o. dnb. stc.
- 459 Willards childs Portion.
Samuel Willard. The child’s portion: or the unseen glory of the children of God, asserted and proved. Boston, 1684. 16o. Evans, hcl.
- 460 Mathers mystery of Christ.
Increase Mather. The mystery of Christ opened and applyed. Boston, 1686. 12o. Evans, hcl. Cf. 551.
- 461 of Peters Supremacy &c
William Clenche. St. Peter’s supremacy faithfully discuss’d, according to Holy Scripture, and Greek and Latin Fathers. London, 1686. Book 1. 3 pts. 4o. mca.
- 462 Bulkleys Gospell Covenant.
Peter Bulkeley. The gospel covenant; or, the covenant of grace opened. London, 1646. 4o. dnb. hcl. has an edition of 1651.
- 463 Joseph or ye divine Providence.
René de Cerisiers (Ceriziers). Joseph, ou la providence divine. Paris, 1642. 8o. bu. Translated into English with the title “The innocent Lord, or the divine providence, the incomparable history of Joseph.” London, 1655. 8o. dnb.
- 464 Thomas Dictionary.
Thomas Thomas (Thomasius). Dictionarium summa fide ac diligentia accuratissime emendatum, magnaque insuper rerum scitu dignarum, et voeabulorum accessione, longè auctius locupletiusque redditum. Cambridge, 1587. 8o. Allibone. bm.
- 465 Clarks Lives.
Samuel Clarke. The lives of twenty-two English divines. London, 1662. dnb.
Samuel Clarke. Lives of ten eminent divines. London, 1662. dnb. hcl.
Samuel Clarke. Lives of thirty-two English divines. 3rd ed. London, 1670. dnb.
Samuel Clarke. Lives of sundry eminent persons in the later age. London, 1683. dnb. hcl.
- 466 Wanlyes history of ye little world.
Nathaniel Wanley. The wonders of the little world, or a general history of man. London, 1678. fo. bm. dnb. hcl.
- 467 Heylens Cosmography.
Peter Heylyn. Microcosmus; a little description of the great world. Oxford, 1621. 4o. stc. Revised and enlarged by the author about 1648 (dnb.) and issued as “Cosmography, in four books; containing the corography and history of the whole world, and all the principal kingdoms, provinces, seas and isles thereof.” London, 1657. fo. hcl. Watt.
- 468 Mede’s Works.
Joseph Mead (Mede). Works. London, 1648. 4o. dnb. Prince.
- 469 Zanchius de Natura Dei.
Girolamo Zanchi (Zanchius). De natura Dei, sive de divinis attributis. In Volume 1 of “Opera theologica.” Geneva, 1605. fo. adb.
- 470 P. Rami Arithmetica & Geometria.
Petbtjs Ramus. Arithmeticee libri duo: geometrise septem et viginti. Frankfort-on-Main, 1599. 2 pts. 4o. bm.
- 471 Willets harmony upon ye 2nd of Samll.
See under 223.
- 472 Isocratis orationes & Epistolse.
Isocrates. Isocrates nuper accurate recognitus et auctus. Venice, 1534. fo. bm.
Isocrates. Orationes. Accesserunt ejuodem epistolae. Basel, 1546. 8o. bm. Greek and Latin texts. An edition of the orations and letters was published in London in 1615. stc.
which Books are prized att
- Nehemiah Walter
- Timothy Steuens
- Samuell Williams
By ye Honrbl John Leverett Esqr J Probt:
Decembr 7th 1702
Nath: Brewer Admitted Admr of all and singular ye Goods, &c of mr Tho: Weld Late Of Chelmford deed Intestate psonally Appearing made oath yt ye within written Contains a true Inventory of ye Estate of sd dec̄ed so far as is come to his hand, and when more Appears he will Cause itt to be added
An Inventory of the Estate of mr Thōas Weld, Minister of Dunstable, Deceased, Lying in Dunstable385
- 473 Newmans Camƀ. Concordanc.
Samuel Newman. A large and complete concordance to the Bible in English according to the last translation. London, 1643. fo. bm. Generally known as the “Cambridge Concordance.”
- 474 Diotati Annotat.
Giovanni Diodati. Pious annotations upon the Holy Bible: expounding the difficult places thereof learnedly, and plainly. London, 1643. 6 pts. 4o. bm.
- 475 Τροποσχημαλογεια
Benjamin Keach. τροποσχημαλογια; tropes and figures; or, a treatise of the metaphors, allegories, and express similitudes, &c. contained in the Bible of the Old and New Testament. London, 1682. fo. mca. hcl. has an edition of 1779.
- 476 Biblia Sacra Junij & Tremelij.
See under 15. Cf. 201.
- 477 Eltons Exposit. on Coloss.
See under 293.
- 478 Hall on 2d Timo.
Thomas Hall. A practical and polemical commentary or exposition upon the third and fourth chapters of the latter Epistle of Saint Paul to Timothy. London, 1658. fo. dnb. Sta. Reg.
- 479 Morning Exercise agst Popery.
Nathaniel Vincent, Editor. The morning-exercise against popery. Or, the principal errors of the church of Rome detected and confuted. London, 1675. 4o. bm. Dart. mca. This consists of twenty-five sermons preached by eminent divines in Vincent’s Southwark pulpit, dnb.
- 480 Morning Exercise 1st part.
Samuel Annesley, Editor. The morning-exercise at Cripplegate: or, several cases of conscience practically resolved, by sundry ministers. London, 1661. 4o. ats.
- 481 Supplemt of Morning Exercise.
Samuel Annesley, Editor. A supplement to the morning-exercise at Cripplegate: or, several more cases of conscience practically resolved, by sundry ministers. London, 1674. 8o. ats.
- 482 Piscator in Nov. Test.
See under 349.
- 483 Caryl on Job. vol. 8.
Joseph Caryl. An exposition with practical observations upon the book of Job. London, 1644–69. 12 vols. 4o. bm. A folio edition of 1676–7 is listed in the Catalogue of 1723.
- 484 Weems 2 Volūs.
See under 155.
- 485 Gots Div̄. Hyst.
Samuel Gott. The divine history of the genesis of the world. London, 1670. 4o. bm.
- 486 Harris’s Works.
Robert Harris. Workes. London, 1635–34. 17 pts. fo. stc.
- 487 Dr Jacomb on 8. Rō.
Thomas Jacombe. Several sermons preach’d on the whole eighth chapter of the Epistle sto the Romans. London, 1672. 8o. mca.
- 488 Wilsons Xtian Diet: 4to.
See under 240.
- 489 Mayer on ye Gospel & acts.
See under 283.
- 490 Nomenclatura.
Philipp Melanchthon. Nomenclatura rerum, innumeris, quam antea, nominibus, cum locupletior, turn castigatior. Frankfort-on-Main, 1573. 8o. bm.
- 491 Culverwels light of Natr.
Nathaniel Culverwell. An elegant and learned discourse of the light of nature. London, 1652. 2 pts. 4o. bm. hcl.
- 492 Shepds Sincere Convert.
Thomas Shepard. The sincere convert; discovering the paucity of true believers, and the great difficulty of saving conversion. London, 1641. 12o. bm. hcl.
- 493 Culpepers phys.
Nicholas Culpeper. The English physician, or an astrologo-physical discourse of the vulgar herbs of the nation. London, 1652. 12o. bm.
Nicholas Culpeper. School of physick. London, 1659. 8o. bm.
- 494 Baily of glorifying god.
John Bailey (Baily). Man’s chief end to glorifie God. Boston, 1689. 8o. Evans.
- 495 Hubbards Hyst. of Ind. wars.
William Hubbard. A narrative of the troubles with the Indians in New-England, from the first planting thereof in the year 1607, to this present year 1677. Boston, 1677. 4o. Evans, hcl.
- 496 Cases of Consc. about witchft.
Increase Mather. Cases of conscience concerning evil spirits personating men; witchcrafts, infallible proofs of guilt in such as are accused of that crime. London, 1693. 4o. bm. hcl.
- 497 Synops. pur. Theol.
Joannes Polyander a Kerchoven, André Rivet, Antonius Walæus, Antonius Thysius. Synopsis purioris theologiæ?, disputationibus quinquaginta duabus comprehensa. Leyden, 1625. 8o. bm. hcl. has an edition of 1658. There is mention of an English translation in Sta. Reg. (April 17, 1656).
- 498 plot agst K. W.
An impartial history of the plots and conspiracies against the life of his sacred majesty, King William III. London, 1696. 4o. mca.
- 499 Mart. Chemnetij Theol.
Martin Chemnitz (Chemnitius). Theologiæ Jesuitarum præcipua capita. La Rochelle, 1589. 8o. adb. bu. Cf. 204.
- 500 fulfilling of ye scriptr.
Robert Fleming, the Elder. The fullfilling of the Scriptures held forth in a discovery of the exact accomplishment of the word of God in the works of providence performed. Rotterdam, 1669. fo. Arber. dnb. There was another edition in 1693 with a slightly different title, mca. hcl. has an edition of 1773.
- 501 Mathers remarkable provds.
Increase Mather. An essay for the recording of illvstrious providences. Boston, 1684. 8o. Evans, hcl. Running title, “Remarkable providences.”
- 502 Bailys life & Death.
Thomas Baily. The life and death of the renowned John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester. London, 1655. 8o. dnb. hcl. has an edition of 1740.
- 503 Bell. Enervtus.
See under 78.
- 504 Vincent on ye Catechism.
Thomas Vincent. An explicatory catechism: or, an explanation of the Assemblies shorter catechism. London, 1673. 8o. Allibone.
- 505 Allins Alarm.
Joseph Alleine. An alarm to unconverted sinners. London, 1672. 8o. Arber. dnb. hcl.
- 506 Engl. Bible.
- 507 Blessed unions.
Cotton Mather. Blessed unions; an union with the Son of God by faith, and an union in the church of God by love. Boston, 1692. 24o. Evans, hcl.
- 508 Flavel of feare.
John Flavel. A practical treatise of fear. London, 1682. dnb.
- 509 parseus in urs. catech.
See under 339.
- 510 Lukin of sc. Tropes.
Henry Lukin. An introduction to the Holy Scripture, containing the several tropes, figures, proprieties of speech used therein, with other observations necessary for the understanding thereof. London, 1669. 8o. dnb. Sta. Reg.
- 511 Macovij Distinct.
Johannes Maccovius (Makowski). Distinctiones et regulæ theologicæ ac philosophicæ. Franeker, 1653. 16o. aas.
- 512 Safety of appearing in Xts Rightns.
Solomon Stoddard. The safety of appearing at the day of judgment in the righteousness of Christ. Boston, 1687. 8o. Prince. hcl. has an edition of 1729.
- 513 Johan. in Eremo.
Cotton Mather. Johannes in Eremo. Boston, 1695. 16o. Evans, hcl.
- 514 Bileivers Evid. for life.
Francis Roberts. The believer’s evidences for eternal life. London, 1649. 8o. bm. hcl.
- 515 Eaton agst Knowls.
Samuel Eaton and John Knowles. A friendly debate on a weighty subject; or a conference by writing concerning the divinity of Jesus Christ. London, 1650. 4o. bm.
- 516 A. R. his Remedys.
Alexander Read (Rhead, Reid). Most excellent medicines and remedies for most diseases. London, 1652. 8o. bm. dnb.
- 517 Perill of ye Times.
Samuel Willard. The peril of the times displayed. Or the danger of mens taking up with a form of godliness, but denying the power of it. Boston, 1700. 8o. Evans, hcl.
- 518 Russels sermons.
Robert Russell. Seven sermons. On the sin against the Holy Ghost. 13th ed. London, 1705. 12o. bm. hcl. has editions of 1711 and later. Weld’s must have been an earlier edition.
- 519 Mather of Comets.
Increase Mather. ΚΟΜΗΤΟΓΡΑΦΙΑ. Or, a discourse concerning comets. Boston, 1683. 8o. Evans, hcl.
- 520 Morton’s Resp. ad Appolō.
John Norton. Responsio ad totam qusestionum syllogen à clarissimo viro Domino Guilielmo Apollonio propositam. Ad componendas controversias quasdam circa politiam ecclesiasticam in Anglia nunc temporis agitatas spectantem. London, 1648. 8o. hcl. Prince.
- 521 Art of Simpling.
William Cole (Coles). The art of simpling: or, an introduction to the knowledge and gathering of plants. London, 1656. 12o. Watt. Wood.
- 522 wiggls poems.
Michael Wigglesworth. (No general collection of the poems by the author of “The Day of Doom” is known to have been published.)
- 523 Confess, of faith.
[Probably] A confession of faith owned and consented unto by the elders and messengers of the churches assembled at Boston, May 12, 1680. Boston, 1680. 16o. Evans, hcl.
- 524 Apollons works.
William Apollon (Apollonius). [Probably] Disputationes de lege Dei. Middelbourg, 1655. 12o. bu. Cat. 1723.
- 525 Ind̄. Bible.
John Eliot. Mamusse wunneetupanatamwe up-Biblum God naneeswe Nukkone Testament kah wonk Wusku Testament. Boston, 1663. sm. 4o. Evans, hcl. The New (Wusku) Testament was first printed in 1661, but the whole Bible appeared in 1663 as above.
- 526 Amis, in Petrū.
William Ames. Utriusque Epistolse divi Petri Apostoli explicatio analytica. Amsterdam, 1625. 12o. Allibone. hcl. has an edition of 1635.
- 527 Gr. Test.
- 528 Brightman in Canticū.
Thomas Brightman. Scholia in Canticum Canticorum. Basel, 1614. 8o. Allibone, dnb.
- 529 Moody of Com: wth God.
Joshua Moodey. A practical discourse concerning the choice benefit of communion with God in His house, witnessed unto by the experience of saints as the best improvement of time. Boston, 1685. 12o. Evans, hcl. has an edition of 1746.
- 530 Marc. Tull. officia.
Cicero. De officiis libri tres. Leyden, 1557. 8o. Cat. 1723. The entry in the catalogue reads “De officio.”
- 531 Guid to Grandjurymen.
See under 200.
- 532 Amesii Consc:
See under 82.
- 533 Spirit of man Sanctified.
Charles Morton. The spirit of man. Boston, 1693. 8o. hcl. Prince. Running title: “The spirit of man sanctified and preserved.”
- 534 Am. Medulla.
See under 76.
- 535 principle of ₽test. Releḡ.
James Allen, Joshua Moodey, Samuel Willard, Cotton Mather. The principles of the Protestant religion maintained, and churches of New-England, in the profession and exercise thereof defended, against all the calumnies of one George Keith, a Quaker, in a book lately published in Pensilvania, to undermine them both. Boston, 1690. 8o. Evans, hcl.
- 536 mitchels life & Death.
Cotton Mather. Ecclesiastes. The life of the reverend & excellent Jonathan Mitchel; a pastor of the church, and a glory of the colledge, in Cambridge, New-England. Boston, 1697. 8o. Evans. hcl.
- 537 Burg. log.
Franco-Petri Burgersdijck. Institutionum logicarum libri duo. Ex Aristotelis præceptis editi. Cambridge, 1634. 8o. bm. hcl. has 1647 and later editions.
- 538 Riveti com: in psalmos.
André Rivet. Commentarius in Psalmorum propheticorum de mysterijs Euangelicis decadem selectam. Leyden, 1626. 4o. bm.
- 539 Discovery of Errrs of ye Times.
William Lyford. The plain mans senses exercised to discern both good and evil; or, a discovery of the errors, heresies, and blasphemies of these times. London, 1655. 4o. Sta. Reg. Watt.
- 540 Prideaux fascicula Controv.
John Prideaux. Fasciculus controversiarum theologicarum ad juniorum aut occupatorum captum sic colligatus ut in præcipuis fidei apicibus compendiose informentur. Oxford, 1649. 4o. Allibone. bm.
- 541 2d Spira.
[Richard Sault.] The second Spira: being a fearful example of an atheist (F. N.) who apostatized from the Christian religion, and died in despair at Westminster, Decemb. 8. 1692. With an account of his sickness, convictions, discourses with friends and ministers: and of his dreadful expression and blasphemies when he left the world. London, 1693. 12o. dnb. mca.
- 542 Trenchfds Hyll Improvd.
- 543 30 Imptant Cases resolved.
Cotton Mather. Thirty important cases, resolved with evidence of Scripture and reason. By several pastors of adjacent churches, meeting in Cambridge, New England. Boston, 1699. 8o. Evans, hcl.
- 544 ps. Book.
John Eliot, Richard Mather, Thomas Weld. The whole Booke of Psalmes faithfully translated into English metre. Cambridge (Mass.), 1640. 18o. Evans, hcl.
- 545 Cobbet of prayer.
Thomas Cobbet. A practical discourse of prayer. London, 1654. 8o. hcl. mca.
- 546 Math. Expectanda.
Cotton Mather. Expectanda: or things to be looked for. Discourses on the glorious characters, with conjectures on the speedy approaches of that state which is reserved for the church of God in the latter dayes. Cambridge (Mass.), 1691. 12o. Evans. Artillery Election Sermon, 1691.
- 547 Math, of Conversion.
Increase Mather. Some important truths about conversion delivered in sundry sermons. London, 1674. 8o. dnb. Boston, 1684. 8o. Evans.
- 548 Alstedij volū 2.
Johann Heinrich Alsted. Encyclopaedia. Frankfort-on-Main, 1649. 7 vols, in 2. fo. aas. Cf. 343.
- 549 Horn, odissa.
Homer. Odyssey. Weld’s may have been a Greek text. If it was an English translation, there was extant Chapman’s. London, 1614. fo. stc.
- 550 ꝑtice of piety.
See under 109. Cf. 346.
- 551 Math. myst. of Xt.
See under 460.
- 552 Buchleij Thes. poet.
Johann Büchler. Thesaurus poeticus. Antwerp, 1618. 8o. Cat. 1723.
- 553 Schib. logica.
Christoph Scheibler. Introductio logicæ. Giessen, 1613. adb. Combined with other works under the title “Opus logicum.” Giessen, 1620. adb.
- 554 Whites Cabinet.
John White. A rich cabinet with variety of inventions; unlock’d and opened, for the recreation of ingenious spirits at their vacant hours. London, 1651. 8o. bm.
- 555 Sick mans Jewell.
- 556 Jenesins N. Castles Call.
Robert Jenison. Newcastles call to her neighbor and sister townes and cities throughout the land, to take warning by her sins and sorrowes lest this overflowing scourge of pestilence reach even to them also. London, 1637. 12o. bm. dnb. stc.
- 557 Stobej Sententia.
Joannes Stobæus. Collectiones sententiarum, græce. Parts 3 and 4 of “Florilegium.” Venice, 1535. 4o. bm. The above, together with his “Eclogæ,” was published at Lyons in 1608 with the title “Sententiæ ex thesauris Græcorum delectæ.”
- 558 Mather of providence.
Increase Mather. The doctrine of divine providence opened and applied. Boston, 1684. 8o. Evans, hcl.
- 559 Calamys Ark.
Edmund Calamy. The godly mans ark or city of refuge in the day of his distresse. London, 1657. 12o. dnb.
- 560 Gutb logica.
- 561 Baxters Call.
Richard Baxter. A call to the unconverted to turn and live and accept of mercy, while mercy may be had. London, 1657. dnb.
- 562 Rami phys.
Petrus Ramus. Scholarum physicarum libri octo, in totidem acroamaticos libros Aristotelis. Frankfort-on-Main, 1606. 8o. bm. hcl.
- 563 Hils Secret. Guid.
John Hill. The young secretary’s guide, or, a speedy help to learning. London, 1687. 12o. Arber. bm. hcl. has American editions of 1727 and later.
- 564 phrases poeticæ.
Thomas Farnaby. Phrases oratoriæ et poeticæ. London, 1631. 4o. stc.
- 565 Magiri phys. peripet.
See under 351.
23. Nov. 1702