FEBRUARY MEETING, 1932

A Stated Meeting of the Society was held, at the invitation of Mr. James M. Hunnewell, at No. 14 Chestnut Street, Boston, on Thursday, February 25, 1932, at three o’clock, the President, Samuel Eliot Morison, in the chair.

The Records of the last Stated Meeting were read and approved.

The Corresponding Secretary announced the death of Percival Hall Lombard, a Resident Member, on January 22, 1932.

The Corresponding Secretary reported that letters had been received from Mr. Frederick Ives Carpenter, Mr. Robert Ephraim Peabody, Mr. Augustus Peabody Loring, Jr., Dr. Harold Bowditch, and Mr. William Emerson, accepting Resident Membership; from Mr. Leonard Woods Labaree, accepting Corresponding Membership; and from Dr. Timothy Leary, accepting Associate Membership.

Mr. Clifford Kenyon Shipton, of Cambridge, was elected a Resident Member of the Society, and Mr. Walter Goodwin Davis, of Portland, Maine, and Mr. Max Farrand, of Santa Monica, California, were elected Corresponding Members.

Mr. Francis Parkman read the following paper:

FRENCH POLICY IN THE LOWER MISSISSIPPI VALLEY, 1697–1712

In studying the story of Anglo-French rivalry in America in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and watching the development of French activity along the great interior waterways, one is tempted to draw the conclusion that the French government was following a well-conceived policy of encirclement, designed to restrict the English colonies to the Atlantic seaboard. To be effective, such a policy must clearly rest on control of the St. Lawrence, the Great Lakes, and the Mississippi Valley. One sees the French reaching farther and farther back from their Canadian settlements, establishing posts on the Great Lakes and in the Illinois country; then, not long after La Salle’s journey made the course of the Mississippi River clear, comes his expedition by sea to settle the mouth of the river. That effort having failed, there is a lull in French activity in this region as the war clouds gather over Europe and eventually break in the War of the League of Augsburg; but almost immediately after the conclusion of peace, a new expedition sets out from France, and a settlement is made near the Mississippi’s mouth. Surely, one thinks, Louis XIV and his colonial ministers were alive to the opportunity of securing the interior of the continent before the English should expand westward across the mountains.

The conclusion is too obvious, and the temptation to draw it must be resisted. This paper will try to show, by following in some detail the attitude of the French government toward the lower Mississippi Valley from the time of La Salle’s discovery, and more particularly from 1697 to 1712, that French policy during that period was both faltering and hazy, and lacked any clear perception of the possibilities inherent in the situation.

It is necessary first to say a few words about certain aspects of French policy in America in the latter half of the seventeenth century. Louis XIV’s attitude toward the American West was the result of a perpetual conflict. On the one hand he desired Canada to grow into a compact and prosperous agricultural settlement; on the other, he desired it to win in the competition with the English for the control of the western fur-trade; and either prospect seemed to exclude the other. If the French were to draw to themselves the furs of the West, it would be necessary for their traders to go west themselves with their goods. Otherwise, either the Indians would trade with the nearer English, or the Iroquois, acting as middlemen, would divert the precious beaver skins to the traders of the Hudson Valley.

486 Yet the profits in the fur-trade were so large that, if it were unrestricted, a large portion of the male population of Canada would be drawn into the life of the woods. In 1680, for example, probably one third of all the grown men of Canada were coureurs de bois

487 and were thus not only failing to contribute to Canada’s orderly development, but, by their lawless behavior, were hindering the work of the missionaries in converting the Indians to Christianity.

Louis’s passion for religion and order conquered in this conflict; and, after a series of futile attempts to regulate a class of men who refused to be regulated, he issued in 1696 an edict putting a complete ban on all western journeys for furs.

488 Such restrictions and prohibitions made it difficult for forward-looking officials like Talon and Frontenac to carry out their plans for extending French prestige in the West. Explorers were at a discount and found it hard to get royal permission for their journeys. Louis let La Salle go, but very possibly it was because he hoped a way would be found to attack Spanish power through Mexico.

489 After the news of the successful voyage down the Mississippi reached the king’s ears, he actually wrote to Governor La Barre of Canada that the discovery was “altogether useless,” and ordered such enterprises prevented in the future.

490

Why, then, did he later let La Salle go back again to start a colony at the mouth of the Mississippi? A study of dates reveals the answer. France declared war on Spain in October, 1683. La Salle’s reports emphasized the advantages of a post on the Gulf of Mexico as a base for an attack on New Biscay and the undefended mines of New Spain.

491 The explorer appeared in France to plead his cause in person, and early in 1684 plans for such an attack were developed and received the government’s approval.

492 La Salle was so unfortunate as to set sail two weeks before peace was declared in August, 1684; and if further evidence were needed that Louis was interested in his efforts only because of the chance to attack New Spain, it could be found in the heartless manner in which he left the expedition to its fate after the peace came.

During the last part of the decade of the 1680’s and the first part of the 1690’s, occasional reports reached the French court to the effect that the English were working westward into the Mississippi Valley, and there were warnings of the danger to the French if their rivals should master it, as seemed to be their intention.

493 Yet not a flicker of interest was aroused at Versailles, either by these warnings or by plans which were offered for carrying La Salle’s scheme through to completion. Those who were opposed to all westward movement from Canada had the king’s ear, and in 1696, when he issued the ban on the fur-trade, he also ordered all Frenchmen out of the interior.

494 It was only by strenuous effort that Frontenac succeeded in getting the order modified to permit the maintenance of three small posts on the Great Lakes.

495

Up to 1697, then, far from making active efforts to develop French power in the Mississippi Valley, Louis XIV was quite definitely opposed to it, except when he had in mind the possibility of striking at Spanish power. Yet in May, 1697, he instructed his plenipotentiaries at the conference which was to end the War of the League of Augsburg on no account to give up any of the lands lying to the south of French possessions in North America. At the same time he told them in confidence that ships would soon be sent to occupy the mouth of the Mississippi River.

496

Coming so soon after the order of 1696, this decision could hardly have been based on a determination to master the interior waterways for the purpose of holding them against the English. The clue to French motives lies, I believe, in another direction. In April, 1697, a few weeks before the instructions to the plenipotentiaries, Pontchartrain, the Minister of Marine, wrote Frontenac that Pierre Le Sueur was to have permission to go west from Canada to make an establishment among the Sioux on the upper waters of the Mississippi in order to develop certain mines which he alleged to have discovered.

497 Le Sueur was one of the ablest of the coureurs de bois, had spent much time among the Sioux, and had been used by Frontenac to promote French influence among the Indians of the interior.

498 Shortly after the order of 1696, which cut off his means of livelihood, Le Sueur appeared in France and presented a memoir asking for a trade monopoly among the Sioux and for permission to establish a post of forty men there.

499 He proposed to develop the products of the region, including copper and lead, furs and lumber. There was little that was new in this list of products; but Le Sueur apparently backed up his memoir with more interesting suggestions, for Pontchartrain told Frontenac that Le Sueur’s post would be at a spot where there were “very rich copper and lead mines, with the hope of finding gold and silver.”

500 Obviously the product of mines could best be got out by way of the Mississippi River, and it seems logical to conclude that Louis’s decision to occupy the Mississippi mouth was based on the desire to secure the outlet for this prospective wealth. It would take time to get Le Sueur’s report, however, and action was delayed.

Further evidence that the French government was not immediately concerned about the English can be found in the answer made when a French capitalist proposed the formation of a company for the vigorous colonization of the Mississippi Valley and the development of its resources.

501 The reply set forth a sternly mercantilist attitude toward the departure of French citizens from France and the establishment of new colonies; and stated that only the necessity of forestalling the English could excite the king to plant a colony in the Mississippi Valley. Further investigation was needed, so the memoir went on, before a decision could be taken, and the application was accordingly denied.

502

Soon, however, it became clear that, whether or not English expansion from the seacoast was taken seriously, the Mississippi mouth would soon pass to English hands if the French did not move. Stirred on by Hennepin’s writings, Daniel Coxe, holder of the old Heath patent for all the lands in America between the thirty-first and thirty-sixth parallels, was preparing an expedition to take English colonists and French Protestant refugees to the Mississippi Valley.

503 Evidence of the imminent departure of the English ships finally roused the French to action. On May 21, 1698, Le Sueur’s permit for the West, giving him the right to take fifty men with him, was renewed

504—amusingly enough, on the same day that Frontenac was scolded for letting five men get away from Montreal for the West!

505 In the same month Iberville, one of the noted Le Moyne family of Canada, who had just won fame by his Hudson Bay exploits, was put in command of an expedition to locate and settle the mouth of the Mississippi.

506

This was not part of any well-rounded strategical plan, but simply a hurried decision forced by news of English activity, and based partly on the hope that precious metals would be found on the upper reaches of the river. The tentative nature of the expedition is confirmed by Iberville’s instructions, which called for him simply to reconnoitre, locate the mouth, leave a garrison, and return with a report.

507

We need not dwell on Iberville’s voyage, his discovery of the Spanish in possession at Pensacola, the only good harbor on the north coast of the Gulf of Mexico, his exploration of the coast and final discovery of the Mississippi mouth, his long and arduous journey up the river to the first Indian settlements, and, since poor conditions and lack of time made a site on the Mississippi impossible, his final choice of Biloxi as the location for the new garrison.

508 The commander’s report, on his return late in the spring of 1699, had a very Spanish tinge, since he dwelt at length on the possibilities of a raid on the mines of Mexico. He did speak, however, of the fine prospects and of the necessity of peopling the valley in order to restrain the English of the seacoast, who otherwise would within a century drive every other nation from America. But he did not yet have enough evidence to support his warning.

509

Though Iberville was practical enough about the lack of quick profits to be obtained from the valley, the government decided to proceed cautiously further. Strict care was enjoined on him not to offend the Spanish in any way; he was told that the possibilities of all products should be investigated, but that the most important matter was the discovery of mines.

510 Preparations went on without any provision for colonists.

511

It was not until his return from his second voyage that the new venture emerged from its tentative character and won a place for itself as a definite part of French policy in America. Three factors contributed to this result. In the first place, although it was unfortunately clear that the Indians of the region were few in number and poor in resources, Iberville had found in his journeys, wherever he went, definite evidence of the penetration and influence of the English of South Carolina.

512 The need of immediate activity to check their advance was finally placed beyond all question. In the second place, a new prospect of gold was opened up, just before Iberville’s return, by a Canadian named Mathieu Sagean, who successfully supported, against questioning by Iberville, his story of a fabulously rich Indian tribe west of the Mississippi.

513 Finally, just after Iberville’s return, the King of Spain died, and his great possessions, left to Louis’s grandson, were accepted by Louis, thus apparently removing the danger of offending the Spanish by planting a French colony on the Gulf of Mexico.

All doubts disappeared, and, for better or worse, the French government embarked definitely on a new colonial venture. But once embarked, it seemed anxious to cut to the bare minimum the effort involved, instead of going forward in a large way with colonization. In a disastrous moment the government adopted the idea of supplying the new colony with settlers by enticing the coureurs de bois to come and settle down.

514 Since those who knew them warned that instead of settling down they would take their furs to the English, it seemed necessary to block up the Ohio River route to Carolina. But instead of placing a strong post at the mouth of the Ohio, the government thought to accomplish its purpose more cheaply by accepting the offer of a relative of Iberville to plant a small commercial tannery there.

515 The question of colonization, however, was probably the most important. Iberville, in his reports, urged that emigration to Louisiana be encouraged by the grant of free passage, food for a year, grain for planting, tools for tilling the soil, a gun, and ammunition.

516 Very similar aid had been given to emigrants to Canada, but all that Louis would promise was passage for the wives, daughters, and other relatives of the men already in the colony.

517

Thus the best type of colonist, the French peasant family, received no encouragement to go to Louisiana; and sole reliance was placed on the coureurs de bois, who certainly gave little indication of a desire to settle down as peaceful, hard-working farmers. The difficulty was increased by the choice of the site for the colony. When an effort to secure Pensacola from Spain failed, a location on the Mobile River north of Mobile Bay was selected.

518 This site had some advantages for dealing with the Indians but none at all for agriculture. From these two fundamental errors, in the policy as to colonization and in the location of the settlement, the colony was long to suffer. Though they might have been sooner corrected in normal times, the War of the Spanish Succession came shortly to absorb all French thought and energy.

Iberville, on his return from establishing Mobile, admitted frankly that the new colony would be of little profit as it stood,

519 but he set to work, as the result of a very plain hint from the Minister of Marine, to satisfy him that profits were possible. The central feature of his plan was an elaborate scheme to rearrange the Indian tribes of the valley, settle twenty-four thousand Indian families at strategic and accessible points on the rivers, and engage them as collectors and tanners of hides, with the production of furs, metals, cotton, and silk as side-lines. This was probably a desperate attempt to arouse the king’s interest, for he accompanied it by less visionary suggestions about the urgent need of sending farmers and their families from France.

520

But the times in Europe were not propitious for large schemes. The War of the Spanish Succession overshadowed Louisiana and caused all non-military expenses to be cut to the bone. From 1703 to 1706, the only help sent to the new colony was in 1704, when one small ship went out with a few new soldiers and a few girls.

521 The coureurs de bois were still relied on to stay out of the woods and settle down. Many of them were being carried on the payroll of the garrison, and the plan was to discharge them so that they would marry and start their own establishments.

522 The plea was at once made, however, that, if they were discharged, they would have no way to support their new wives, and accordingly they were continued in the king’s pay, which certainly did not tend to turn them into ideal colonists.

523 The little colony was filled with disputes between Iberville’s brother Bienville, its commander, and the churchmen, and between Bienville and the commissary La Salle. Under such conditions growth was impossible; worse still, the lack of traders and of merchandise soon brought a distinct decline in French influence among the Indians.

524

The war had the equally unfortunate effect of diverting the attention of the new colony’s commander-in-chief. Seeing that Louisiana would provide a poor field for his advancement or enrichment as long as the government felt so parsimonious, Iberville turned his mind in the direction of warlike exploits, and offered his services for attacks on the English colonies of South Carolina and Virginia.

525 This sort of thing had more appeal to the government, especially since the cost could be shifted to the purses of private adventurers. Such an expedition might have helped Louisiana by lessening English trading activities in the Mississippi Valley, but there was so much confusion in France that, though more than once ships were being prepared, there was no action until 1706. When Iberville finally sailed with a fleet in that year, the need for making the expedition pay profits changed it into a slave-raid on English islands of the West Indies; and on this rather uninspiring note Iberville’s career ended with his death in Havana on July 9.

526

Iberville’s death at last forced the government to give some thought to the new colony. A new governor was appointed,

527 and the orders given him showed a little more conception of the need to promote agriculture and real colonization. Unfortunately, such promises as were made were not followed up, and the attitude of the government shone clearly through the orders: the colony must somehow be made to pay its own way. Strategic considerations were ignored. The new governor was told that if the colony could produce no advantages, i.e., no profits, the king would abandon it.

528 Pontchartrain was in 1707 trying to find private citizens who would take over the cost of maintaining the garrison in return for trading privileges.

529 By this time, too, the Illinois and Ohio River posts had been abandoned, and there was talk of giving up Detroit and Mobile. Thus since the exploratory stages some years earlier little progress had been made in realizing the potential advantages of the valley with relation to the English.

The next few years were troublous ones for the colony. The aid which came to it from France amounted to next to nothing. English traders, well fortified with supplies, made it increasingly difficult and sometimes impossible for Bienville, who had only small amounts of the munitions of Indian trade, to keep the Indians of the lower Mississippi Valley from active hostility toward the French.

530 The interminable petty disputes within the garrison dragged on.

531 The coureurs de bois, except for a few who had married, were discharged from the king’s pay and promptly left the colony for the woods.

532 Those who remained, shrewdly judging by the small amount of support from home that the existence of the colony was precarious, refused to spend their labor on the unprofitable soil of the settlement.

533

In spite of the efforts of a new commissary to promote agriculture, misery, famine, and fear were the lot of the colony; and when a few enterprising men discovered a chance for profit through acting as intermediaries in a small illegal trade with Spanish America, an English raid on the island at the mouth of the bay where the goods were stored wiped out the venture.

534 Furthermore, ships from home were too rare and the labor supply of the colony too small to make possible any profitable export of the country’s products to France.

A vicious circle was thus developing. The colony could not grow and prosper without help from home in the form of colonists and supplies; and the French government would not spend any money in sending colonists and supplies without being sure of a return. The finances of France were in a terrible state in the last years of the War of the Spanish Succession. In 1708, Pontchartrain was sounding merchants of La Rochelle and St. Malo, offering exclusive commerce in Louisiana for a term of years if they would agree to pay all expenses for the same period.

535 Failing in that, he turned his attention in 1709 to getting someone to pay the expenses of one voyage to Louisiana, on condition that the king’s supplies be carried.

536 He finally secured a victim for this plan, but more time was wasted in persuading contractors to sell food for the voyage in return for the paper which was the government’s only means of payment;

537 and the ship, the only one to carry out supplies between 1707 and 1712, did not leave till the end of 1710. There was, indeed, so much fumbling, hesitation, and confusion in the handling of the details of the colony’s business that those in Louisiana had every reason to be discouraged at the prospect.

The fact was that Pontchartrain, balked in his first attempts to find a capitalist to take over the expense of Louisiana, was now marking time, intending to push the matter through when peace came.

538 Before 1712 was half over, peace was pretty clearly in sight. Officials returning from the colony brought sound advice, emphasizing the need for steady colonization on a large scale, the advisability of strong posts on the Ohio River and at Mobile to stop the English advance, and the need for a gradual building-up process.

539

The advice fell on deaf ears. The end of the war might well have given the signal for new energy in the treatment of Louisiana. The pressure of military expense was now removed, and plans for extensive colonization could have gone ahead. To the government, however, peace, so far as the lower Mississippi Valley was concerned, only meant a better chance to unload the region on someone else. Pontchartrain was soon deep in negotiations with Antoine Crozat, a man of experience in other overseas commercial ventures, and was using La Mothe Cadillac, who had been selected as the next governor, to lure on the “sucker” with tales of precious metals to be found in the Sioux, Wabash, and Illinois regions.

540 Crozat was soon preparing to risk 700,000 or 800,000 litres in the venture. That the talk of rich metals had had its effect is proved by the fact that Crozat very nearly withdrew when he found that the limits of his concession might not include the mines so glibly advertised by the government.

541 Finally the deal was closed, and Crozat received a monopoly of Louisiana’s commerce for fifteen years, including the right to develop its mines and agriculture, to carry on its trade in furs and skins, and to supply it with one shipload of slaves a year. In return he agreed to pay the king a proportion of all the metals extracted, pay the officers and garrison for the last six of the fifteen years, send two ships a year, and transport ten boys or girls each year as colonists.

542 Latest reports from the colony had shown twenty-seven families in the country, of which only four were engaged in agriculture.

543

This contract may have looked to Pontchartrain like a fine piece of business, but Louisiana needed more than the monopolistic ministrations of a single capitalist, more than a handful of colonists a year. At the end of the year, the orders for Cadillac contained no mention of the English.

544 Earlier in 1712, Pontchartrain had suggested to the French plenipotentiaries at Utrecht the possibility of a deal by which the French should cede the whole of Louisiana for the Spanish part of the island of Santo Domingo. Nothing else, he wrote, was so important as the procuring of this bit of land.

545

The deal with Crozat, the orders to Cadillac, the suggestion to the plenipotentiaries, all illustrate the poverty of imagination as to the future of Louisiana to which the French government had been reduced. In spite of greatly increased geographical knowledge, closer contact with English activity in the lower Mississippi Valley, and plenty of good advice from able men, the French were no nearer a policy of encirclement in 1712 than in 1682, when Louis XIV had written that La Salle’s discoveries were altogether useless.

Mr. Julius Herbert Tuttle presented a communication entitled:

GOVERNOR BURNET IN THE DIARY OF BENJAMIN WALKER, JR.

Benjamin Walker, Jr., a shopkeeper in Boston, kept a Journal, mainly of the weather, but with marginal notes which were sometimes extended across the page, crowded in between the paragraphs of the weather reports. His first record was on November 2, 1726, and he continued to make his entries until 1749, completing three bound volumes which were given to the Massachusetts Historical Society by Joshua Green on July 29, 1794, as the “Journal of a Gentleman in Boston.”

What he wrote about Governor William Burnet, whose commission as Governor of Massachusetts Bay was signed by George II on March 7, 1728, furnishes a description by a personal observer of the ceremonial respect paid to the representative of the Crown by the General Court and the people, and gives a few new facts about Burnet’s life. With this in view, several extracts are given below to add to the material on Burnet communicated by Mr. Matthews at the March meetings of the Society, 1913 and 1914.

546

Fryday 19 [July, 1728] Will: Burnet Esq^r our Gov^r abo^tt 2 Clo In afternoon Went Into our Town house at y^e West door between L^tt Gou^r Dummer and L^tt Gou^r In^o Wentworth of Newhampshire Councilar’ & many Gentlemen after him, y^e Town regiment In arms four Troops horse, he din’d at Homes’

547 and y^e Council (a Very great Concourse of people, Went to meet him horse & foot, and In y^e Town Streets & houses full people, after dinner y^e Company of Cadets

548 Went befor him from Homses to Doctor Elisha Cooks

549 house Ware he lodg^d untill his house is fitted, Cadets fir’d 3 Volleys handsomely

Saturd. 20 I heard y^tt This morn mess^rs Henry Harris w^th 32 more went to wait on Colo^l Burnet I hear w^th an address. & I hear Ratt’d Themselues y^e Principal men of y^e Kings Chappel in Boston

550

Monday 22 D D Cutlair

551 and Church Wardens & most Vestry waited on Colo^l Burnet at Doct^r Cooks house In School Street, Doct^r made a speech to him In behalf of y^m

Tuesday 23 Col^o Burnet din’d w^th Col^l Wentworth Doct^r Cook y^e Gov^rs family at Castle Wm

Wednesd 24 Assembly setts Gov^r Burnet came to Town house at 11 Clo: y^e Company of Cadets before him y^e Concil & Gentlemen after him

Thursd 25 Col^l Burnet went to Lecture Dum^r Col^o Wentworth w^th him & Council^rs w^th him

Thursday 1 [August] Gov^r at Sam^l Dummer

552 at diner

Saturda 31 I heard Govern^r Burnet Got Into y^e Province house Govern^r W^m Burnet has kep our assembly Setting frō the 24 July last upon his 23: Instruction, about fixing a salary to this day yet

553

Fryday 11 [October] King George y^e 2^d Coronation day y^e line Guard and Cade[t]s mustered I heard ye Cade[t]s Invited y^e Gouern^r & Council to dinner at Mother Holmes. In y^e Cade[t]s Insign Gou^r Burnet Coat of arms handsomely painted (I heard done by young Gibbs y^e painter

554)

Wednesd 30 Gouern^r W^m Burnet In his Chaise m^r Willard Seceretary w^th m^r Jere: Allin our Trearsure Sheriff Edward Winslow, before y^e Chaise. his steward & black foot man behind Went by our door either Just at 10: Clock in morn or Just after bound to Salem to meet our assembly thare

555

Thursda 31 y^e Lanthorn Town house Illuminated last night Councilors Justices merch^t Selectmen and I and others Thare King George Queen Caroline y^e Royal family and Gov^r Burnets healths drank

556

Saturda 23 [November] I heard Col^o Burnet and Secre^ty Willard In Burnets Shay at Cambridge y^e tide ouer y^e Causway to y^e great Bridge mist y^e little bridge ouerset wet y^m both

Saturday 30 y^e Gouernour Keeps y^e Court Sitting at Salem I think an arbitrary way and breaking into our laws which he seems not to Value at all nor any thing or person In y^e province but his own Interest a self Will’d Man,

March 1 [1728/9] Saturday Our Queen Carolinas Birthday Gou^r Burnet and Gentlemen In y^e afternoon In y^e Town house drinking King & Queens & Royall familys health & y^e Lanthorn Illuminated in y^e Euening

Saturday 17 [May, 1729] Burnet came to Town in night from Piscat.

Mond 26 The Cade[t]s muster’d B. Pollor[d] Captⁿ J. Green ensign Phillips Liue^tt its s^d Gouer W^m Burnet. L^tt Gov^r Dummer Councillars N. Byfield. Cushing Dauvenport T: Hutchinson Dows. Secretary Willard, Came out of y^e Town house y^m Cade[t]s 24 of y^m Came up Kings Street before y^e Gentlemen to Guard y^m To Captⁿ Pollords House to an Entertai[n]ment, and y^tt Pollord Green & Phillips recd from. Colo¹ Burnet gaue y^m in Kings Street Their Staues & Ensign

Wednesd 28 Our Assembly meets at Salem Call’d Thare by Govern^r W^m Burnet To Elect our Councilars garthered 70 or 80£ The compa[n]y had a dinner at Vardys

557 upon The Top of Bacon Hill In Boston ware hoisted four Flags (y^e Standard of Great Brittain 2 English ensigns blew silk y^e union & a phenix motto Ilia Ego Quam Quaeeris [sic]

558) Two pendant all flyer at onece a great number people Thare, I saw Them Thare from y^e Top of my house a little aft^r 12 Clock att noon & I hear great guns or six field peaces thare, & ware fir’d Thare or lett off I belieue more Than one hundred guns all pointted Northward, a little after sun set y^e Company Came down y^e adrum before, Two & Two Thro: y^e Common down School Strett Thro Cornhil & to y^e Exchang Tavern to spend y^e Euening

Monda 2 June Artillery Election Company Mustered Col^o Saml Thaxter Captⁿ Nttⁿ Balston L^tt y^e Company went & Guarded Gov^r W^m Burnet to y^e Town house. y^e Gouer^r went up to y^e Council staid some Time Came down some of our Councillars w^th him went to y^e brick meetin house To hear m^r W^m Wellsteed preach a sermon

Wednesd 11 Cade[t]s mustard King George 2^d accession Colo¹ Burnet L^tt Gov^r Dumer sundry Gentlemen at y^e Town house drinkin King & Queen Prince & Royal familys healths

Saturday 6 [September] Gouern^r Burnet Very Ill I hear of an Intermittin feavor

Lords day 7 Gouern^r Very Ill In the day about 10: Clock In y^e Euening at The Provinces house In Boston In N.E. Col^o W^m Burnet Esq^r our Gouernour Dyed off a Coma.

559 I hear delireious at times some days lay sick. 7. or 8 days In 42 year of age, a Very lusty good lookt man & a learn’d wise one. by what I haue heard from Judiscious men Doct^r Douglas was his Phisithian and told me he Imbowl’d him This day bound & well his inwards

Tuesday 9 L^tt Gouern^r W^m Dummer Came to Town In y^e Euening sent for by an Express Messenger

Thursda 11 In y^e Evening I heard The Corps of W^m Burnet y^t was our Governor are bro^t In y^e Town house and in y^e Council Chamber

Fryday. 7^er 12

560 ab^tt 4 Clocke in y^e afternoon y^e Crops [sic] bro^tt down Carried out of y^e East door Carried down King Street thare laid on stools y^e bearers L^tt Gov^r Dumer Col^o Taylor Col Winslow. T. Hutchinson Col Brown Col T: Fitch Then y^e mournners. his Eldest son Gilbert, yⁿ 2 Children son & daught^r yⁿ his last wifes Sisters Vanhorns, led by J. Wendal & P Mascarein yⁿ Sterward Burnet

561 & wife & servants of his family Then y^e Councillars of This Province & yⁿ the assembly, yⁿ y^e Justices ministers Gentlemens merchants of y^e Town (y^e Gouer Coach & led horse (led by Rich^d Hubart) before y^e Corps) Then y^e Town Regiment (ab^tt 600 or 700 men under arms, drums Colours & lead in Staues halberts in mourning y^m all In King street. yⁿ y^e Regiment, marcht Wheel’d Came up King street on y^e North side Town house went Thro. Cornhil & School Street, y^e Crops Carried Into y^e Church Reuerend m^r Roger Price Preacht funeral sermon out Eccle. y^e Guns at Castle W^m man Warr and other Vessel let in off till y^e Corps was interr’d & yⁿ y^e Town Regiment let off 3 Volleys (thare was a Very great Concourse of people to se[e] it, y^e Charge of y^e funeral at y^e Expence of y^e Province y^e whole solemnity decently perform’d In my opinion, y^e body inter’d In y^e Kings Chapel (Reverend, m^r Roger Price Rector preacht a funeral sermon fro. Ecle: Vanity of Vanitys.

Mr. George Pomeroy Anderson read a note on

GOVERNOR BURNET AS A GOLFER

Golf as a sport and athletic diversion in America is a comparatively recent development, and it may be a surprise to learn that the first association of golfers into a club was as recent as 1885. In that year a club was formed near New York, and at about the same time a similar organization was formed in Florida. When and where the first American golfer laid out a links and started to play the game, substantially as it is now played, is not known, but the formation of the first association less than fifty years ago suggests that the game had not been played to any extent before that period.

Golf at first was regarded as a gentleman’s diversion, and its popularity among all classes was not attained without some ridicule and suppressed class feeling. But the game finally was accepted by residents of urban districts as a welcome relief from the tedium and stress of business affairs. In England golf has been known for a long time, and yet there its popular adoption came not much earlier than in this country. The game was played in Scotland almost five centuries ago, and at an earlier period seems to have been played in Holland upon ice. Always, whether played on ice or on turf, the test was the knocking of a ball into a hole. Essentially, therefore, golf has not much changed in five hundred years.

In view of this sport’s recent climb to popularity, it is interesting to note that it was not wholly unknown in Massachusetts Bay a little over two centuries ago, and that a provincial governor of that period had the equipment for playing it. William Burnet, who was Governor of New York and New Jersey from 1720 to 1728, and who came to Massachusetts in July of the latter year to become governor of this province and New Hampshire, was something of a sportsman. He had been sent to America after he had lost practically all his fortune in the South Sea Bubble. At the time of his death in 1729 he was only forty-one, just the right age to be a devotee of golf.

Unfortunately there is no direct evidence that he ever played, either while here or in New York. But included in the inventory of his estate, along with his expensive wines and liquors, his card table, “Backgammun Table with Men,” five cases of foils for fencing, chessboard and men, and fishing rod, are these two items:

562

Nine Gouff

563 Clubs & 1 Iron D^o 4/

Seven Doz Balls 1/

Thus he had the necessary outfit, and it can hardly be doubted that he knew how to play the game. He was young and active, and since he was a gentleman and since golf was a gentleman’s game, the conjecture that he indulged in the sport seems justified. The fact that the governor was born at The Hague, in the land where golf is said to have originated, may give added weight to the assumption that he was a golfer, and had his life been spared, he might have introduced golf into the list of sports in this province.

There is not much information in these entries as to the quality of the equipment. There was only one iron club, the others doubtless being of wood, of various lengths and weights and thus adapted to golfing conditions. It will be noted that the value of the clubs was less than that of the balls. The presence of seven dozen balls suggests either that there was an excess supply or that the lasting quality of the balls was so doubtful that it was necessary to provide a large number. It was, of course, before the era of rubber or gutta percha, and it is no surprise to learn that the balls were made of feathers with a covering of light leather. The weight, therefore, was small, and it was difficult to direct such a ball with any certainty. When the player hit his feather ball, he must have hoped for the best and not have been greatly shocked to find it bunkered in a gooseberry bush. The uncertainty then, as now, lent interest to the game.

While it is necessary to employ conjectures about Burnet’s equipment for the sport, it is possible to get a picture of golf as played in Scotland at a not much later time. In 1771 was published Tobias Smollett’s The Expedition of Humphry Clinker. Speaking of his experiences in Scotland, the writer of one of the letters says:

564

I never saw such a concourse of genteel company at any races in England, as appeared on the course of Leith. Hard by, in the fields called the Links, the citizens of Edinburgh divert themselves at a game called golf, in which they use a curious kind of bats tipped with horn, and small elastic balls of leather, stuffed with feathers, rather less than tennis-balls, but of much harder consistence. This they strike with such force and dexterity from one hole to another, that they will fly to an incredible distance. Of this diversion the Scots are so fond, that when the weather will permit, you may see a multitude of all ranks, from the senator of justice to the lowest tradesman, mingled together, in their shirts, and following the balls with the utmost eagerness. Among others, I was shown one particular set of golfers, the youngest of whom was turned of fourscore. They were all gentlemen of independent fortunes, who had amused themselves with this pastime for the best part of a century, without having ever felt the least alarm from sickness or disgust; and they never went to bed without having each the best part of a gallon of claret in his belly.

Thus it will be seen that golf playing and golf players in some respects have not changed much during the century and a half that has intervened.

1 Another signature is partly discernible. It reads: “Elnath: Ch[ ].”

2 This page is not numbered. The first numbered page, “4,” is really page 5. The last numbered page is “64.” In referring to the manuscript I follow Chauncy’s numbering and continue it throughout the volume (263 pages in all, plus the unnumbered page).

3 Throughout this article, brackets indicate letters or words lost by wear and tear of the paper or by fading of the ink.

4 This same page also exhibits the signature “Israel Chaun[c]y” in a large sprawling hand. I do not think this is the signature of Elnathan’s brother and classmate Israel. Probably it was written by the later Israel (A.B. Harvard 1724), into whose hands the volume doubtless fell. To this Israel I ascribe also the grotesque pen-drawing of a man’s face which adorns the centre of the page.

5 Spare Minutes: or Resolved Meditations (4th ed., 1635).

6 ms., p. 237.

7 ms., p. 118.

8 ms., p. 129.

9 The back of the unnumbered page that contains Elnathan Chauncy’s signatures, etc., as just described.

10 Page torn away at top and part of left-hand margin.

11 By a slip of the pen w, instead of n, is included between the vertical lines. In the fifth line the reading all this is uncertain.

12 The verso of the second leaf. This leaf is also mutilated.

13 The page is torn away irregularly at the upper left-hand corner.

14 The word quite is written above the line to replace honour is (which is cancelled).

15 I. e. hence.

16 ms., p. 22.

17 Further confirmation is afforded by the change of honour is to quite in the elegy on Dunster (see above, p. 4, note 3).

18 There are extracts from the following (the non-Spenserian Sidney poems I italicize): The Shepheards Calender, Mother Hubberds Tale, Colin Clouts Come Home Againe, Astrophel, The Dolefull Lay of Clȯrinda, A Pastorall Æglogue (by Lodowick Brysket), An Elegie (by Matthew Roydon), An Epitaph, Another of the Same, Prothalamion, Amoretti, Epithalamion, Daphnaïda, The Ruines of Time, The Teares of the Muses, Virgil’s Gnat, The Ruines of Rome. The Dolefull Lay is claimed for Spenser by some scholars of repute: see F. I. Carpenter, A Reference Guide to Edmund Spenser (1923), p. 131. A few brief passages from The Faerie Queene are included in Chauncy’s extracts from Robert Allot’s anthology, England’s Parnassus (ms., pp. 60–62).

19 The Mourning Muse of Thestylis, supposed to be by Lodowick Brysket.

20 Between Epithalamion and Daphnaïda.

21 Error for your.

22 The Shepheards Calender, April, vv. 37–45.

23 Read heydeguyes.

24 The Shepheards Calender, June, vv. 25–32.

25 Prothalamion, vv. 1–4, 20–21, 173–174.

26 See W. C. Ford, Broadsides, Ballads &c. Printed in Massachusetts, 1639–1800 (M. H. S. Collections, lxxv); John W. Draper, A Century of Broadside Elegies.

27 Error for this.

28 The Shepheards Calender, December, vv. 140, 143–144.

29 Colin Clouts Come Home Againe, vv. 23–28.

30 Cleveland, pp. 51–53.

31 ms., p. 62.

32 Major John Wright.

33 Godfrey of Boulogne: or The Reeouerie of Ierusalem (2d ed., 1624).

34 Some of the extracts, however, are from “A Letter directed to the Author” prefixed to Bulwer’s treatise and signed “R. Mason.”

35 Quarles, Argalus and Parthenia (1st ed.), p. 17.

36 Id. pp. 39–40.

37 Niccols, Englands Eliza, in the 1610 edition of A Mirrour for Magistrates, p. 806.

38 George Wither, A Collection of Emblemes (1635), p. 235.

39 Fairfax, Godfrey of Bulloigne (2d ed., 1624), p. 71.

40 Cleveland, p. 28.

41 Cleveland, p. 40 (“Periwigg’d the Phrase”).

42 Beaumont, Psyche (1648), p. 21 (“its way”).

43 [Stephen Jerome,] The Arraignement of the Whole Creature (1631), p. 7.

44 Charles Herle, Wisdomes Tripos (1655), p. 13.

45 John Stephens, Satyrical Essayes Characters and Others (1615), pp. 163, 236, 275, 305, 374.

46 Sig. ***3, If. 2 r^o.

47 Sibley, ii. 81.

48 Not to be confused with Eirenæus Philalethes, i.e. George Stirk (or Starkey), A.B. Harvard 1646. See our Publications, xxi. 123–125, 132–146.

49 This word is omitted in the ms.

50 Of the Magnetick Cure of Wounds, § 11 (A Ternary of Paradoxes, p. 8).

51 Anthroposophia Theomagica (1650), p. 30.

52 Id., p. 45.

53 Magia Adamica: or The Antiquitie of Magic and The Descent thereof from Adam downwards, proved. Whereunto is added a perfect, and full Discoverie of the true Cœlum Terrae (1650), sig. B4, lf. 2 v^o-lf. 3 r^o. Wrongly ascribed in the ms. to “eugenius philalethes his man mouse.”

54 Id., p. 86.

55 The Man-Mouse, sig. A2.

56 Id., p. 2.

57 Id., p. 4.

58 Id., p. 18.

59 Id., p. 52.

60 Workes, 1636 (1633–36), 4 volumes. Vols, ii and iii in the Harvard College Library have the autograph of Mather Byles on the title page.

61 See A. C. Potter, Catalogue of John Harvard’s Library (in our Publications, xxi. 190–230), Nos. 17, 34, 156, 240, 243.

62 Catalogus, pp. 15, 70, 64.

63 ms., p. 118.

64 ms., pp. 126–128. The Flower of Fidelity (1650), by John Reynolds, merchant of Exeter.

65 ms., p. 129.

66 “For I was alive without the law once: but when the commandment came, sin revived, and I died.”

67 Sibley, ii. 141.

68 ms., pp. 221, 220, being pp. 43–44 from the end of the volume. A contemporary outline of a sermon “By m^r Elnath: Chauncy. — 12. day of feb. 1670” is preserved in a manuscript in the Harvard College Library (MS. Am. 566). It is not in his handwriting, though the script resembles his in many ways.

69 It occupies pp. 231–225 and the first half of p. 224 (or pp. 33–39 and the first half of p. 40, if we count from the end of the book), and is a part of the matter written in after reversing the volume.

70 “De candidatis bonarū artium in hisce comitiis.”

71 Samuel Willard (A.B. 1659) received a Master’s degree at some time. If the ordinary term of three years only had elapsed, his A.M. would have been granted in 1662. In the Triennial of 1674 Willard’s name occurs without the A.M.; so also in that of 1682; but in the Triennial of 1698 he appears as “Samuel Willard Mr Socius.” It is clear, then, that Willard received his A. M. out of course, in some year after 1674 but before or in 1698. Thus the year 1662 remains Masterless. Mr. Albert Matthews has helped me here by excluding Willard from 1662.

72 The Rev. Richard Blinman writes from England to Increase Mather on August 14, 1677: “M^r Elnathan Chancey is like to return to N. E., who hath had advantages from his 2 broth^rs here for the practice of physick. I believe he is truly Godly, & hath gained a good estimation here, with the better sort, that know him.” Mather Papers, 4 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., viii. 330.

73 Note ardentibus miscopied for ardenter, habent for habeant, crepedine for crepidine,ὀμως for ὄμως, perigrinam for peregrinum, removeretur for remuneretur, and in particular ὁπον for ὅπου, τήχνη for τέχνη, and the vox nihiliκτιθος (for κτῆσις or κέρδος), — the last three errors all occurring in one brief quotation.

74 Note especially “Quod ad primi gradus candidates spectat, sex vobis obtulimus, ad numerū Hydriarum aquâ repletarū in nuptiis canæ Galitææ;, de quibus spei non nihil affulsit, fore ut virtute Christi mirificâ, vinum optimum et exhilarans aliquando exhauriendum esse” [error for sit].

75 The programme of Quaestiones for 1655 notes an Oratio Demegorica by John Angeir, who graduated in 1653; that for 1663 notes an Oratio Gratvlatoria by Nathaniel Collins, who graduated in 1660; that for 1664 notes an Oratio Gratulatoria by Israel Chauncy, Elnathan’s brother, who graduated in 1661 (Sibley, i, 323; ii, 53, 72). “S^r Clark (Senior Bachelour),” the Records inform us, “made” the oration when the Corporation dined Governor Burnet in 1728 (our Publications, xvi, 565). This was William Clark, A.B. 1726. For other orators, see “Orations” in index, id., p. 959.

76 Cicero, De Legibus, iii, 3, 3, 8: “Regio imperio duo sunto, iique praeeundo, iudicando, consulendo, praetores, iudices, consules appellamino: militiae summum ius habento:. . . . ollis salus populi suprema lex esto.”

77 For primatum the ms. abbreviates to primaȝ.

78 Cf. Lactantius, iv, 12, 6: “[Iesus] Latine dicitur salutaris sive salvator.” Philippians, iv: 21: “Salute every saint in Christ Jesus.”

79 i Corinthians, iv: 1: “Let a man so account of us, as of the ministers of Christ, and stewards of the mysteries of God.”

80 Daniel, ix: 23: “Thou art greatly beloved” (Vulgate: “vir desideriorum es,” a literal translation of the Hebrew idiom). So also in x: 11, 19.

81 Acts, xvii: 11: “These were more noble [εὐγενέστεροι] than those in Thessalonica, in that they received the word with all readiness of mind, and searched the scriptures daily, whether these things were so.”

82 Matthew, xi: 30: “For my yoke is easy [iugum enim meum suave est], and my burden is light.”

83 Virgil, Aeneid, iii, 83: “Iungimus hospitio dextras.”

84 Tacitus, Annales, xii, 47: “in amplexus eius effusus.”

85 Cicero, ad Atticum, v, 15, 1: “Nihil exoptatius adventu meo, nihil carius.”

86 Pausanias, viii, 41, 5: [Ἀπόλλων] ἐπωνυμίαν ἔλαβεν Ἀλεξίκακος, ἀποτρέψας καὶ τούτοις τὴν υόσον. Cf. ii, 11, 2 (ἀποτρόπαιοι θεοί) Plato, Legg., 845 B (θεῶν ἀποτροπαίων ἱερά); Xenophon, Hellenica, iii, 3, 4 (θύοντες καὶ τοῖς ἀποτροπαίοις καὶ τοῖς σωτῆρσι).

87 ii Chronicles, xi: 14, 16.

88 ms.,vester.

89 Cicero, pro Murena, xxviii, 58: “firmamentum ac robur.” So also in his oration for the Manilian Law, iv, 10.

90 Miscopied removeretur in ms.

91 Ruth, ii: 12: “The Lord recompense thy work, and a full reward be given thee of the Lord God of Israel, under whose wings thou art come to trust.”

92 Psalms, xxxiv: 2, 3: “My soul shall make her boast in the Lord: the humble shall hear thereof, and be glad. O magnify the Lord with me, and let us exalt his name together.”

93 Revelation, xii: 6: “And the woman fled into the wilderness (εἰς τὴν ἔρημον).” Cf. xii: 14.

94 Revelation, xii.

95 Cf. Cicero, Ad Familiares, xiii, 50, 2: “ut M.’ Curium sartum et tectum, ut aiunt, detrimento . . . conserves.”

96 Revelation, xii: 15: ἵνα αὐτὴν ποταμοφόρητον ποιήσῃ.

97 Id., xii: 14: “And to the woman were given two wings of a great eagle, that she might fly into the wilderness.”

98 Lucina is called “dea auxiliaris” in Ovid, Metamorphoses, ix, 699.

99 Virgil, Eclogues, i, 6: “Deus nobis haec otia fecit.”

100 Isaiah, xxvi: 1: “Salvation will God appoint for walls and bulwarks.”

101 Ephesians, iii: 17, 18: “That ye, being rooted and grounded in love, may be able to comprehend with all saints,” etc.

102 So in MS. Miscopied for τὸ περισσὸν μέτρον or τὸ ὑπερπερισσὸν μέτρον or τὸ ὑπερπερισσεῦον μέτρον. Cf. Romans, v: 20 (ὑπερπερίσσευσεν ἡ χάρις).

103 ii Chronicles, xx: 26: “They assembled themselves in the valley of Berachah; for there they blessed the Lord: therefore the name of the same place was called, The valley of Berachah, unto this day.”

104 Martial, v, 60, 1: “usque . . . et usque.”

105 Cf. Livy, iii, 38; xxvi, 7; xxxi, 22.

106 Miscopied ardentibus. The ms. also has desideremus for desideramus.

107 Virgil, Aeneid, ii, 583: “memorabile nomen.”

108 Pliny, vii, 32, 119: “Rursus mortales oraculorum societatem dedere Chiloni Lacedaemonio tria praecepta eius Delphis consecrando aureis litteris.”

109 See Genesis, ix: 9–12.

110 Shaddai, “sufficient,” “mighty.”

111 These are the Greek words used by the Septuagint (“70 Interpretes”) to translate the Hebrew term. The second is miswritten παντακράτωρ in the ms. here, but is given correctly just below. The ms. has ἴκανος for ἱκανός.

112 Hebrews, vi: 18, 19: “That by two immutable things, in which it was impossible for God to lie, we might have a strong consolation, who have fled for refuge to lay hold upon the hope set before us: which hope we have as an anchor of the soul, both sure and steadfast, and which entereth into that within the veil.”

113 “In portu navigare” is a proverbial phrase for “to be safe” (Terence, Andria, iii, 1, 22).

114 Plato, Phaedo, 77 E: Ἄλλ' ἴσως ἔνι τις καὶ ἐν ἡμῖν παῖς, ὅστις τὰ τοιαῦτα φοβεῖται. τοῦτον οὖν πειρώμεθα πείθειν μὴ δεδιέναι τὸν θάνατον ὤσπερ τὰ μοπμολυκεῖα.

115 ms.,habent.

116 Cicero, ad Familiares, ii, 12, 3: “Satis gloriose triumpharam.”

117 Horace, Satires, ii, 6, 25–26: “Bruma nivalem Interiore diem gyro trahit.” Our ms. has die for diem and perhaps Nivali for nivalem.

118 Virgil, Georgics, iii, 442–443: “Horrida cano Bruma gelu.”

119 Cicero, De Senectute, xi, 38: “sensim sine sensu.”

120 Virgil, Georgics, i, 78: “Lethaeo perfusa papavera somno.”

121 For redivivam the ms. has redivivū.

122 Matthew, xix: 28; Titus, iii: 5. The ms. omits iota subscript.

123 Virgil, Aeneid, ii, 169–170: “Ex illo fluere ac retro sublapsa referri Spes Danaum.”

124 Ovid, Metamorphoses, i, 10: “Nullus adhuc mundo praebebat lumina Titan.”

125 ms.,παραλλογὴν.

126 James, i: 17: “Ἀπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς τῶν φώτων, παρ’ ᾧ ούκ ἔνι παραλλαγὴ ἤ τροπῆς ἀποσκίασμα.”

127 Hebrews, xiii: 8: “Jesus Christ the same yesterday, and to-day, and forever.”

128 Ezekiel, xxvii: 25: “Cadent in corde maris.”

129 ms., crepe[d]ine.

130 Cf. ii Corinthians, iv: 4: “Τὸ μὴ αὐυάσαι τὸυ φωτισμὸν τοῦ εὐακκελίου τῆς δόξης τοῦ Χριστοῦ.”

131 Cf. Odyssey, xi, 14–19.

132 Livy, xxxix, 26, 9: a remark of Philip V of Macedon’s — “Nondum omnium dierum solem occidisse” (E. K. Rand). Cf. Isaiah, lx: 20: “Non occidet ultra sol tuus et luna tua non minuetur, quod Dominus erit tibi in lucem sempiternam.”

133 Virgil, Aeneid, i, 207: “Durate et vosmet rebus servate secundis.”

134 Anthologia Palatina, ix, 75. The usual text reads:

Κἤν με φάγῃς ἐπὶ ῥίξαν, ὅμως ἔτι καρποφορήσω

ὅσσον ἐπισπεῖσαι σοὶ, τράγε, θυομένῳ.

The Latin version that follows (“Rode . . . erit”) is that of Bothe (see Dübner’s edition, ii. 15). The ms. has hin for hinc.

135 Plutarch, Caesar, 38. Florus, iv, 2, 37: “Quid times? Caesarem vehis.”

136 Matthew, viii: 27: “What manner of man is this, that even the winds and the sea obey him!”

137 Psalms, cxxi: 4: “Behold, he that keepeth Israel shall neither slumber nor sleep.”

138 Matthew, xiv: 24: “The ship was now in the midst of the sea, tossed with waves.”

139 Cf. Matthew, xiv: 27: “Be of good cheer; it is I; be not afraid.”

140 Job, xxvi: 7: “He stretcheth out the north over the empty place, and hangeth the earth upon nothing.” The orator translates the Hebrew belīmah by non aliquid; the Vulgate has “appendit terram super nihilum” (G. F. Moore).

141 ms.,fracta.

142 Genesis, iii: 14–15: “And the Lord God said unto the serpent, . . . I will put enmity between thee and the woman, and between thy seed and her seed; it shall bruise thy head, and thou shalt bruise his heel (tu insidiaberis calcaneo eius).”

143 Cicero, de Finibus, iii, 22, 74: “Sed iam sentio me esse longius provectum quam proposita ratio postularet.”

144 In the ms. there is an asterisk (shaped like an x) before quia and another after faciam. Perhaps the scribe meant that the sentence should be rearranged as follows: “de re nostra pauca dicturus sum. Nolite, quaeso, res magnas aut novas in novo orbe exspectare, sive de rebus publicis sive de Academia nostra verba faciam, quia dixit nobis Dominus, ‘Ne quaeratis vobis grandia; ecce inducam malum,’ &c. Dicam de utraque libere.”

145 Jeremiah, xlv: 5: “Et tu quaeris tibi grandia? Noli quaerere, quia ecce ego adducam malum super omnem carnem, ait Dominus.”

146 Cf. Martial, iv, 27: “Ecce iterum nigros corrodit lividus ungues.”

147 See the anecdote in Cicero, ad Atticum, ii, 19, 3: “Ludis Apollinaribus Diphilus tragoedus in nostrum Pompeium petulanter invectus est: ‘Nostra miseria tu es magnus’ miliens coactus est dicere.” Cowley makes an interesting use of the same anecdote in his Discourse by way of Vision concerning the Government of Oliver Cromwell (Essays, p. 67, Works, 7th ed., 1681): “We must begin the consideration of his greatness from the unlucky Æra of our own misfortunes; which puts me in mind of what was said less truly of Pompey the Great, Nostra Miseria Magnus es.” The passage printed in capitals and that printed in capitals and small capitals seem to be distinguished in the ms. by somewhat larger script.

148 ms.,minutilus.

149 Luke, vii: 22: “To the poor the gospel is preached.”

150 Juvenal, x, 22: “Cantabit vacuus coram latrone viator.”

151 This seems to be an allusion to Bishop Hall’s satirical romance (Mundus Alter et Idem Siue Terra Australis antehac semper incognita longis itineribus peregrini Academici nuperrime lustrata, Authore Mercurio Britannico, 1605). The orator remarks that “we have many names of cities and towns of Old England, but merely the names; and not a few names of vices — would they were names only! But I fear that what has been common talk (quod quorundam sermone jactatum est) may be regarded by you as ascertained fact, so that you will say of the new world that it is mundus alter el idem.” Place names derived from vices are a feature of Hall’s romance. Thus one of the districts in his Terra Australis is Pamphagonia (Glutton-land, from παμφάγος, “all-devouring”); another is Yvronia (Drunkard-land, from ivrogne); still another is Lavernia (from Laverna, the Roman goddess of rogues and thieves).

152 M8., perigrinam.

153 Cicero, Tusculanae Disputationes, i, 2, 4: “Honos alit artes omnesque incenduntur ad studia gloria.”

154 The Greek stands thus in the ms.,κτι coming at the end of a line. What the orator wrote can only be conjectured. The sense seems to require, “Where there is no profit, there is no art.” Obviously ὁπον is miscopied for ὅπου and τήχνη for τέχνη. For κτιθος (a vox nihili) one might conjecture κτῆσις or κέρδος.

155 Juvenal, iii, 164, 165: “Haut facile emergunt quorum virtutibus obstat Res angusta domi.”

156 Martial, via, 56: “Sunt Maecenates, non deerunt, Flacce, Marones Vergiliumque tibi vel tua rura dabunt.”

157 Persius, Prologue, 10–11: “Magister artis ingenique Venter.”

158 Acts, xvii: 21: “For all the Athenians and strangers which were there spent their time in nothing else, but either to tell, or hear some new thing.”

159 See Joshua, ix: 3–6, 9, 12, 13.

160 Ezekiel, xviii: 31: “Make you a new heart and a new spirit.”

161 Plutarch, De Liberis Educandis, 7, ii, p. 4 F: “εὔωνον ἀμαθίαν διώκοντες” The ms. reads poro and vocet.

162 John, ii: 1–10.

163 Livy, xxvii, 28: “Prima spes . . . affulsit.”

164 So ms. for sit. The grammar is wrong, but the sense is clear.

165 Cicero, Ad Atticum, xiii, 21, 7: “propenso animo.”

166 Cf. Quintilian, i, 6, 32: “Rogat boni consulas, id est, bonum iudices.”

167 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, lxxi. 248–250.

168 For biographical treatments of Josselyn, see the account by Edward Tuckerman prefixed to his edition of New England’s Rarities (Boston, 1865); the article by Gordon Goodwin in the Dictionary of National Biography; an article by the present writer in the Dictionary of American Biography; and the account by Moses C. Tyler in his History of American Literature during the Colonial Period, i. 180–185.

169 Much biographical information concerning Henry Josselyn can be derived from such works as: Documentary History of the State of Maine — The Trelawny Papers, in, and the Farnham Papers, vii; J. P. Baxter, George Cleeve of Casco Bay (1885); C. W. Tuttle and J. W. Dean, Capt. John Mason, the Founder of New Hampshire (1887); Province and Court Records of Maine, i, ii.

170 Josselyn, New-England’s Rarities (Boston, 1865), 32. All subsequent refernces are to this edition.

171 Id., 35.

172 Josselyn, Two Voyages to New-England (Boston, 1865), 164. All subsequent references are to this edition.

173 Arber, Term Catalogues, i. 112. The title-page of the work reads: New-England’s Rarities Discovered: In Birds, Beasts, Fishes, Serpents, and Plants of that Country. Together with The Physical and Chyrurgical Remedies wherewith the Natives constantly use to Cure their Distempers, Wounds, and Sores. Also A perfect Description of an Indian Squa, in all her Bravery; with a Poem not improperly conferr’d upon her. Lastly A Chronological Table of the most remarkable Passages in that Country amongst the English. . . . By John Josselyn, Gent.

174 Samuel Fortrey (1622–1681), a clerk of the deliveries of the ordnance in the Tower of London, was the author of an essay published at Cambridge, England, 1663, with the title, England’s Interest and Improvement. Consisting in the increase of the store, and trade of this Kingdom. (Reprinted and edited by J. H. Hollander, Baltimore, 1907.) Josselyn was his half-uncle by marriage, Fortrey having married Theodora, daughter of Torrell Josselyn, son of Sir Thomas Josselyn by his first wife. There is a notice of Fortrey by Edwin Cannan in the Dictionary of National Biography.

175 New-England’s Rarities, 39.

176 Philosophical Transactions, 1670, p. 1151.

177 See J. A. Gillespie, The Influence of Oversea Expansion on England to 1700. Columbia University Studies in History, etc., xci; also C. S. Duncan, The New Science and English Literature in the Classical Period (1913).

178 In a note prefixed to the second edition of the Two Voyages the publisher makes this comment: “You are desired by the Author to correct some literal faults, which by reason of the raggedness of the Copy have been committed. G. Widdows.” Does this “raggedness” imply haste in composition?

179 The collection of such passages from the Two Voyages includes these: pp. 11, 13, 27, 115, 132–133, 137, 158, 161, 162.

180 Id., 49.

181 Id., 159.

182 Id., 150–153.

183 Analysis of the structure of Josselyn’s Two Voyages to New England.

The first voyage, 1638–39, pp. 5–29.

Josselyn crosses the Atlantic. 5–13.
Notes on the cost of articles to provision intending settlers. 20–24.
In Maine. 20–24.
Prepares to depart from New England. 24–27.
Returns to England. 27–29.

The second voyage, 1663–1671, pp. 30–164.

Apologia to the incredulous. 30–31.
Crosses the Atlantic and arrives in New England. 31–36.
The metes and bounds of New England; its natural products, stars, seasons, and a description of the country. 36–49.
The plants, trees, shrubs, and vegetables of New England. 49–66.
The animals, their species and habits. 66–75.
The birds. 75–81.
The fish. 81–90.
The snakes, reptiles, and insects. 90–96.
The Indians: their customs, number, government, etc. 96–115.
A second apologia.
The English settlers in New England. 115–117.
The discovery of New England. 117–118.
A description of the southern country of New England (i. e., modern New York). 118–120.
Note on New Haven colony. 120.
Note on Connecticut colony. 120–121.
Note on Rhode Island colony. 121.
Plymouth plantation. 122.
Description of Massachusetts Bay colony: form of government, social customs. 122–140.
Diseases to which the English in America are subject. 141–144.
A further note on the trees and plants of New England. 141–146.
Note on the cattle and poultry of the country. 146–149.
Takes ship for Maine. 149.
Note on New Hampshire province and its rightful proprietor. 150.
The land, the people and the rightful lord of Maine. 151–156.
Note on Sagadahoc, Nova Scotia, and Newfoundland. 156–158.
Social customs of the Maine coast. 158–162.
Josselyn leaves for England by way of Boston.

184 A typewritten note inserted in the copy at the Massachusetts Historical Society.

185 Entry-card of the Library of Congress.

186 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxxviii. 260–261.

187 Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1669–1674, no. 150.

188 Id., no. 439.

189 Id., no. 512.

190 Id., no. 512.

191 Id., no. 512.

192 Id., no. 651.

193 Id., no. 687.

194 Id., no. 1247.

195 Id., no. 1279.

196 Id., no. 1397.

197 Id., no. 1420.

198 Calendar, 1669–1674, no. 150, 150-ii, no. 439, no. 184, no. 753, no. 512.

199 J. P. Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, ii. 210–213.

200 R. N. Toppan, Edward Randolph, ii. 196–197.

201 Lorenzo Sabine, Biographical Sketches of Loyalists of the American Revolution, ii. 129–135; L. R. Paige, History of Cambridge, pp. 150–156; V. L. Oliver, History of the Island of Antigua, 3 vols, (cited here as “V. L. Oliver”; see next note); J. H. Stark, The Loyalists of Massachusetts, pp. 183–188; article by Gordon Goodwin in D. N. B., chiefly drawn from Paige and Appleton, incomplete and unsatisfactory; The Royal Commission on the Losses and Services of the American Loyalists, 1783 to 1785, being the Notes of Mr. Daniel Parker Coke, M.P., one of the Commissioners during that Period (H. E. Egerton, ed.), pp. 227–228 (cited here as “Coke, ed. Egerton”); C. H. Van Tyne, The Loyalists of the American Revolution, pp. 36–38 (largely from Sabine); E. Alfred Jones, The Loyalists of Massachusetts, their Memorials, Petitions, and Claims, pp. 225–226 (cited here as “Jones”).

202 V. L. Oliver (see last note) is by far the fullest authority for the trees of the Oliver (and Freeman) families, for their wills and legal transactions, and for many contemporary notices. The sequel will show my debts to this rare and splendidly produced work. The material on Thomas Oliver’s pedigree is in n. 318 ff., 346 ff.

203 Facsimile in V. L. Oliver, ii. 318; whence the details about Richard and Robert, including those about arms and crest. Mr. Robert D. Weston, of Cambridge, has been good enough to inform me that Burke, in his General Armoury, assigns this shield and crest to Oliver of Exeter, County Devon; the shield, but a different crest, to Oliver of Musbury, County Devon, Bristol, and Wollescote Hall, Stourbridge, County Worcester; a variant of the shield to Oliver of Croomhill, Kent; and the shield, exactly, to Ollivier of Alderney. “It looks,” adds Mr. Weston, “as if your family of Olivers came originally from the Channel Islands.” The actual kinship of our Thomas Oliver with any of these families still remains to be proved. In any case, there is everything to show that he had none with the clan of Peter, C. J., (and Andrew), who perhaps owned and, at any rate, used quite a different coat of arms. See other evidence in my text.

204 See V. L. Oliver in Gloucestershire Notes and Queries, v. 158–160; and H. S. Grazebrook in id., pp. 322–325. See too W. Ensign Lincoln, Some Descendants of Stephen Lincoln, Edward Larkin, Thomas Oliver of Bristol, Esq., etc. (1930). This Thomas Oliver died in 1557. Mr. Lincoln has been good enough, in answer to inquiries, to confirm the view that no kinship with the Olivers of Antigua is yet established.

At this point the author would express his best thanks to all the ladies and gentlemen mentioned in these notes; and also, for much aid and encouragement, to Mr. Walter B. Briggs of the Harvard College Library, to Mr. Frank W. C. Hersey, and to Professor James H. Ropes.

205 Anne Oliver’s second husband was to be Isaac Royall, of the well-known clan; and their daughter Penelope, who married Col. Henry Vassall, was thus aunt by marriage of Elizabeth Vassall, first wife of Thomas Oliver. For Oliver’s befriending of Penelope after the Revolution, see p. 63 below.

206 See Stark, p. 183; also S. A. Drake, Our Colonial Homes, who describes the house at length. It was razed in 1900, but a bronze tablet, in what is now Edward Everett Square, marks the site.

207 Annual Report, Boston Cemetery Department, 1904, pp. 68, 85, 160. Legend states that his slaves were so ignorant of the uses of the wheelbarrow that they bore them upon their heads to carry the soil.

208 V. L. Oliver, ii. 346.

209 Not as Sabine states (p. 129), at Dorchester. The Dorchester town records specify Antigua (V. L. Oliver, ii. 351).

210 The ms. Faculty Records, in the Harvard College Library, and the indexes now in preparation, I have seen through the kindness of Mr. Tufts and Mrs. Shipton. Oliver is listed as coming from Dorchester; his birthdate is given as “Jan. 5 1733/4”; his age at admission as “15½.” A marginal note states that he was among the “pupils of Mr. Hancock,” a tutor present at that meeting. According to the Harvard Quinquennial Catalogue (1930, p. 167), the names of students were listed during the freshman year according to the precedence of their parents; the exact basis for determining this order is not known.

211 Faculty Records, i. 297–298. For details in regard to the cost and distribution of Judah Monis’ Hebrew Grammar, see the Publications of this Society, xvi. 625–632, 640.

212 Faculty Records, i. 312–313.

213 Publications of this Society, xvi. 817. Oliver was “intitled” to this “exhibition” because he came from the town of Dorchester. That Thomas received an exhibition is singular because it seems to indicate that his father was, though perhaps only temporarily, in financial difficulties. Quite apart from that, however, the fact that it was granted so soon after the imposition of the fine indicates that his offense could not have been regarded as serious.

214 The pedigree (attested by affidavit) of the painting was furnished to the Art Museum by Mr. F. W. Bayley, of Boston, who has obliged me with some further information. The owners are traced down from Mrs. Penelope Royall: — Elizabeth Vassall, who became Mrs. Charles Russell; her daughter Elizabeth Russell; two Charles Russell Degans, father and son; and Miss Elizabeth Degan. From her Mr. Bayley had the picture. He sold it to the Museum in 1929, and it is in the Archibald Cary Coolidge Collection, purchased from the fund bequeathed by the late Professor Coolidge of Harvard. It is here reproduced by the courtesy of the Museum of Fine Arts.

In 1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, xi. 4, there is a letter from the Rev. John L. Anderton, of Chislehurst, England, stating that he owned a miniature of Thomas Oliver (his grandfather), which was possibly by Copley; but I have found no further reference to it.

215 Coke, ed. Egerton, p. 227.

216 By the courtesy of the Rev. C. Leslie Glenn, Rector of Christ Church, I have been allowed to reproduce Oliver’s signature, to verify birthdates from the church Register, and to extract the details in the text from the ms. volume: Copies of letters and other papers relating to the Episcopal Church at Cambridge in New England, mdcclx. The church’s archives break off with the Revolution, and do not begin again until 1795. There is another signature, on a receipt of 1775(?), in the Boston Public Library, for the discovery of which I am indebted to Miss Swift, of the Treasure Room.

217 See, for an elaborate analysis, Justin Winsor, in Library of Bibliographical Contributions, i no. 4. The lines in question are attributed in six copies to Stephen Sewall (H. C. 1761); but in Sewall’s own copy, and in two more, to Thomas Oliver.

218 Vital Records of Cambridge, n. 292. For the birthdates of the daughters, see id., i 526, and Christ Church Register. For the date of the wedding, see E. Harris, The Vassalls of New England, p. 62. It took place in Trinity Church, Boston: see Boston Records, xxx. 397. Elizabeth Vassall was “born at Cambridge, Sept. 12, 1739; married Thomas Oliver of Dorchester, June 11, 1760. She died in England previous to 1808.” Thomas Oliver, remarks Harris, was “ever distinguished for his amiable and gentlemanly graces” — doubtless a family tradition.

219 See a well-known passage in the Letters and Journals of Mrs. General Riedesel (1867), pp. 139 ff. In 1778, she was in Cambridge among the captured European troops, and was quartered “in one of the most beautiful houses of the place, which had formerly been built by the wealth of the royalists.” She pictures, from recent hearsay, the “seven” allied families, who had once had “farms, gardens, & magnificent houses,” and who visited one another “for music and the dance”; but they had gone, leaving “all their houses desolate except two,” when “alas! this ruinous war severed them.”

220 Coke, ed. Egerton, p. 227; he is here speaking of the period of his official appointment, 1774.

221 Jones, p. 225, names as a son of our Thomas Oliver one Peter Oliver, physician and surgeon at Salem. But “Thomas” is here an erratum for “Andrew”; see Stark, p. 190.

222 S. F. Batchelder, Bits of Cambridge History, p. 147n. (This immense sum is hard to credit; but the reference is from Antigua Records for 1763, communicated by V. L. Oliver.) The article on Colonel Henry Vassall (pp. 114–233) is a vivid and fully documented account of these tory clans and their way of life. See too Mrs. Mary I. Gozzaldi, “Elmwood and its Owners,” in Cambridge Historical Society Proceedings for 1920 and 1921, pp. 41–45. “They had their chariots and horses, their negro slaves . . . they spent their days like the landed gentry of England of that time, or like the West Indian planters among whom many of them were born.” See too 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, x. 41, paper by E. L. Pierce on the Diary of John Rowe, of Boston: “Rowe records festivities at several of them — at Col. Thomas Oliver’s (Dec. 9, 1766; Feb. 22, 1768; Aug. 17, 1769), where were the Brattles, Temples, Vassalls, Byards, Phippses, Van Homes, Edward Winslow, and Richard Lechmere.”

223 Coke, ed. Egerton, p. 228, gives the estimates of Richard Vassall and of Richard Lechmere as to the value of Elmwood in the market in the year 1774, before the troubles; they think it would then have sold for £2500. They assess the household property which Oliver was then forced to leave behind at £250 or £300 (he brought away much linen and plate); and make guesses at the worth of his carriages and horses, also confiscated. These Cambridge loyalists all testify on oath to the Commission about themselves and one another. In his Memorial of 1783 (Jones, p. 225), Oliver states that the stone of Elmwood came from Connecticut, and the glass from England (some of this glass is still shown).

224 Paige, p. 407.

225 Boston Gazette, May 3, 1773.

226 Diary and Letters of Thomas Hutchinson, i 173.

227 Jones, p. 225. The wording of Jones’s summary suggests a verbatim extract from the original.

228 Coke, ed. Egerton, p. 227.

229 A copy of his commission is in the Book of Commissions, Archives Department, State House, Boston. The text is quoted in the Publications of this Society, ii. 307–308. The gentlemen “took the oaths necessary to qualify themselves for a seat on the Council, being appointed by a mandamus from His Majesty.” I find no evidence for the rumor (quoted by Stark, p. 184, and mentioned in D. N. B.) that Thomas was appointed by the lung by mistake (“the King thought he was appointing Peter Oliver, a much more active man in the politics of the time”). Hutchinson’s remark, quoted above, at once disproves and explains the “rumor.”

230 Details about pay from Oliver’s personal sworn evidence, Coke, ed. Egerton, p. 227.

231 Text of Massachusetts Government Act in S. E. Morison, Sources and Documents Illustrating the American Revolution, pp. 100–101; and note: “unlike the other Colonies, where the Council or Upper House was appointed by the royal Governor, the Council of Massachusetts-Bay was annually elected by the whole legislature (General Court). Consequently it reflected the opinions of the whig majority.”

232 See, for details, New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxviii 61–62; figures from Boston Gazette of Sept. 12, 1774.

233 No. 3702, p. 2. The Narrative is quoted by Sabine (ii. 130–133), but with many mistakes, and without the prefatory note; and (apparently from Sabine) both by Stark (pp. 185 ff.) and by V. L. Oliver (ii. 349–350).

234 This paper is given as in the Boston Gazette, Sept. 5, 1774. It is quoted in the Massachusetts Gazette (see last note); by Sabine (pp. 133–134); by Paige (pp. 155–156); and by V. L. Oliver (ii. 350). A copy, in an eighteenth-century hand, is in the Treasure Room of the Boston Public Library, and Mrs. E. C. Jeffrey was good enough to put me on the track of it. It is not in Oliver’s hand; and, besides, it is in holograph, whereas Oliver signed, with his own addendum, a paper presented to him. (I have found no trace of the original document.) The scene was staged as one of the pageants of Elmwood on June 14, 1930, under the auspices of the Cambridge Y. M. C. A.: and this copy was reproduced in the programme. The Lieut. Governor and “Mistress Oliver” were played by Mr. and Mrs. Truman D. Hayes; there were servants, and a delegation of five patriots.

235 Quoted at length by Paige, pp. 151 ff.

236 Justin Winsor, in Narrative and Critical History of America, vi. 115, states that “Joseph Warren, in Boston, heard of the tumult and hastened to the spot. His influence prevailed, and the sun went down without the shedding of blood.” See also R. Frothingham, Life and Times of Joseph Warren, pp. 352–353, on the “Powder Alarm.” The patriot Warren was called to Cambridge to “prevent an immediate outbreak”; he found himself there at 8 a.m. on September 2, “in the midst of the excited multitude”; used “his influence efficiently to prevent a collision with the troops”; watched the “patience, temperance, and fortitude” (italics mine) of the “freemen” as they forced “obnoxious officials” to resign; and judged that if the troops had come from Boston, “not a man would have returned.” The “temperance” displayed against Oliver speaks for itself; there were 4000 against one. Neither Oliver nor the Gazette, however, refers to Warren’s presence.

237 Diary, i. 321.

238 In some modern works Oliver is described as having remained during this interval (Sept., 1774 to March, 1776), “civil governor” of Massachusetts. Sabine and Stark call him “Governor Oliver.” But Mr. Allen French, of Concord, has kindly given me a mass of cumulative evidence which he thinks is conclusive that Oliver remained Lieutenant Governor. This evidence includes, inter alia, (1) the description of him as Lieutenant Governor in General Howe’s List of Persons leaving Boston with the troops in March, 1776; and also in the List of American Sufferers according to their several Ranks (in the Shelburne Papers now in the W. L. Clements Library at Ann Arbor); (2) the title given to him in the Gay transcripts (see next note); (3) a letter of Lord George Germain to Gage, April 18, 1776, saying that he was superseded by Howe and adding, “It is not his Majesty’s intention to make any alteration, for the present, in regard to the Government of the Province of Massachusetts.” I may add that Oliver is always called “Lieutenant Governor” by Hutchinson and by the Commissioners of 1783–4.

The error seems to have arisen from an entry in Paige, p. 619 n.: “When Governor Gage returned to England, Pemberton says in his ms. Chronology (in the M. H. S. Library) under date of Oct. 10, 1775, ‘Sir William Howe succeeds to the military department, and is now Governor of Boston only’”; the inference being that Oliver was “civil governor.” But, as Mr. French points out, Pemberton may only have meant “that on Gage’s recall Howe was given command in his absence.” It is probable, however, that between Gage’s departure on October 10, 1775, and Oliver’s on March 17, 1776, the latter was acting Governor, although officially entitled “Lieutenant Governor.” In his commission there is a provision that if the Governor should die or be absent, Oliver should act in his place with full authority. This, then, he would have exercised for about five months.

239 Publications of this Society, iii. 387. In C. M. Andrews’ Guide to Materials for American History in the Public Record Office (i. 128), among the petitions and memorials to the Secretary of State, is an entry: “from Lieut.-Gov. Thomas Oliver and president of council of Massachusetts, regarding sufferings in Boston. July 18, 1776.” This was apparently submitted after Oliver reached England.

240 Coke, ed. Egerton, pp. 227–228. The introduction by the Editor, the late Professor H. E. Egerton, of Oxford, is of absorbing interest. He makes clear the nature of the Commission, their qualifications, their difficulties, and their principles in reporting and recommending. The investigation into “loyalty” was “the cornerstone, the groundwork of the whole” (p. xxx). There is a lifelike account of the characters, ranks, and disasters of the claimants (pp. xlii ff.).

241 Mr. French has kindly furnished me with abstracts of two Oliver manuscripts in the Public Record Office pertaining to the events of this period. One (C. O. 5: 769, pp. 297 ff.) is a letter to an unknown recipient under date of March 10, 1776, in which he declares that he is under embarrassment whether to proceed with the army or to embark for England. He has decided, however, that since room on an available ship for England is limited, he will go to Halifax and thence to England. The other (C. O. 5: 769, pp. 302 ff.) is a letter to Lord George Germain, dated at Halifax, April 21, 1776. In it he tells of his difficulties in providing quarters for the refugees. He has received his Lordship’s instructions, which he is unable to carry out; and as there is nothing for him to do in Halifax, he is going to England.

242 1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proa, xviii. 266.

243 For the following references by Hutchinson, see Diary ii. 17, 21, 61, 66, 67, 83.

244 A. Kingsley Porter, Elmwood (privately printed, 1930), pp. 1–2. The author, the present holder, was good enough to permit quotation (hence also the details about the later occupants, and the passage from J. R. Lowell).

245 1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xv. 132.

246 Sabine, EC. 134–135; he does not give, nor do I know, his source. In 1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xix. 216–217, there are allusions, quoted from the Diary of Samuel Quincy, formerly Solicitor-General of the Massachusetts Province, to certain affairs in Ireland. On Dec. 28, “Lieutenant-Governor Oliver called on, and presented me with a commission from the Court of Chancery in Ireland to examine witnesses in his cause with Lucas and others.” On Dec. 30, Oliver calls again to tell Quincy “the nature of the evidence.” On Jan. 15, 1777, various Commissioners, including Peter Oliver, C. J., go with Quincy to Sir William Pepperell to take the deposition of Isaac Royall; and there is a dinner at T. Oliver’s. This business is not further explained, except by a reference in Hutchinson’s Diary, (letter from Peter Oliver, Jr., to Elisha Hutchinson, n. 410, July 27, 1784): “Lieu’ Gov. Oliver and his family are going to live in Ireland. His eldest daughter Mary is to be married ere long.” The plan to migrate seems to have gone no further; it does not appear at what date the Olivers settled in Bristol.

247 Stark, pp. 137, 142.

248 Entry from V. L. Oliver, i. 260 ff.; and abridged pedigree (many details also given of Freeman wills and estates).

249 Trees abridged from V. L. Oliver.

250 Sabine, i. 135.

251 Jones, Loyalists, p. 224 (entries from Audit Office and elsewhere).

252 This affair is told, in detail, by S. F. Batchelder, Bits of Cambridge History, pp. 197–198.

253 V. L. Oliver, ii. 346ff., gives: the text of the two inscriptions (the first of which was kindly copied for me by my friend, the late Mr. J. H. Fowler, of Clifton, who also verified the coat of arms on the stone); the note from the Gentleman’s Magazine; and the text of the will (quoted as “P. C. C. Wynne”), of which a summary is given by Jones, p. 226.

254 Speeches of Josiah Quincy, pp. 367–368.

255 Gooch and Laski, English Democratic Ideas in the Seventeenth Century, p. 227.

256 See Heinrich Lammasch in the American Journal of International Law, x. 689 ff., and Quincy Wright in id., xviii. 764 and note 46; also A. Vanderpol, La Doctrine Scolastique du Droit de Guerre. For reference to this last work I am indebted to Professor J. S. Reeves of the University of Michigan.

257 Winthrop’s Journal (Hosmer ed.) ii. 39; Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 85.

258 For a more exhaustive examination of Williams’ views on war, see James E. Ernst, The Political Thought of Roger Williams, pp. 100 ff.; H. L. Osgood in Political Science Quarterly, vi. 211.

259 Ernst, p. 100; 4 Mass. Hist. Coll., vi. 264, 284.

260 Plymouth Colony Records, x. 439.

261 I have examined over thirty Puritan sermons, for the most part Artillery Election sermons, in the John Carter Brown Library, the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society, and the library of Harvard College. Thanks are due to those in charge of these collections for permission to use these rare and valuable works. Special mention should be made of a single volume at the Massachusetts Historical Society which contains the Artillery Election sermons for 1728, and 1732 to 1740 inclusive. In citing individual sermons, I have indicated the library where they are to be found, jcb standing for John Carter Brown Library, mhs for the Massachusetts Historical Society, and hcl for the library of Harvard College.

262 Military Duties, Recommended to an Artillery Company (jcb).

263 War is Lawful, pp. 8–9 (mhs). There is an interesting account of Samuel Mather and his writings by Albert Matthews in our Publications, xviii. 206–229.

264 The Expediency and Utility of War . . . considered (1759), p. 15 (mhs).

265 The Necessity of a Well Experienced Souldiery (preached 1675), p. 8. The reference is to an 1839 reprint in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society.

266 Expectanda (1691), pp. 12 ff. (jcb).

267 Id. pp. 19–20.

268 Ib., p. 22.

269 The Right Method of Safety (1704), p. 10 (hcl).

270 Expectanda, p. 16.

271 The Knowledge of God Securing from Flattery (1705), p. 39 (hcl).

272 Soldiers Counselled and Encouraged (1741), p. 17 (mhs).

273 Alice M. Baldwin, The New England Clergy and the American Revolution, p. 15.

274 The Necessity of a Well Experienced Souldiery, p. 8.

275 Expectanda, p. 75.

276 The Scriptural passages, respectively, are: Luke 3:14; 7: 1–10; Acts 10.

277 The Glories of the Lord of Hosts, and the Fortitude of the Religious Hero (1740), p. 28 (mhs). In a note on pp. 6–7 of this sermon there is a useful list of previous Artillery Election sermons.

278 Abraham in Arms; or the first Religious General with his Army engaging in a War (1678), pp. 3–4 (jcb). For the sources of Grotius, see Lammasch in the American Journal of International Law, x. 692 and Vanderpol, as above, pp. 51, 297.

279 The Lord a Man of War (1735), p. 24 (MHS).

280 Martial Wisdom Recommended (1737), p. 16 (MHS).

281 The Origin of War examin’d and applied (1733), p. 21 (MHS).

282 Id., p. 15.

283 The Art of War Lawful and Necessary for a Christian People, pp. 6 ff. (JCB). I have examined only a few of the sermons of this period. Doubtless many such passages could be found. For the importance of the clergy in the revolutionary movement, see Alice M. Baldwin, New England Clergy.

284 Plymouth Colony Records IX. 3 ff.

285 A. Vanderpol, pp. 51 ff.; Grotius, De Jure Belli ac Pacts (Classics of International Law), ii. 171 ff., and Introduction, xxxvi.

286 Vanderpol, pp. 130 ff.

287 The Origin of War examin’d and applied, p. 22.

288 Souldiers Counselled and Comforted (1689), p. 29 (jcb). This is not an Artillery Election sermon.

289 The Soveraign Efficacy of Divine Providence (printed for Samuel Sewall, 1682), p. 27 (jcb).

290 Oliver Peabody, An Essay to revive and encourage Military Exercises (1732), p. 25 (mhs).

291 William Williams, Martial Wisdom Recommended (1737), p. 27 (mhs).

292 For references to this controversy, see Charles P. Keith, Chronicles of Pennsylvania, II. 897 ff.; The Writings of Benjamin Franklin (Smyth ed.), I. 361 ff., and n. 336 ff.; Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v. 158 ff.

293 Tennent, The late Association, pp. 17–18. I have used a copy printed at Philadelphia in 1748 by William Bradford, and now in the John Carter Brown library. In the same collection is a treatise by William Currie entitled, A Treatise on the Lawfulness of Defensive War. It is a reply to a Quaker answer to Tennent.

294 Plymouth Colony Records, IX. 3 ff.

295 Id., x. 26, 428.

296 Id., p. 56.

297 Id., p. 76.

298 New Haven Colonial Records, 1653–1665, p. 8.

299 Plymouth Colony Records, x. 79, 88.

300 Hutchinson Papers (Prince Society), I. 129 ff.

301 Id., pp. 136 ff.

302 Winthrop’s Journal (Hosmer ed.), i. 196.

303 On the Cotton code, see F. C. Gray, “Remarks on the Early Laws of Massachusetts Bay,” in 3 Mass. Hist. Soc. Col., VIII. 191–237; W. H. Whitmore, A Bibliographical Sketch of the Laws of the Massachusetts Colony from 1630 to 1686; W. C. Ford, “Cotton’s ‘Moses his Judicials,’” in 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., XVI. 274–284.

304 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 137.

305 Winthrop, i. 151; Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 147.

306 Id., pp. 174–175.

307 Winthrop, I. 196.

308 Notice the statement in the preface to the Laws and Liberties of Massachusetts, reprinted from the copy of the 1648 edition in the Henry E. Huntington Library (1929): “. . . about nine years since wee used the help of some of the Elders of our Churches to compose a modell of the Iudiciall lawes of Moses with such other cases as might be referred to them, with intent to make use of them in composing our lawes, but not to have them published as the lawes of this Jurisdiction: nor were they voted in Court.”

309 Massachusetts Colony Records, I 222; Winthrop, I 262.

310 J. J. Currier, History of Newbury, Mass., p. 56.

311 Boston Records, III. iv.

312 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 262.

313 4 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vii. 208.

314 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 279; Winthrop, I. 323–324.

315 Thomas Lechford, Note-Book (1885), pp. 237–238.

316 3 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., III 88–90.

317 4 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vi 26–27.

318 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 292–293.

319 Id., p. 320.

320 Id., p. 340.

321 Id., p. 346; Winthrop, ii. 48–49.

322 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 344.

323 C. F. Adams, Antinomianism, p. 225.

324 On the authorship of this pamphlet, printed in Cambridge, Mass., in 1663, see my note in the American Historical Review, xxxvii. 267–269.

325 New Haven Colonial Records, i 12.

326 Id., ii. 518 (“Newhavens Case Stated”).

327 Winthrop, ii. 161.

328 See my “John Cotton and the New Haven Colony,” in the New England Quarterly, iii. 82–94.

329 The First Book of Records of the Town of Southampton, pp. 18–22.

330 For this suggestion I am indebted to Mr. Albert Matthews.

331 1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., v. 187–192.

332 Id., pp. 171–187.

333 Winthrop (Savage ed., 1825), I 322.

334 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., VIII. 191–237.

335 Lechford, Note-Book, p. 237.

336 See Albert Matthews, “The Name ‘New England’ as Applied to Massachusetts,” in the Publications of this Society, xxv. 382–390.

337 J. T. Adams, Founding of New England, p. 211.

338 The manuscript of this letter is at the Massachusetts Historical Society.

339 David Loggan, Oxonia Illustrata (Oxford, 1675).

340 Mather refers to this custom in the Magnalia (edition, 1853), ii. 21.

341 The splendor of the entertainments on such occasions is illustrated by the following: “I have sent you here inclosed warrants for four brace of Bucks and a Stag; the last Sir Arthur Manwaring procured of the king for you, towards keeping of your Act, i have sent you a Warrant also for a brace of Bucks out of Waddon Chace; besides, you shall receive by this Carrier a great Wicker Hamper, with two jowls of Sturgeon, six barrels of pickled Oysters, three barrels of Bologna Olives, with some other Spanish commodities.” Christopher Wordsworth, Social Life at the English Universities in the Eighteenth Century, p. 285.

342 This was the Encaenia, the survival of the literary and musical performance with which the Sheldonian Theatre was opened in 1669. Repeated annually on the Friday before the Act, there soon developed a tendency to confuse the two. J. Wells, The Oxford Degree Ceremony, pp. 31–32.

343 The Terrae filius of this year must have lived up to tradition if the sub-title of his printed essays is an indication of their contents — More Burning Work for the Oxford Convocation. Wordsworth, p. 298.

344 The following is an eighteenth-century account of Terrae filius.

It has, till of late, been a custom, from time immemorial, for one . . . to mount the Rostrum, at Oxford at certain seasons, and divert an innumerable crowd of spectators . . . with a merry oration in the Fescennine manner, interspers’d with secret history, raillery, and sarcasm, as the occasions of the times supply’d him with matter.

If a venerable head of a college was caught snug a-bed with his neighbour’s wife; or shaking his elbows on a Sunday morning; or flattering a prime minister for a bishoprick . . . the hoary old sinner might expect to hear of it from our lay-pulpit the next act. Or if a celebrated toast and a young student were seen together at midnight under a shady myrtle-tree, billing like two pretty turtledoves, to him it belong’d, being a poet as well as an orator, to tell the tender story in a melancholy ditty, adapted to pastoral musick . . . .

Notwithstanding what some wise heads have thought to the contrary, I cannot see the great unreasonableness of such publick licenses as these at particular seasons: For why should a poor undergraduate be call’d an idle rascal, and a good for nothing blockhead, for being perhaps but twice at chapel in one day, or for coming into college at ten or eleven a clock at night, or for a thousand other greater trifles than these; whilst the grey-headed doctors may indulge themselves in what debaucheries and corruptions they please, with impunity, and without censure? Methinks it could not do any great hurt to the universities, if the old fellows were to be jobbed at least once in four or five years for their irregularities, as the young ones are every day, if they offend.

Indeed, some of my predecessors have us’d the old gentlemen too roughly, and run their christian patience quite out of breath. One of these academical pickle-herrings scurrilously affronted the learned president of St. John’s college (in defiance of the statue de contumeliis compescendis) by shaking a box and dice in this manner, Facta est alea, doctor, Seven’s the main, in allusion to a scandalous report handed about by the doctor’s enemies, that he was guilty of that infamous practice, and had lost great sums of other people’s money at dice. . . .

Several such indignities as these having been offer’d to the grave fathers of the university, (the reverend the heads and governors of colleges and halls) they winc’d like so many gall’d horses, and said to one another, Gentlemen, these are no jests; if we suffer this, we shall become the sport of freshmen and servitors; let us expel him, for an example to others not to take such freedoms with their superiors.

And Terrae-Filius was accordingly expell’d almost every act. Yet for all that, some body was still found upon these occasions, endow’d with christian courage enough to rebuke wickedness in high places, at the expense of infamy and nakedness; the usual consequences of incurring ecclesiastical displeasure! Nicholas Amhurst, Terrae-Filius: or, the Secret History of the University of Oxford (London, 1726), pp. 1–4.

345 The manuscript of this letter is in the archives of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, London.

346 An account of the last services in the wooden meeting-house of the Old South Church, erected in 1669, was printed in the New England Weekly Journal of March 3, 1729. It is not a little curious to find the pastor of the church referring to it as the “fourth Church,” when it was the Third Church. It is possible that he regarded the First Baptist Church, founded in 1665, as the “third” Church, which indeed it was, historically considered.

347 Michael Spaher, An Exact Survey of the Microcosmus, or Little World; being an Anatomy of the bodies of Man and Woman. . . . London, 1670. The title, somewhat modified appears in the Term Catalogues for 1675 and 1702.

348 Edward Wells (c 1665–1727), A New Set of Maps, both of Ancient and Present Geography . . . Together with a Geographical Treatise . . . particularly adapted to the Use and Design of the said Maps. 2nd impression. In Term Catalogues, 1708.

349 Probably an advance copy of his circular letter, dated April 10, 1729, asking for facts. W. C. Ford, Massachusetts Broadsides, p. 77.

350 The Reverend Samuel Newman (d 1663), of Rehoboth, author of the so-called Cambridge Concordance.

351 The Reverend Noah Newman (d 1676).

352 Capt. Joseph Prince (d 1747): cf. our Publications, xix. 332, note 2.

353 John Senex (d 1740).

354 Jonathan Belcher (H. C. 1728).

355 See Benjamin Rand, Berkeley’s American Sojourn (1932).

356 Dr. Alexander Hamilton, a visitor at Cambridge, August 15, 1744, refers in his Itinerarium to “some curious editions of the classics, presented to the college by Dean Barklay.” Hart edition (1907), p. 174. They were undoubtedly destroyed in the fire of 1764.

357 President Thomas Clap, valuing Berkeley’s benefaction at £400, wrote of these volumes as being “the finest Collection of Books that ever came together at one Time into America.” The Annals or History of Yale College (1766), p. 38.

358 Stratford.

359 Clap says (p. 37) that the “Descriptions and Conditions” in the first deed were not “perfectly adapted to the State of the College.”

360 Apparently the only measure taken by the Trustees was to vote that the Rector “at the Cost of this College order suitable Boxes to be made for the Reception of the Rev^d Dean Berkeley’s Collection of Books.” Franklin B. Dexter, Ed., Documentary History of Yale University, p. 305.

361 Jared Eliot (d 1763), Yale 1706, clergyman and physician, F.R.S.

362 For further information about Jenner see New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xlvii. 437—444; 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., v. 474; vii. 10; 3 Coll., iii. 99; iv. 144; 4 Coll., vii. 10, 104, 334, 340 f., 344, 350, 355 ff., 359; facsimile of signature and seal, 4 Coll., vii. plate 7.

363 Fordyce, History of the Bishoprick of Durham, p. 761.

364 Venner’s Insurrection; see New Eng. Hist. Gen. Reg. XXXVI. 407.

365 3 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., IV. 128.

366 Id., p. 144.

367 The Hutchinson Papers (Prince Society), i. 257–258.

368 Palfrey had evidently seen this copy. Cf. History of New England, I. 584 n¹.

369 Transcription, with notes, of MS. Rawlinson C 934, folios 32 to 38 verso, from a photostat furnished by the Bodleian Library. The first line if each entry reproduces the original. Then follow the fuller titles so far as found, with notes.

370 This entry was substituted for another crossed out.

371 The name of the author has been crossed out in the original ms.

372 The manuscript contains no number 177.

373 The manuscript shows signs of emendation; the number may originally have been “6,” changed to “4,” because of the number of the gospels, by some one who did not know the full nature of the book.

374 Figures which may represent the price have been crossed out.

375 As Weld did not number his books, numbers beginning with 201 have been assigned to them.

376 “& Proverbs” crossed out.

377 Crossed out.

378 Following this, crossed out, is “Withers on 1 Psal.”

379 The title “Swan Song” was a great favorite in subtitles for works written not long before the author’s death.

380 Although this space is left blank in the ms., it seems clear that Dod was meant as the author.

381 The list ends on folio 38 verso of the manuscript

382 Transcription, with notes, of a paper preserved in the archives of Middlesex County, from a photostat furnished by the Register of Probate, Cambridge. The list is in two columns, unnumbered. For convenience, numbers beginning with 396 have been assigned the entries.

383 The reading may be “Heads.”

384 Other miscellaneous items included in this inventory are:

An Old Bedstead
an old chest
a Brass hetchell	lb	s	dd
5 old chairs	02	00	00
A Cupboard for Books
a Table
A Cupboards Head,
Silver clasps for a Bible	00	02	06
Twenty Acres of Land Lying at the Neck, valued att	200	00	00

385 This section of the inventory, constituting the second page of the ms., is written in another hand.

386 See New England Quarterly, v. (January, 1932), 35–54.

387 John G. Palfrey, History of New England, ii. 41.

388 Records of the Church in Brattle Square, Boston, p. 5.

389 7 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., viii. 373.

390 Id., p. 560.

391 5 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vii. 285; Cotton Mather also notes this meeting in his Diary. Editions of A New Version of the Psalms of David, Fitted to the Tunes Used in Churches, by N. Brady and N. Tate, were printed in New York in 1710 and 1725, and in Boston in 1713 and 1720.

392 For example see:

Thomas Symmes, The Reasonableness of Regular Singing or Singing by Note. In an Essay to Revive the True and Ancient Mode of Singing Psalm-Tunes. Boston, 1720.

Thomas Walter, The Grounds and Rules of Musick Explained or an Introduction to the Art of Singing by Note. Boston, 1721. Of this Evans says that in it appears the first music printed in bars in the United States. It was advertised by the Boston News-Letter for February 13, 1720/21, as “Now in the Press.”

Thomas Walter, The Sweet Psalmist of Israel, “a sermon preach’d at the Lecture held in Boston, by the Society for promoting regular & good singing,” etc. Boston, 1722.

John Tufts, A Very Plain and Easy Introduction to the Art of Singing Psalm-Tunes. Boston, 1721.

Peter Thacher, John Danforth, and Samuel Danforth, Cases of Conscience about Singing Psalms, Briefly Considered and Resolved. Boston, 1723.

Cotton Mather, A Pacificatory Letter. Boston, 1723.

Josiah Dwight, An Essay to Silence the Outcry that has been Made in Some Places against Regular Singing. Boston, 1725.

393 7 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., viii, 693. See also Mather’s letter to Thomas Bradbury, July 1, 1724. Id., p. 797.

394 7 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., viii. 606, 608, and 624.

395 The following census of copies is given through the courtesy of Mr. Thomas J. Holmes, Librarian of the William Gwinn Mather Library, Cleveland:

1. American Antiquarian Society.
2. John Carter Brown Library.
3. Harvard College Library.
4. Matt B. Jones, Boston, Mass.
5. Massachusetts Historical Society.
6 and 7. New York Historical Society (2 copies).
8. New York Public Library.
9. Lemuel A. Welles, Esq., New York City.
10. Yale University Library.

396 J. A. Stoughton, Windsor Farmes, p. 77.

397 E. C. Smyth, “Jonathan Edwards,” Andover Review, xiii. 5 n; see also S. E. Dwight, Life of President Edwards (1829), p. 17.

398 See note on Lily’s Latin grammar, Publications of this Society, xxvii. 24.

399 Dwight, Edwards, p. 18.

400 J. S. Clark, Historical Sketch of the Congregational Churches in Massachusetts, p. 181.

401 These figures are based on a comparative analysis of works of American writers as they are set forth in Evans’ American Bibliography.

402 Andover Review, xiii. 4.

403 Id., p. 5.

404 Edwards Collection, Yale University, No. 26. Cited as Ed. mss., Yale.

405 T. D. Woolsey in Memorial Volume of the Edwards Family Meeting at Stockbridge, Mass. (1871), p. 31. But see also S. E. Morison, Builders of the Bay Colony, p. 207.

406 Woolsey, p. 31.

407 Dwight, Edwards, p. 30.

408 F. B. Dexter, A Sketch of the History of Yale University, p. 14.

409 Dwight, Edwards, p. 32.

410 This is the Port Royal Logic, written by Antoine Arnauld and Pierre Nicole and first published, in French, in 1662. This book is one of the products of the Port Royalists, remarkable as teachers and text-book writers, that survived the attacks levied against them by the Jesuits.

411 In 1714, the Trustees received at Saybrook at one time over 700 volumes to add to the very slender library, the result of Jeremiah Dummer’s assiduous solicitations among his English friends. In 1718, the library contained some 1300 volumes, but in their transfer to New Haven at least a fifth were lost or destroyed. As Edwards was at Wethersfield until 1719, he could not have had easy access to them. See Dexter, Sketch, pp. 14, 19, 100; Papers of the New Haven Historical Society, iii. 240; E. Oviatt, Beginnings of Yale, p. 367.

412 Woolsey, p. 32; Oviatt, Beginnings, pp. 422–424.

413 Dwight, Edwards, p. 100.

414 Ed. Mss., Yale, No. 5; Dwight, Edwards, p. 703. The reference is to modesty in writing.

415 Dwight, Edwards, pp. 702–703.

416 Deciphered by Upham, 2 Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc, xv. 515.

417 “Jonathan Edwards’ Last Will,” Bibliotheca Sacra,xxxiii. 438 ff.

418 J. R. Trumbull, History of Northampton, ii. 65–66.

419 New England Quarterly, i. 234.

420 Ed. Mss., Yale, No. 11.

421 Colman Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society.

422 Ed. Mss., Yale, No. 26.

423 Dwight, Edwards, p. 251.

424 New England Quarterly, i. 232.

425 Joseph Pynchon (H. C. 1726), preacher and doctor.

426 Papers of the Connecticut Valley Historical Society, ii. 2.

427 Waterston Autographs, i. m.h.s.

428 Ed. Mss., Yale, No. 24.

429 Dwight, Edwards, p. 94.

430 For convenience, I designate the reverse side of the envelope, on which the first entries were made, page A; the obverse, page B; the beginning of the bound pages, 1, 2, etc., as Edwards himself numbered them.

431 Ephraim Chambers, Cyclopædia (1738).

432 Error for 1735.

433 This refers, I think, to the library of the Hampshire Ministers’ Association, housed probably by one of the Springfield ministers.

434 The dates, and the pages on which they were entered, might roughly be stated thus: 1720?–1726, pp. A and B; 1726–1736, pp. 1–4; 1736–1746, pp. 5–15; 1746–1757, pp. 15–43. The last date, on page 42, is January 13, 1757.

435 The items are tabulated together with the volume and page in Edwards’ Works (1829) where they appear. The key is as follows:

Affec. Religious Affections, Vol. v.
Bible. Notes on the Bible, Vol. ix.
Crea. End in Creation, Vol. iii.
Faith. Justification by Faith Alone, Vol. v.
Messiah. Types of the Messiah, Vol. ix.
Mind. The Mind, Vol. I.
Misrep. Misrepresentations Corrected, Vol. iv.
Observ. Miscellaneous Observations, Vol. vii.
Qual. Qualifications for Full Communion, Vol. iv.
Prayer. Union in Prayer. Vol. iii.
Redemp. History of Redemption, Vol. iii.
Remarks. Miscellaneous Remarks, Vol. vii.
Sin. Original Sin, Vol. ii.
Trinity. Observations on the Trinity (Smyth, ed., 1880).
Will. Freedom of the Will, Vol. ii.

436 Clark, Congregational Churches in Mass., pp. 181–182.

437 An Unpublished Essay of Edwards on the Trinity (1903), pp. 39 ff.

438 Dwight, Edwards, p. 550.

439 S. Hopkins, Life and Character of Jonathan Edwards, pp. 43–14.

440 F. H. Foster, A Genetic History of New England Theology, p. 48.

441 Andover Theological Library, Edwards Mss.

442 Andrew Michael Ramsay (1686–1743), Scottish author of the treatise, noted in its day, Philosophical Principles of Natural and Revealed Religion (1747), a book which combats Berkeley and Malebranche as tending to Pantheism. See A. V. G. Allen, Jonathan Edwards, p. 347.

443 Thomas Chubb (1679–1746) is not referred to by name, but a good part of Freedom of the Will is directed against his deistic writings.

444 Considering that Edwards’ later writings were directed against deism, I think that he must have known something about other deists: Charles Blount, Charles Leslie, John Toland, Anthony Collins, William Woolston — for he often asked Erskine to give him more information about books that were appearing on the subject, and he probably scanned the magazines for such works particularly.

445 Mentioned in the Catalogue, but not crossed off. But Law was a very important figure in a field that could not escape Edwards’ attention.

446 “Notes on the Bible,” Works (1830), ix. 176.

447 Catalogue, p. 26.

448 Id., p. 34. Though it was a palpable imitation of Fénelon’s Télémaque, I suspect that Edwards thought of it as a story of travel.

449 Id., p. 36.

450 This is crossed off (page 2). The volume went into an eleventh edition in 1726. See Evans, i.

451 In 1714, Steele proposed a Life which he never carried out. See G. A. Aitken, Life of Richard Steele, ii. 29.

452 The Ladies’ Library was “written by a lady” [Mary Wray, granddaughter of Jeremy Taylor and wife of Sir Cecil Wray?] and published by Sir Richard Steele in three volumes, 1714. The set was not in Yale at that time. Possibly one of Edwards’ sisters who had been “sent . . . to Boston to finish their education” (Dwight, Edwards, p. 17) brought it home.

453 From which he quotes in the Catalogue, p. 35.

454 Edwards, p. 601 and note.

455 For a full discussion of the matter, see my article “Jonathan Edwards and the ‘Young Folks’ Bible,’” New England Quarterly, v. 37–54.

456 Dwight, Edwards, p. 185.

457 F. B. Dexter, “Early Private Libraries in New England,” in Proceedings, American Antiquarian Society, n.s., xviii. 145, quotes Mellen Chamberlain as saying that “before 1700 there was not in Massachusetts, so far as is known, a copy of Shakespeare’s or of Milton’s poems.” See, however, Albert Matthews’ views on this subject in the Nation (N. Y.) lxxxvii. 624–625, 650. He points out that Paradise Lost was quoted three times by Cotton Mather in the Magnalia in or before 1700.

458 Letters from New England (Prince Society), pp. 68, 78.

459 W. C. Ford, The Boston Book Market, p. 44. For invoices of books sent to booksellers in Boston, 1682–1685, see T. G. Wright, Literary Culture in Early New England, pp. 218–237. He also lists (pp. 115–117) nearly twenty-five booksellers in Boston between 1672 and 1700, so there were plenty of channels to buy books.

460 Elizabeth C. Cook, Literary Influences in Colonial Newspapers, pp. 13–14.

461 7 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vii. 368. This was an amazingly large library. See also J. H. Tuttle, “The Library of the Mathers,” Proceedings, American Antiquarian Society, n. s. xx. Wright says (p. 126) that it was the best.

462 Revolutionary New England, p. 35.

463 J. T. Adams, Revolutionary New England, p. 31.

464 This is peculiarly interesting in view of the fact that “in Connecticut in 1698, [lawyers] were legislated against in company with drunkards, keepers of disorderly houses and other people of ill fame.” Adams, Revolutionary New England, p. 39.

465 H. B. Parkes, “New England in the Seventeen Thirties,” New England Quarterly, iii. 401. He quotes from the News-Letter of March 30, 1739.

466 Id., p. 401.

467 The Boston Gazette appeared in 1719. James Franklin maintained in his Courant office a library for the use of writers. How great the circulation was is not recorded. Wright, Literary Culture, p. 187.

468 Cook, Literary Influences, p. 13.

469 Wright, Literary Culture, pp. 82–95. See the early volumes of Evans for chronological lists of early Americana.

470 Travels in New England and New York, iv. 323.

471 Adams, Revolutionary New England, p. 32. Public libraries did not appear for a century. The Redwood Library was established in Newport in 1747 and the New York Society Library in 1754. But these of course were in the nature of literary society libraries, as was the Philadelphia library founded by Franklin and others in 1731. There were parochial libraries formed between 1698 and 1730 through the efforts particularly of the Reverend Thomas Bray, of London, founder of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. Thirty of these were established in Maryland, and others in New England, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. But these were intended for ministers and not for the layman. See “Public Libraries in the U. S. A.,” Report of the Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Education, Pt. I. (1876), 32 n. For the Boston “Town Library” (1653), see Wright, Literary Culture, p. 43; and Publications of this Society, xii. 116–135.

472 The library of the Reverend John Williams, of Deerfield, is the only one mentioned by Sheldon (History of Deerfield, I. 465) as existing in the town, and it was inventoried in 1729 at the time of Williams’ death. Its contents of 190 volumes often parallel the items of Edwards’ Catalogue.

The library of Edwards’ grandfather Stoddard (see Trumbull, Northampton, ii. 65–66), inventoried in 1728, has been already mentioned. Col. John Stoddard, Anthony’s younger brother and a man of wealth, wide influence, and fine intelligence, died in 1748, and, although his estate was valued at more than £35,000 Trumbull (Northampton, II. 177), makes no mention of any books among the items of interest in the inventory.

473 See F. B. Dexter, in Proceedings, American Antiquarian Society, n. s., xviii. 135–147. Some of the libraries discussed are, however, of the seventeenth century.

474 The inventory of the estate of Michael Perry, Boston bookseller (1700) is given in the appendix of Dunton’s Letters and similarly in W. C. Ford’s Boston Book Market.

475 Catalogue, p. A. I assume that this refers to Addison’s drama, although it might refer to Cato’s Letters, which appeared in the London and later in the British Journal by Thomas Gordon and John Trenchard, reprinted in four volumes in 1724.

476 One fifth were from him; the rest were contributed by Steele, Newton, Kennett, Andros, Nicholson, Blackmore, Woodwood, Bentley, Whiston, Halley, and Yale. See Wright, Literary Culture, p. 184, whose information is taken from President Clap’s MS Catalogue of early accessions to the Yale library.

477 Wright, Literary Culture, p. 184.

478 Over a thousand volumes.

479 Four hundred volumes.

480 Wright, Literary Culture, pp. 186–187. But six English authors of note had been republished from the American press before 1730 (although there were, between 1639 and 1729, 132 printers located in 22 places throughout the colonies, of whom 69 were in Boston): one work each from Wither, Bacon, Steele, Swift, and Defoe; four from Bunyan. Evans, i.

481 F. I. Carpenter, “The Radicalism of Jonathan Edwards,” New England Quarterly, iv. 629 ff.

482 “The Royal Society of London and Its Influence upon Scientific Thought in the American Colonies,” Scientific Monthly, xxiii. 336–355, 448–469.

483 Italics mine.

484 See page 100, above.

485 The text given here is from a copy in one of Newman’s letter-books in the archives of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, London.

486 See C. H. McIlwain’s introduction to Wraxall’s Abridgment of the Indian Affairs.

487 E. Salone, La Colonisation de la Nouvelle-France, p. 256.

488 Order of May 21, 1696: Archives des Colonies (hereafter abbreviated AC.), B19:118^vo. (All archives cited in footnotes are in Paris.)

489 Letters Patent of May 12, 1678. Pierre Margry, Editor, Découvertes et Établissements des Français, i. 337. (Hereafter referred to as “Margry.”)

490 King to La Barre, August 5, 1683, Margry, ii. 310.

491 La Salle’s memoirs, in Margry, ii. 359; iii. 17.

492 Minister of Marine to De Cussy, March 4, 1684, Margry, ii. 377; La Salle’s commission, April 14, 1684, Margry, ii. 382; orders to La Barre, same date, AC., B11:40.

493 See Henri Lorin, Le Comte de Frontenac, p. 303; Margry, v. 14; Denonville to Minister of Marine, August 25, 1687, AC., C11A:9:61; Denonville’s memoir of 1688, AC., C11A:10:100.

494 See note 2 on page 227.

495 Frontenac and Champigny to Minister of Marine, October 26, 1696, AC., C11A:14:119; royal memoir to Frontenac and Champigny, April 27, 1697, AC., B19:234^vo.

496 Letters of king and of minister, May, 1697, quoted in Margry, iv, introduction, p. iv.

497 Minister of Marine to Frontenac and Champigny, April 27, 1697, AC., B19:234^vo.

498 Louise P. Kellogg, The French Régime in Wisconsin and the Northwest, pp. 251–252; Margry, vi. 55–58.

499 Le Sueur’s memoir, 1697(?), is in Margry, vi. 59–61.

500 See note 1, above. See also abstract of a second memoir by Le Sueur, of which the original is not in the archives, AC., C11A:120: no page number.

501 Letter of Argoud to Minister of Marine, December 10, 1697, Margry, iv. 19–21, and accompanying memoir, id., pp. 21–43.

502 Minister of Marine to Argoud, December 14, 1697, Archives de la Marine (hereafter abbreviated AM.) B2; 122:430.

503 Verner W. Crane, The Southern Frontier, 1670–1732, pp. 48–60.

504 AC., C11A; 125: piece no. 78 (printed in Margry, vi. 66).

505 Memoir to Frontenac and Champigny, AC., B20:71^vo.

506 Minister of Marine to Iberville, June 4, 1698, Margry, iv. 49. The last sentence indicates that the selection had been made in May.

507 Mémoire pour servir d’instruction au Sieur d’Iberville, July 23, 1698, AC., B20:111^vo (printed in Margry, iv. 72).

508 The documents are for the most part printed in Margry, iv.

509 Mémoire de la Coste de la Floride et d’une partie du Mexique, AC., C13A:1: 155 (printed in Margry, iv. 308); Iberville to Minister of Marine, June 29, 1699, Margry, iv. 116; Iberville to Minister of Marine, August 11, 1699, AC., C13A: 1:101 (printed in Margry, iv. 328).

510 Orders to Iberville for second voyage, September 22, 1699, AC., B20:259^vo (printed in Margry, iv. 348).

511 Minister of Marine to Iberville, August 12, 1699, AM., B2:137:78.

512 Journal of Iberville’s second voyage, Bibliothèque Nationale, Fonds Français, Nouvelles Acquisitions 9296:7 (printed in Margry, iv. 395–431).

513 Relation of Sagean, Archives du Service Hydrographique (hereafter abbreviated ASH.), 672: cahier 3 (printed in Margry, vi. 95–162); Minister of Marine to Desclouzeaux, April 7, 1700, AM., B2:147:8^vo; and ASH., 672: cahier 4 (printed in Margry, vi. 162–166).

514 Memoir of Iberville, undated, ASH., 67²: cahier 4, piece 2.

515 Juchereau de Saint-Denys, Mémoire pour l’établissement d’une Colonie au Mississippy, AC., C13B: 1: no page number; concession to Juchereau, June 4, 1701, AC., B22:264^vo (printed in Margry, v. 351); Minister of Marine to Iberville, July 20, 1701, AM., B2:155:105 (printed in part in Margry, iv. 487).

516 Memoir of Iberville, ASH., 672: cahier 4, piece 2.

517 Salone, Colonisation de la Nouvelle-France, pp. 174–176; Minister of Marine to Bégon, July 20, 1701, AM., B2:155:105.

518 Documents on negotiations to secure the cession of Pensacola by Spain are in Margry, iv. 541–574; discussion in William E. Dunn, Spanish and French Rivalry in the Gulf Region, 1678–1702, pp. 205–215. Selection of the Mobile River site was indicated in instructions to Iberville, August 27, 1701, AM., B2:152:156.

519 Memoir of Iberville, undated, abstracted in AC., C13C:2:54.

520 Memoir of Iberville, June 20, 1702, AC., C13C:2:43 (printed in Margry, iv.593).

521 Minister of Marine to Duguay, April 30, 1704, AM., B2:175:277.

522 Minister of Marine to Iberville, January 30, 1704, AM., B2:174:254^vo.

523 Minister of Marine to Bienville and La Salle, February 13, 1704, AC., B25:10^vo; and to Iberville, same date, AM., B2:174:374.

524 No detailed history of the infancy of the colony has been published. Peter J. Hamilton’s Colonial Mobile, Pierre Heinrich’s La Louisiane sous la Compagnie des Indes, 1717–1731, and N. M. Surrey’s The Commerce of Louisiana during the French Régime, 1699–1763, all contain material on the early years. An unpublished doctoral thesis by the writer of this paper, entitled The French in Louisiana, 1699–1712, covers in considerable detail the period indicated.

525 Projet sur la Caroline, 1702 or early 1703, AC., C11A:20:224; plan of March 17, 1703, AM., B4:25:362; projet, undated, AC, C13A:1:445; Iberville to Minister of Marine, June 26, 1704, AM., B4:26:482; memoir of 1705, AM., B4:29:213.

526 Conditions sous lesquelles le Roy a accordé à, M. D’Yberville ses vaisseaux, August 29, 1705, AM., B4:29:217; instructions to Iberville, November 3, 1705, AM., B4:29:219. The accounts of Iberville’s raid on the island of Nevis are in AM., B4:31.

527 Order appointing De Muy governor, May 1, 1707, Bibliothèque Nationale, MSS. Clairambault, 951:119.

528 Instructions to De Muy, June 30, 1707, AC., B29:248^vo; Minister of Marine to De Muy, id., 258^vo.

529 Correspondence of Minister of Marine with Bégon, May and June, 1707, AM., B2:197:756, 1010, 1424; with Rémonville, June, 1707, id., 1113, 1272, 1541.

530 See note 1, on page 234.

531 Artaguiette to Minister of Marine, May 25 and August 18, 1708, AC., C13A: 2:317 and 327; letters of N. LaSalle to Minister of Marine, September 12, 1708, id., 193; May 12, 1709, id., 395; June 20, 1710, id., 519, etc.

532 Census of August 12, 1708, AC., C13A:2:225.

533 Artaguiette to Minister of Marine, August 18, 1708, AC., C13A:2:327.

534 Artaguiette’s letter cited in note 6, p. 235; letter to Minister of Marine, August 6, 1709, AC., C13A:2:53, and June 20, 1710, id., 541; also letter of January 10, 1711, id., 633.

535 Minister of Marine to Bégon, October 17, 1708, AC., B30:49; to Lempereur, October 24, 1708, id., 51; and to Duché, November 9, 1708, id., 61.

536 Minister of Marine to Bégon, September 4, 1709, AC., B30: 199; and February 19, 1710, AM., B2:220:614.

537 Correspondence of Minister of Marine with Bégon, May and June, 1710, AM., B2:221:663, 896, 1023, 1233, 1332.

538 Marginal comments on abstracts of letters from N. La Salle, May 12, 1709, AC., C13A:2:439; and from Bienville, August 20 and September 1, 1709, id., 415.

539 Memoir of Artaguiette, May 12, 1712, AC., C13A:2:803; Tivas de Gourville to Minister of Marine, June, 1712, AC., C13A:2:737. These two documents are printed in translation in Mississippi Provincial Archives, ii. 60 and 67.

540 Minister of Marine to Crozat, June 5, 1712, AC., B34:C122^vo; Cadillac to Minister of Marine, June 29, 1712, AC., C13A:2:675.

541 Id.; and Cadillac to Minister of Marine, August 14, 1712, AC., C13A:2:687.

542 Letters Patent of September 14, 1712, AC, A22:1 (printed, among other places, in Publications of Louisiana Historical Society, iv. 13–20).

543 See note 1 above.

544 Memoir of king to Cadillac, December 18, 1712, AC., F3:68:65.

545 Memoir of January 2, 1712, Archives du Ministère des Affaires Étrangères, Mérnoires et Documents, Amérique, 24:13.

546 Our Publications, xvii. 70–71, 221.

547 The Bunch of Grapes Tavern, kept by Rebecca, widow of Francis Holmes.

548 The Independent Corps of Cadets, or, as it has been more popularly known, the First Corps of Cadets, dates back to 1741, when Governor Shirley commissioned Benjamin Pollard to be “Captain of a Company of 64 young Gentlemen,” to be enlisted by him in the Province. Samuel K. Lothrop, Monstrat Viam (1841), pp. 10–11.

The New-England Weekly Journal, however, twice makes mention of these earlier cadets referred to by Walker, once on this same occasion of Governor Burnet’s inauguration. In the issue of July 22, 1728, it says: “the Company of Young Gentlemen Cadets in their Order and Gaiety” escorted the Governor to Dr. Cooke’s, and after firing three volleys “exercis’d their Arms with their wonted beauty and exactness before they were dismiss’d.” Again, in the issue of October 14, 1728, in describing the celebration of the anniversary of George II’s coronation it says: “the Company of Cadets being in Arms waited on His Excellency, our Governour, attended by several of the Gentlemen of the Council, &c. and conducted them to the House of Mrs. Holme’s . . . .”

Neither of these quotations makes clear the exact nature of this military organization. Possibly it, like the group of similar name in the Shirley administration, was intended primarily to serve as a military escort or bodyguard to the governor. In this connection it is an interesting fact that the Pollard who is named later on in this diary as the captain of these Cadets is the same person who was commissioned by Shirley in 1741 to organize the company. Furthermore, Walker states, on a later occasion when the Cadets appeared, that the picture of Governor Burnet was painted on their ensign. I find, however, no further reference to the Cadets by that name in the newspapers before Shirley’s time.

549 Having the governor stay temporarily at Cooke’s — on the west side of Cooke’s Court, now Chapman Place — was regarded by some impartial observers as a politically unwise arrangement. Dr. William Douglass, the Boston physician, wrote on April 22, 1728, to Cadwallader Colden, of New York: “The committee appointed to provide lodgings for the governor in the interim, until the Province House be refitted, have ordered Dr. Cook’s house for that end. Dr. Cook is my good friend; but pardon me if I express to you as my very good friend, the opinion of the gentlemen here who are of no party. I wrote you formerly that the two noted parties here are the Dudleys and Dr. Cook’s, and so inveterate the one against the other, that the being with either may give a jealousy of bad consequence; but if used with the same respect, or kept at the same distance, will make everything easy, and they will bid upon one another for the governor’s interest and advantage. It is my opinion, (pardon my forwardness of duty to his Excellency) that if Mr. Burnet did write to the lieutenant governor to have a few rooms in the Province House fitted up for his reception (the family perhaps not coming so soon) would answer the end of giving umbrage to no party.” 4 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., ii. 183–184. Cooke was paid £60 from the Province treasury for the use of his house. Acts and Resolves, xi. 370.

550 This entry is an echo of the feuds long current in King’s Chapel, which are related at length in H. W. Foote, Annals of King’s Chapel, i. The Reverend Henry Harris had since 1709 been the assistant to the rector, the Reverend Samuel Myles. As the leader of the anti-Checkley faction in denunciation of High-Church and Jacobite principles, he had by his aggressiveness gained the hostility of a large portion of the parish, as well as of the rector. Appointed, however, by the Bishop of London and drawing his salary as “lecturer” from a royal bounty established by William III, he had in a sense occupied an independent position. As soon as Myles’s death became imminent early in 1728, Harris began pulling wires to get the prospective vacancy for himself. In a letter which he wrote to the Bishop of London, who, though not claiming the right of presentation, did claim the right to license the incumbent, Harris described his supporters as “the most considerable Gentlemen” and “persons of the greatest wealth and honor in our church.” Historical Collections Relating to the American Church, iii. 246, 248. (There is irony in Walker’s comment on the Harris faction since he himself was a member of the Checkley group, and was one of the Checkley majority elected to the Vestry in March, 1728.) At the same time the High-Church party in the chapel, “being but a few though very noisy,” unwilling to await Burnet’s arrival before acting — “having a prejudice to the name Bishop Burnet” — had taken steps to secure a curate, who should succeed to the prospective vacancy. At a subsequent meeting of the congregation on March 13, 1727/28, after Myles’s death, they put through a vote that General Nicholson and Thomas Sandford, a London merchant, be empowered to present a clergyman for institution. They also took control of the church stock, to be used, so the opposition stated, “to defray all charges in compassing their designs.” Harris and his group, besides proposing to send remonstrances to England, suggested an immediate appeal to Burnet, but this was abandoned for the moment on the ground that he would refuse to meddle in any local affairs until he had officially assumed the governorship. Apparently they wasted no time in presenting their grievances to him once he had taken office.

The following entries from Walker’s diary dealing with the disputes in King’s Chapel, supplement, and at the same time are in the main verified by, the official records published by Dr. Foote:

“[Feb. 6, 1727/8] In y^e afternoon at y^e Kings Chappell y^e Reuerend M^r Sam^l Myles, y^e minister (he being very much Indispos’d w^th a Cancerous humor In his breast its Thought by y^e phisicians he Can’t Subsist here long in y^er opinion) desir’d y^e Congregation to meet, to send for a Curate y^e Clerk by his desire mention’d it, on Sunday last, y^e Congregation met & as some say y^e most In Number y^tt Euer appear’d at a Church meetting (m^r Henry Harris thare, y^e warning was read, m^r Autchmuty paraphars’d on it much Talk on’t & division about itt, y^e meetin divided m^r Harris’ party was for adjourning it y^e major [party] was not for, so those for, Harris Church Warden Thomas Phillips went away out off y^e church. [Marginal note: After Harris Church Warden Philips, y^e churchwarden, w[h]o took Book, & most off Harris’ party went out of y^e church abrubtly from assembly] The major part staying ware much supris’d & sundry off y^e went out] Those y^tt Remain’d being a great majority staid & proceded to act Choosing a moderator m^r In^o Jekill, m^r Gibbins Clerke, and Voted to send for a Curate, according to m^r Myles desire (Voted to send to his Excellency Gener^l Nickolson & m^r Thomas Sandford merch^tt In London or in y^e absence of one to y^e oth^r To seek out or gett a man well affected to the present Establishment In State & Church of a good life & Conversation, & voted 100¹ year sterlin for his Salery, & 20£ Sterlin for his passage, & In Case of m^r Myles decese, they likeing him he might Succeed him Choose a Comitte to write to y^e all Gentlemen to get one Mess^r Jekill, Craddock, Eastwick, Chickley Barns . . .

“Monday [March] 11a Vestry & very dirty at noon m^r Harris & m^r Jekyll had high words In y^e Kings Chappel Harris Toucht Jekyl^s nose & Told him he did not Take him by y^e nose, (If he shou’d strike him it was 20^l fine & his Ears Cutt Harris wanted the Parochal Library d[elivere]d to him y^tt was at m^rs Myles) I hear In^o Checkley said it want a Vestry & had protest against it (Philips, Church warden & sundry others went out . . .

“Wednesda 13 The Congregation of y^e Kings Chappel mett here at 3 Clock In y^e afternoon A great assembly or number Thare. m^r Harris Thare he read his licence In Latin, & mentioned his being an assistant to Carry on y^e Servis w^th m^r Myles, Harris urg’d he was y^e minister now m^r Myles was deceas’d & m^r Gifford as register of y^e Church affairs, Write & read to y^e Congre^tn Wether m^r Harris y^e minister of y^e Kings Chappel here shou’d not vote with y^e Congrega^tn to go on busines, it was not allowed a proper & fair proposall by a great majority. When m^r Harris Cou’d not obtain y^tt he Went out of y^e Church with many others (y^e Congrega Ware of y^e Opinion he was but assistant & not y^e minister & Expects he’d continu so & Officiate still y^e Servis of that Congregation (mr Autchmuty made a long discourse for m^r Harris, saying y^tt if any man Shou’d Come into y^e Church & Cut down a pillar or other mischeif in y^e Church none man but m^r Harris Cou’d prosecute him butt m^r Harris, according to y^e law, so he wou’d insinuate by y^tt saying he was y^e only minister, however y^tt had no Effect, yⁿ was Wrote & rote & read to y^e Congregatⁿ y^e Reuer m^r H. Harris y^e minister of Kings Chapel, here might with y^e Congrega: vote, y^tt was rejected, then m^r Harris & many others went out of y^e Church after y^tt Philips Church Warden propos’d y^t We stay till Gouer^r Burnet Came y^tt was rejected or weth^r y^e Congregatⁿ wou’d refer it to y^e Bishop of London y^tt refus’d too, yⁿ we proceeded to go on & read 10, paragraph & Voted 9 of them Viz. 1 was to send to” [entry not completed]

551 The Reverend Timothy Cutler, rector of Christ Church, Boston, and from the first a strong opponent of Harris.

552 The older brother of William Dummer, the Lieutenant Governor, and of Jeremiah, the agent.

553 The renewal of the controversy between governor and legislature over the matter of the governor’s salary continued throughout Burnet’s administration. Burnet communicated the text of this instruction to the House of Representatives on July 24. Its terms aroused stubborn opposition, but Burnet consistently refused the repeated requests from the House that it be allowed to adjourn without complying. He informed them on September 4, 1728: “I can only again assure you, that unless His Majesties Pleasure has its due Weight with you, your Desires have very little with Me.” Journals of the House of Representatives, viii. 311.

554 John Gibbs, son of the John Gibbs, painter and stainer, who died in 1725.

555 To get the General Court away from the prejudice of Boston, where a mass meeting had adopted and ordered published a “unanimous declaration” against fixing a salary upon the governor, Burnet, on October 24, adjourned the Court to Salem “where,” as he said, “prejudice had not taken root.” Hutchinson (ii. 316–317) relates that Burnet jokingly remarked that the name of a place might work a charm, and that for that reason “he was at a loss whether to carry them there [Salem] or to Concord.”

556 In celebration of George II’s birthday.

557 The Royal Exchange Tavern, kept by Luke Vardy.

558 This is in all probability the flag of some local infantry company or regiment. Howard M. Chapin, Esq., the authority on such matters, informs me that it is the only description of a colonial infantry flag in use in the first half of the eighteenth century that has come to his notice.

559 Walker originally wrote “feuer & flux” instead of “coma.”

560 Cf. our Publications, xiv. 221, for another account of Burnet’s funeral in which there is a slight difference in detail. The cost of the funeral, which was borne by the Province, amounted to £1097 11s 3d. Acts and Resolves iii. 431.

561 George Burnet, the Governor’s steward.

562 Suffolk Probate Records, Book 27 (1728–1730), pp. 337–348.

563 The spelling “gouff” follows an old Scottish form, perhaps indicating the pronunciation at the time. The word is said to be derived from the Dutch “kolf,” a club, another sidelight upon the probable origin of the game in Holland.

564 The Expedition of Humphry Clinker (Edition of 1836), pp. 267–268.

565 Mr. M. A. DeW. Howe, in his Boston Common (page 8), has discussed Mr. Canavan’s argument.

566 “In the ‘New English Tutor’ a print is given of ‘The Pope or Man of Sin’ which was originally beyond question a cut used to illustrate the signs of the zodiac in an almanac, for it is exactly like them with the exception of the addition of a tiara to the otherwise naked figure. To utilize the zodiacal lines and letters radiating from the body, [Benjamin] Harris added a key or explanation which replaced Aries, Taurus, Cancer, Scorpion, etc., with Heresy, Disorder, Malice, Murder and Treachery, etc., and which called on the ‘Child’ to ‘behold that Man of Sin, the Pope, worthy thy utmost Hatred.’ This print was reproduced in the Primer of 1737, but no key was added, so that the ‘Child’ must have been not a little puzzled to know what the rays and letters meant.” Paul Leicester Ford, The New-England Primer (1897), p. 50.

567 Ford, The New-England Primer, p. 29.

568 The imprint on one of these is “Boston: Printed for the Booksellers, 1750,” and on the other, “Boston: Printed by John Green, for the booksellers. 1750.”

569 Isaiah Thomas, The History of Printing in America (1874), i. 149 (Archæologica Americana, Transactions of the American Antiquarian Society, vi).

570 See Green and Russell’s Boston Post-Boy & Advertiser for December 10 and 17, 1759, for warnings against spurious editions of Ames’s Almanac.

571 “In those days also saw I the Jews that had married women of Ashdod, of Ammon, and of Moab: and their children spake half in the speech of Ashdod, and could not speak in the Jews’ language, but according to the language of each people. And I contended with them, and cursed them, and smote certain of them, and plucked off their hair, and made them swear by God, saying, Ye shall not give your daughters unto their sons, nor take their daughters unto your sons, or for yourselves.” Nehemiah, xiii: 23–25.

572 Samuel Webster, A Winter Evening’s Conversation upon the Doctrine of Original Sin (Boston, 1757).

573 Charles L. Nichols, “The Boston Edition of the Baskett Bible,” Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, n.s., xxxvii. 24–42.

574 I wish to acknowledge assistance and advice received from the Reverend Dr. A. F. Nolte, of Harlingen, from Professor J. A. C. F. Auer, of the Harvard Divinity School, and from Dr. P. C. Molhuysen, of the Royal Library at the Hague.

575 Hastings Rashdall, Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, i. 21–22. As “Master” and “Doctor” were interchangeable terms in medieval universities, the Ph.D. was equivalent to the M.A. in England and usually required no more study and training than the English B.A. Cf. the diploma of Jeremy Dummer (A.B. Harvard 1699) for the Ph.D. at the University of Utrecht, which was copied into the Harvard College Records, and is printed in our Publications, xv. 305–308.

576 Cf. J. Gardner Bartlett’s list in our Publications, xxv. 14–23; and S. E. Morison, English University Men Who Emigrated to New England before 1646 (1932).

577 See Dictionary of National Biography; Foster, Alumni Oxonienses; Henry Martyn Dexter, Congregationalism As Seen in Its Literature.

578 Magnalia (1702 ed.), Book iii. 143.

579 Burtchaell and Sadleir, Alumni Dublinenses, p. 653.

580 Andrew Clark, Register of the University of Oxford, ii (ii) (Oxford Historical Society Publications, xi), p. 330.

581 As Clark explains (p. 329), the matriculation records of the university are wanting for over two years, 1613–1614, and the name of Thomas Parker is found in the Subscription Book, “which does not mention the College from which the Subscribers matriculated.” Subscription followed matriculation, and on the same day.

582 Album Studiosorum Academiæ Lugduno Batavæ (1875), p. 117.

583 For William Ames, see our Publications, xiii. 64–68; xxv. 70–83; and G.D. J. Schotel, De Academie te Leiden (1875), chapters iv, v.

584 Ed. 1702, Book iii. 144.

585 See our Publications, xxv. 62, 75 n ff; and Abraham Kuyper, Jr., Johannes Maccovius (Leyden, 1899).

586 Fur Prædestinatus (London, 1651), pp. 2–3. Quoted and wrongly attributed to Archbishop William Sancroft in the Dictionary of National Biography, the Cambridge History of English Literature, and J. B. Mullinger, The University of Cambridge, iii. 426 n. It was merely a translation, possibly by Sancroft, of a satirical anti-Calvinist tract in three parts, by Hendrik D. Slatius, entitled Den Ghepredestineesden Dieff (The Hague and Antwerp, 1619–1622). There is an English translation called The Predestinated Thief; or a Dialogue between a Calvinistic Preacher and a Thief condemned to the Gallows, etc. (London, 1814).

587 They were printed as Theses Theologiæ de traduetione hominis peccatoris ad vitam, quas ad disputandum proponit Thomas Parkerus, Anglus. Fran. 1617. I take this title from W. B. S. Boeles, Frieslands Hoogeschool (Leeuwarden, 1878), i. 45. They are also printed in Ames’s Disceptatio de Circulo Pontifico (Amsterdam, 1658), pp. 74–93 (copy in M. H. S.), and in Guilielmi Amesii Opera (Nethenus ed., Amsterdam, 1658), v; and the Synod’s report on the theses is found in Nethenus’ introduction to Volume i. A complete account of the controversy by J. Heringa is printed in Kist and Royaards’ Archief voor Kerkel. Gesch. (Leyden, 1831), iii. 503–664, a reference which I obtained from Hugo Visscher, Guilielmus Amesius (Haarlem, 1894), p. 49. My own account is largely obtained from Abraham Kuyper’s life of Maccovius (Leyden, 1899), pp. 26–30, 54, 86–89, 92, 135–137.

588 Kuyper (Maccovius, pp. 89, 135 n) points out that both Ames and Maccovius were Scholastic in their training and point of view; Ames being a disciple of William Perkins, and Maccovius of Keckermann. Hugo Visscher, on the other hand, asserts that Ames’s defense was purely out of personal friendship. Since Parker’s Theses are printed as Ames’s in Volume v of his works, edited by his disciple Nethenus, it can hardly be doubted that Ames approved them.

589 Kuyper, Maccovius, pp. 92–93.

590 See the titles printed under Parker’s name in the Catalogue of the British Museum.

591 Magnalia (1702 ed.), Book iii. 146.

592 The Visions and Prophecies of Daniel Expounded. . . . By Thomas Parker, sometime of Newbery in Berkshire, and now Pastor to the Church at Newbery in New-England. London, 1646, 156 pp. Copy in Boston Public Library.

593 The Copy of a Letter Written by Mr. Thomas Parker, Pastor of the Church of Newbury in New-England, to His Sister, Mrs Elizabeth Avery, Sometimes of Newbury in the County of Berks, Touching sundry Opinions by her Professed and Maintained (London, 1650), p. 13. Copy in Boston Public Library.

594 2 Proc. Mass, Hist. Soc., XLIX. 361–386; reprinted in Harold Murdock, The Nineteenth of April, 1775, chapter i.

595 The Descent of Comfort Sands (1886), p. 45.

596 The Cambridge University records show, however, that it was not he but his cousin, Roger Kenyon, afterwards Court Physician at St. Germain, who graduated at that University.

597 Fourteenth Report, Historical Manuscripts Commission, Appendix, Part iv. 166.

598 George Morey, born at Norton, Massachusetts, December 18, 1750, was the son of George and Mary (Hodges) Morey. He matriculated at Harvard College, December 18, 1772, and graduated in 1776. He was ordained a Congregational minister at Walpole, November 19, 1783, and died there, July 26, 1829.

599 The earlier part of the diary, January, 1771, to December 18, 1772, refers to the period during which Morey prepared for college.

600 Possibly Benjamin Guild (H.C. 1769; tutor 1776–1780) and Daniel Newcomb, of Norton (H.C. 1768).

601 Jean Jacques Burlamaqui. A commonly used book by him was Principes du Droit Naturel (Geneva, 1748). English editions, in two volumes, with the title The Principles of Natural Law, appeared in 1748–1752 and 1763.

602 William Kneeland (H.C. 1751; tutor 1754–1763) was a physician in Cambridge at this time.

603 Joannes Wollebius. His Abridgment of Christian Divinitie (London, 1650) was long in use by Harvard students.

604 Shirts.

605 During the concentration at Cambridge after April 19, 1775, and throughout the siege of Boston, the colonial troops used the college buildings as headquarters. The students dispersed late in April. In September, 1775, they were notified that instruction would be resumed in Concord. On June 21, 1776, “the students were again assembled within the College walls, after a dispersal of fourteen months.” Quincy, History of Harvard University, ii. 169.

606 Probably a book by either Adam Ferguson (1723–1816), professor of philosophy at Edinburgh, or James Ferguson (1710–1776), British astronomer.

607 Orthodoxy in Massachusetts (1933), chapters v–vi.

608 Above, pp. 37–66.

609 Above, p. 61.

610 The Journal and Letters of Samuel Curwen of Salem, G. A. Ward, Ed. (1844), p. 59.

611 Id., pp. 195–196.

612 Id., p. 223

613 Id., p. 223.

614 Id., p. 225.

615 Id., p. 225.

616 Id., p. 235.

617 Id., p. 237.

618 Above, p. 61.

619 So he generally spelled his name, although his descendants called it Waldron. The most extended notice of him is in the Collections of the New Hampshire Historical Society, viii. 332–352.

620 John Scales, History of Dover, N. H. (1923), p. 325.

621 New Hampshire Province Deeds, ii. 94b, 95a (“True coppies” of originals brought into court, June 28, 1664), mss., N. H. Historical Society, Concord.

622 The material for this paper has been largely drawn from the original business documents and letters of Elias Hasket Derby in the Essex Institute at Salem. The information regarding the history and politics of the Isle of France has been mainly taken from The History of Mauritius or the Isle of France (London, 1801), by Charles Grant, Viscount de Vaux. David McPherson’s Annals of Commerce (London, 1805) has been used for references to the commercial history of the East Indies in the eighteenth century.

623 Essex Institute Historical Collections, xxxv. 1–79.

624 Material for this article was collected while the writer served as fellow of the Guggenheim Foundation. The manuscripts used in the Public Record Office, London, are the Colonial Office Papers, cited as C.O. Quotations have been modernized. Statements of value are in sterling, unless otherwise noted. The chronology used is that adopted by the Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, America and West Indies (cited as Cal. St. Pap., A. & W. I.). Three branches of New England’s external trade — with the Wine Islands, with Canada, and with Africa — did not, at this period, affect seriously the problem considered in this paper. The trade of New England and New York with the other mainland colonies of North America is discussed in my article, “The Economic Relations of Boston, Philadelphia, and New York, 1680–1715,” Journal of Economic and Business History, iii. 185–209.

625 G. L. Beer, The Old Colonial System, i. 15; David MacPherson, Annals of Commerce, iii. 508.

626 A list of exports from England to New England in 1715 included silk, tin, iron, woolens, linen, earthenware, leather, paper, copper, brass, lead, wood, hair, paint, oil, powder, coal, chalk, pots, kettles, spices, drugs, muslins, calicoes, “cum multis aliis.” “The Trade of New England as it Now Stands,” C.O. 5:866, no. 52.

627 Estimates of yearly exports and imports are found in C.O. 390:5. These statistics can be used only to indicate general trends, and must not be taken literally. Commenting on the records of this period, Lipson says: “The statistics of foreign trade are extremely defective. The custom-house ledger, showing the total exports and imports, was not adopted until 1696. Moreover, the returns, even when available, are based on official, not real values, and so do not afford a correct view of the trade in any year at the current market prices. But this defect is an advantage in one respect; it enables comparisons to be made over long periods on the basis of a uniform standard of prices, so that it is possible to measure the rise or fall in the volume of trade without the disturbing factor of changes in the price level.” E. Lipson, The Economic History of England, ii. 189.

628 Report on vessels sailing from England to the colonies, Christmas, 1709, to Christmas, 1714, C.O. 388:18, no. 22.

629 In ten months of the years 1686 and 1688, of 40 vessels sailing from England to Boston, 27 (1,773 tons) were English owned, and 13 (1,063 tons) were owned in Massachusetts. All the vessels (425 tons) exporting from England to Salem in 21 months of the years 1714–1716 belonged to England. Massachusetts Shipping Returns, C.O. 5:848. In two years after June 24, 1715, 20 vessels (1,110 tons) sailing from New York to England were owned in the province, as against 23 vessels (1,665 tons) owned in England. New York Shipping Returns, C.O. 5:1222.

630 W. B. Weeden, Economic and Social History of New England, i. 369–370; memorial of Nicholson, Perry, and Lodwick, entered June 10, 1708, C.O. 5:1121, p. 162.

631 For a list of 41 merchants trading to New England in 1714, see C.O. 5:752, no. 7.

632 For a list of merchants trading to New York, see Cal. St. Pap., A. & W. I., 1699, p. 59.

633 Weeden, i. 370. Samuel Sewall’s correspondents in England, 1686–1700, were John Ive and John Love. 6 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, i. 32–33, 34, 44–45, 77, 89, 116, 137, 237. In 1687, Sewall, Eliakim Hutchinson, and Peter Sergeant were buying from John Richardson, a Bristol merchant, on the commission basis. Id., i. 65. John Higginson, of Salem, in 1699 purchased £100 of drapery directly from a London draper. 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, vii. 211.

634 Sewall in 1685 sold a parcel of goods in New England for William Sellen, London merchant. The Boston sale price was £48 3s, from which Sewall deducted a commission of £2 8s — nearly 5 per cent. Sewall was evidently loath to sell on commission for English merchants. 6 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soe, i. 30.

635 Petition of August 28, 1718, C.O. 5:1051, no. 83, signed by C Lodwick, J. Paice, T. Pitt, R. Jeneway, J. Lloyd, J. Bayeux.

636 Dudley to Board of Trade, March 1, 1709, C.O. 5:865, no. 22; G. Lee to Sir Stephen Fox, October 30, 1712, C.O. 5:751, no. 83; Banister’s Essay on the Trade of New England, 1715, C.O. 5:866, no. 67. John Higginson wrote from New England to his brother Nathaniel, October, 1699: “In the last war time, all East India goods were extremely dear. Muslins of the best sort, plain, striped, and flowered, were sold for £10 per piece, and some more.” 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, VII 209.

637 Bellomont to Board of Trade, October 17, 1700, C.O. 5:1045, no. 1; James du Pre to Board of Trade, October, 4, 1710, C.O. 5:1050, no. 3. See also C.O. 5:1051, no. 19.

638 In 1687, Randolph stated that whale oil shipped from Massachusetts to England amounted to 200 tons a year. In 1709, Dudley reported the quantity at 800 tons, and the imports England received in the three years, 1721–1723, averaged about that amount. Dudley’s figures make it appear that the Boston price was £6 5s a ton. Weeden i 43; C.O. 5:865, no. 22; list of England’s imports from New England, 1721–1723, C.O. 390:5, no. 50.

639 After 1689, there was generally in force a contract between the Royal Navy and an English merchant for a regular supply of New England masts. The contract of 1689–1696, with Samuel Allen, called for one shipload yearly to the value, in England, of £2,190. Contract of August 9, 1689, C.O. 5:924, no. 1 (ii). Allen sold his rights to Isaac Taylor. In 1700, John Bridger made proposals to save the Navy £11,723 yearly on the contract Taylor held then. Taylor was supplying four shiploads annually. Bellomont to Board of Trade, C.O. 5:931, no. 3. A third contract, 1708–1713, required three shiploads annually, the payment for one year (in England) amounting to £6,060. This contract — with Francis Collins — ran for five years. Godolphin to Bridger, May 31, 1708, C.O. 5:864, no. 230. Between Christmas, 1712, and Christmas, 1717, England imported 145 New England masts, the yearly value of which in England probably did not exceed £6,000. An account of lumber and timber exported from Europe and the colonies to England, C.O. 390:8, H. The sums paid for these masts, however, did not all go to the colonies. English merchants always held the contracts, and employed their own ships in the trade, thereby earning the freights. In 1715, it was estimated that timber worth 50s in the colonies cost between £6 and £7 a ton in England, the freight charges on such a quantity amounting to £4. S. Sheaf to Board of Trade, May 18, 1715, C.O. 5:866, no. 36. Lumber exports from New England to England, 1712–1717, averaged 171 tons a year. C.O. 390:8, H.

640 Between 1700 and 1704, New England sent only 67 barrels of pitch and tar to England. After the bounty went into effect, the figures were (in barrels):

	Tar	Pitch	Turpentine	Resin
October, 1706	6,191	647	1,145	90
March, 1708	2,190	2,275	1,924	68
March, 1709	120	1,890	1,333	124
November, 1710	1,410	2,111	1,525	338
February, 1712	712	1,194	1,631	none
January, 1713	none	none	None	none

See letters of John Bridger, October 24, 1706, March 13, 1708, March 27, 1709, November 27, 1710, February 2, 1712, January 10, 1713, C.O. 5:864, nos. 76 (ii), 224, C.O. 5:865, nos. 28, 59, C.O. 5:1091, no. 68, C.O. 5:898, no. 27.

641 Randolph, in 1687, noted the decline of the New England fur-trade. Weeden, i. 437. Dudley, in 1709, estimated the value of furs exported from New England at £1,000 yearly. C.O. 5:865, no. 22.

642 Partial statistics indicate the following exports of whale oil from New York: June 8, 1698, to December 23, 1699, 54 barrels; June 25 to September 25, 1700, 18 tons, 228 barrels; June 25, 1715, to June 25, 1716, 344 barrels. Board of Trade to House of Lords, February 5, 1702, C.O. 389:17, p. 327, and C.O. 5:1222. During two years, Christmas, 1720, to Christmas, 1722, whale oil and fins exported from New York to England had an estimated value (at New York) of £1,232. At this time they represented only six per cent of the native products of New York shipped as returns to England. C.O. 390:5, no. 51.

643 Beaver exports from New York were (number):

1687	14,062
1692–1693 (March to March)	6,240
1693–1694	11,180
1694–1695	13,360
1695–1696	9,703
1696–1697	10,830
1697–1698	5,414
1698–1699 (June to June)	14,455
1699–1700	15,352

New York custom-house report, C.O. 5:1048, no. 67 (i). Bellomont stated in 1700 that the beaver trade had “sunk to little or nothing.” The London price of beaver had fallen to 5s a pound, only 3s of which went to the New York merchant, for he had to pay on every skin a provincial export duty of 9d and charges of 12d in England, in addition to 3d for freight. Bellomont to Board of Trade, November 28, 1700, C.O. 5:1045, no. 18. The New York merchants wrote in February, 1705, that the peltry trade was “so diminished as scarce worthy of regarding.” Petition to Cornbury, C.O. 5:1048, no. 105 (i). Captain Samuel Vetch wrote to the same effect in his “Canada Survey’d,” received July 25, 1708, C.O. 323:6, no. 64. For two years, 1721 and 1722, the New York total value of beaver exported to England is given as £8,878 16s; of all other furs and skins, as £4,717 12s, the two items representing £13,697 10s. Since the total value of the native products of New York shipped as returns during these two years was £18,656, the fur-trade accounted for 73 per cent of such returns. Account of exports and imports to and from New York, from Christmas, 1720, to Christmas, 1723, dated July 18, 1724, C.O. 390:5, no. 51.

644 From June 8, 1698, to December 23, 1699, exports of naval stores were: turpentine, 20 barrels; from March 25 to December 23, 1699, 2 hogsheads and 164 barrels of turpentine; from June 25, 1700, to 1704, none. C.O. 389:17, p. 327. Pitch and tar were not exported to England during the years 1700–1704. Board of Trade to House of Lords, November 27, 1707, C.O. 389:19, p. 52. During the year June 24, 1715, to June 24, 1716, the exports were: pitch, 1,253 barrels; tar, 318 barrels; turpentine, 1,505 barrels; tar and pitch not differentiated, 1,623 barrels. C.O. 5:1222. During the five years, Christmas, 1712, to Christmas, 1717, New York’s yearly average exportation of lumber and timber was: pipe and hogshead staves, 204 hundredweight; barrel staves, 55 hundredweight; heads for hogsheads, 7 hundredweight; large masts, 6½ (number); masts, middle, 11. C.O. 390:8, H. During the two years 1721 and 1722, the New York value of lumber and timber exported was only £226 3s in total returns of native products amounting to £18,656. C.O. 390:5, no. 51.

645 In 1709, Dudley estimated the yearly exports of Massachusetts to England as follows: tar and gums, £5,000; whale oil, £5,000; furs, £1,000, total, £11,000. These estimates do not include New Hampshire ship timber, which probably accounted for £5,000 more. The total returns from New England, as given by the English custom-house records, 1709, were valued at £29,559. C.O. 5:865, no. 22. In 1715, Captain Banister estimated the New England exports as follows: naval stores, £6,250, furs, £3,750, whale products £13,125, total £23,125. Apparently these figures likewise do not include New Hampshire timber. The British records evaluate the total returns of New England in 1715 at £66,555. Banister to Board of Trade, July 15, 1715, C.O. 5:866, no. 53. A complete table of New York’s returns, 1721 and 1722, giving both quantity and value of products, shows that the native products of the province exported during the two years were worth £18,656, the value of all the commodity returns from the province coming to £35,248. Thus native products represented only 53 per cent of the commodities shipped directly from New York to England during those years. C.O. 390:5, no. 51.

646 Each year England sent a naval squadron to Newfoundland, the commanders of which reported on the state of the fishery. Their reports agree as to the products supplied by New England. The reports are as follows: 1691, Captain Hawkins, C.O. 1:68, no.92 (i); 1691, Captain Crawley, id., no. 94 (i); 1694, Captain Hogg, id., no. 101 (i); 1698, Captain Norris, C.O. 194:1, no. 126 (i); 1699, Captain Leake, id., no. 150; 1700, Captain Fairborne, C.O. 195:2, p. 390; 1701, Commodore Graydon, C.O. 195:3, pp. 5–7; 1702, Captain Leake, id., p. 116; 1706, Commodore Underdown, C.O. 194:3, no. 169 (i); 1707, Commodore Underdown, C.O. 194:4, no. 35 (i); 1708, Commodore Mitchell, id., no. 76 (i); 1710, Captain Aldred, id., no. 142 (i); 1711, Commodore Crow, C.O. 194:5, no. 8 (ii); 1712, Sir N. Trevanion, id., no. 16 (i); 1713, Captain Leake, id., no. 59 (i); 1715, Captain Kempthorn, C.O. 194:6, no. 10 (i).

647 Report of Captain Hawkins, 1691, C.O. 1:68, no. 92 (i).

648 C.O. 5:848.

649 Report of Commodore Graydon, March 13, 1701, C.O. 195:3, p. 6.

650 C.O. 5:848.

651 George Larkin to Board of Trade, August 20, 1701, C.O. 195:2, pp. 449–450; Captain Tavener to Board of Trade, March 19, 1714, C.O. 194:5, no. 35.

652 Report of Commodore Graydon, March 13, 1701, C.O. 195:3, pp. 2–3; report of Captain Kempthorn, October 6, 1715, C.O. 194:6, no. 10 (i); Kempthorn to Burchet, 1715, C.O. 194:5, no. 99 (ii).

653 Of fourteen vessels that left Massachusetts for Newfoundland in 1708, nine returned to New England, two went to Barbados, one to Bideford, one to Oporto, and one to Avero—the ship bound for Oporto being owned at that place. C.O. 194:4, no. 76 (iii). Ten vessels (all New England owned) exported from New England to Newfoundland in 1698. Seven returned to New England without cargoes of fish, two carried 1,450 quintals to Jamaica and Barbados, and one carried 500 quintals to Oporto. C.O. 194:1, no. 126 (i).

654 Captain Norris to Board of Trade, November 13, 1698, C.O. 194:1, no. 126 (i). He wrote: “Those of New England never exercise the fishing trade [at Newfoundland] but most commonly dispose their cargo for money and bills which makes 25 per cent to them at New England, but if they cannot get them, they buy refuse fish and go to the West Indies.” See also report of Captain Fairborne, 1700, C.O. 195:2, pp. 391–392; report of Graydon, C. O. 195:3, p. 7; report of Larkin, C.O. 195:2, p. 450; report of Leake, April 25, 1702, C.O. 195:3, p. 116; report of Trevanion, 1712, C.O. 194:5, no. 16 (i).

655 Report of James Jackson; February 2, 1706, C.O. 194:3, no. 116. Jackson said that to debar the New Englanders from their Newfoundland trade would make it impossible for them to pay debts of £100,000 which they owed to England. For a general discussion of this phase of New England’s economic activity, see R. G. Lounsbury, “Yankee Trade at Newfoundland,” New England Quarterly, iii 607–626.

656 C.O. 194:5, no. 99 (ii); report of Leake, C.O. 195:3, p. 120.

657 Bellomont to Board of Trade, November 28, 1700, C.O. 5:1045, no. 18.

658 In the 16 months between May, 1686, and September, 1688, 32 vessels sailed from Boston to southern Europe with cargoes of fish. Twelve of these belonged to New Englanders, the other twenty to English merchants. All but four sailed for Bilbao. C.O. 5:848.

659 C.O. 5:1045, no. 18.

660 Id.

661 C.O. 5:848.

662 Petition for re-establishment of Massachusetts mint, 1686, C.O. 1:60, no. 88 (v); address of the Governor, Council, and Assembly of Massachusetts to the Queen, August 28, 1713, C.O. 5:751, no. 85 (i); Dummer to the Queen, 1713, C.O. 5:866, no. 6 (i).

663 Sewall’s transactions with southern Europe indicate that his agents there sold fish for him and remitted the proceeds, usually by bills of exchange, to his correspondent in England. See six items for the period 1687–1700, in 6 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, i. 64–65, 66, 92–93, 122, 220, 234.

664 C.O. 5:1045, no. 18.

665 C.O. 5:865, no. 22.

666 A treaty between England and Spain, December 14, 1715, provided that goods imported into and exported from Spain by British subjects were not subject to higher duties than Spanish traders were obliged to pay. British Foreign and State Papers, i. 628.

667 Bellomont to Board of Trade, June 22, 1700, C.O. 5:861, no. 45.

668 Petition of William Crouch, Joseph Tatem, Henry Phillips, and other London merchants, 1700, C.O. 5:861, no. 29 (i); Journal of Board of Trade, May 6, 1700, Cal. St. Pap., A. & W. I., 1700, pp. 229–230; Partridge to Board of Trade, C.O. 5:862, no. 29.

669 3 & 4 Anne, c. 9.

670 J. Smith to John Usher, November 2, 1715, C.O. 5:866, no. 74 (i); Board of Trade to Stanhope, August 3, 1715, C.O. 5:752, no. 11.

671 C. O. 5:865, no. 22.

672 Salem in one year, 1715–1716, exported 445 hogsheads and 202 quintals of fish to the British West Indies, and 75 per cent of the vessels sailing thither from Boston in 1715 carried shipments of fish. C.O. 5:848.

673 Most of the lumber sent to the British islands came from northern New England. The chief products were boards, staves, shingles, and hoops. Nearly all the vessels leaving Boston for the British West Indies carried lumber, i. e., 289 of 308 vessels of whose cargoes I have itemized accounts. Id.

674 In six months of 1688, Boston sent 270 horses to the British islands. They appear in 35 per cent of the cargoes from Boston during 1715. In the year after midsummer, 1715, Salem exported 39. Id.

675 Wheat, flour, bread, biscuit, beef, pork, bacon, peas, oats, Indian corn, cheese. These foodstuffs made up only a small part of the cargoes from New England to the British islands, although they seem to have been more important before 1690 than afterward. In six months of 1687, provisions are listed in two thirds of the shipments from Boston to the British Indies, but by 1715 only small quantities were so exported. (Id.) Some notion of the relative importance of the products shipped from New England to the sugar colonies may be derived from Thomas Banister’s estimates of the trade of New England in 1715. The following figures include all exports (except to the Wine Islands), not only those to the sugar colonies: provisions, £18,750; fish, £187,500; lumber, £31,250; horses, £25,000; onions and fruit, £1,250; beer and cider, £4,375; soap and candles, £6,250; wine, £2,500; small articles, £6,250. Banister to Board of Trade, July 15, 1715, C.O. 5:866, no. 53.

676 During the year after June 24, 1715, New York shipped 1,911 tons of provisions to the British islands in vessels of 2,600 tons, and 450 tons of provisions to the foreign sugar colonies. C.O. 5:1222.

677 New York, in the year 1715–1716, exported 193,000 feet of boards to the British islands; to the foreign sugar colonies, 84,000 feet of lumber. Id.

678 New York’s exports in the year 1715–1716 were to the British islands, 169 horses; to the foreign sugar colonies, 86. Id.

679 Before 1712, the British islands exported, one year with another, about 280,000 gallons of molasses to all the other British colonies. Accounts of exports from the British West Indies to the colonies, C.O. 390:6, pp. 32, 34, 35, 36, 38, 51, 53, 55, 56, 59, 60, 66, 73–74, 87, 89, 104, 117. Massachusetts imports of British molasses fell from 156,000 gallons in six months of 1688 to 72,000 gallons in the year 1716. C.O. 5:848, and A. Cuming to Cockburn, March 2, 1717, C.O. 5:866, no. 111. New York took 36,000 gallons of British molasses in one year, 1715–1716. In 1716, Boston imported 105,000 gallons of foreign molasses; New York, 16,000 gallons. C.O. 5:1222, and C.O. 5:866, no. 111.

680 Before 1712, the British islands exported yearly, on the average, about 325,000 gallons of rum to all the English colonies. Massachusetts in one year, 1716, took 113,000 gallons of British rum, and New York about 72,000 gallons. Imports of foreign rum into New York and Boston in 1715–1716 amounted to about 3,500 gallons for each town a year. C.O. 390:6, passim (see preceding note); C.O. 5:866, no. 111; C.O. 5:1222.

681 The sugar exported from the British islands to the other English colonies before 1712 may have amounted to about 13,500 hundredweight yearly. C.O. 390:6, passim. Sugar re-exports from the mainland to England, 1703–1716 were: from Massachusetts, a yearly average of 5,988 hundredweight; from New York, yearly average, 1,333 hundredweight. C.O. 390:5, no. 47. Boston’s imports of British sugar in 1716 amounted to 792 hogsheads; of foreign sugar, 364 hogsheads. C.O. 5:866, no. 111.

682 Boston in 1716 imported from the British islands 502 bags of cotton-wool, 6 barrels of indigo, 19 barrels and 14 bags of cocoa; from the foreign colonies, 83 bags of cotton-wool, and 10 barrels of indigo. C.O. 5:866, no. 111. Other returns from the sugar colonies were very slight. C.O. 5:848, and C.O. 5:1222.

683 C.O. 5:848.

684 C.O. 5:1222.

685 Id.

686 C.O. 5:848.

687 Sewall’s sailing orders to Nicholas Bowe, master of the Endeavor, November, 1687, read, “if you cannot near fill up the ketch [at Antigua], you may leave the freight money in the hand of Thomas Marshall, to be sent home upon some good bottom. . . . And then you may proceed for salt to [Tortuga] and there take in lading of good fair small salt free from shells and mother [sic], and bring it home with you.” 6 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 66–67.

688 The records in the Massachusetts Shipping Returns are as follows: Boston to the British West Indies, May 18 to September 29, 1686, March 25 to September 29, 1687, March 25 to September 29, 1688, January 1, 1715, to January 1, 1716; Salem to the British West Indies, June 24, 1714, to June 24, 1716; Boston to the foreign sugar colonies, January 1, 1715, to January 1, 1716; Salem to Surinam, June 24, 1714, to June 24, 1716. C.O. 5:848.

689 New York to British West Indies, June 24, 1715, to June 24, 1716; New York to the foreign sugar colonies, June 24, 1715, to June 24, 1717. C.O. 5:1222.

690 In the years 1687–1692, Sewall sent five shipments to the West Indies, ordering the ship’s captain to make sale. These vessels were of course New England owned. 6 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, i. 4, 66, 74, 78, 114. Between 1686 and 1692, Sewall also consigned twelve shipments to his agents in the West Indies, giving instructions as to the form in which the proceeds were to be returned. Id., pp., 3, 4, 37, 46, 90, 111, 112, 115, 116, 117, 133–134. To one agent at Antigua, Nathaniel Barns, a “loving friend,” Sewall in 1689 mentioned “many merchants that have made considerable consignments to you.” Id., pp. 109–110. When consigning goods to Joseph Sergeant at Jamaica in 1691, Sewall admonished him: “Keep your N. E. principles.” Id., pp. 115–116. Writing to his agent, Eliakim Mather, at Jamaica, in 1691, Sewall said: “Stay . . . where you are, if can enjoy God’s word on the Sabbath from some good Minister.” Id., p. 117. Other agents of Sewall were: at Barbados — John Pilgrim, Nathaniel Thair, Nathaniel Green, William Adams, Conrad Adams, James Taylor; at Antigua — John Keech. John Higginson wrote at Salem in August, 1700: “For correspondents in Barbados, have had business with Mr. William Adams and his brother Conrad Adams. William served his time in this town with Major Browne; has now married a good fortune in Barbados, and understands business well, and is a faithful man. His brother Conrad lived some time in this town, is now at Barbados, a worthy man. . . . Here is one John Bradstreet, son of Doctor Samuel Bradstreet, about 24 years old, who served his time with Moses Byfield and Mico; who has an estate in Jamaica, and who is going this fall to settle there, whom I would commend to you. . . .” 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, vii., 219. One duty of the agent was to collect debts. Sewall on three occasions directed that this be done for him. 6 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, i 74–75, 154, 247.

691 Narrative of William Fulton, March 27, 1700, C.O. 5:861, no. 32 (x); bill of lading and sailing orders for the Society, September, 1699, C.O. 5:860, no. 73 (xxiii); articles of sale, October 27, 1699, C.O. 5:861, no. 32 (ix).

692 Sewall directed his selling agents in 1688 and 1691 to sell for ready money and to remit in part in specie. 6 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, i. 78, 117. In April, 1687, he acknowledged receipt of 300 pieces of eight. Id., pp. 46–47. Higginson wrote in 1700 that pieces of eight, sugar, and logwood were the returns from Jamaica to Massachusetts. 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, vii. 220.

693 C.O. 5:860, no. 32 (ix).

694 An account of the present state of Jamaica, January 1, 1676, says: “It is the interest of this island that the trade of Ireland and other places should be encouraged, on purpose to disappoint those of New England, who never brought us any servants, or would take off any of our goods, but in exchange for their fish, peas, and pork, carried away only our plate and pieces of eight.” C.O. 138:2, pp. 94–95.

695 Deposition of L. Heddings, 1702, C.O. 5:1048, no. 5.

696 Board of Trade to House of Commons, November 27, 1707, C.O. 389:19, pp. 391–392.

697 C.O. 390:5.

698 Five items in Sewall’s Letter-Book (6 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, i. 74, 112, 114, 115, 133) for the period 1687–1692, direct his agents in the West Indies to secure bills of exchange. Four of the orders directed that the bills be sent to Edward Hull, London. Sewall wrote to Hull, October, 1692, “Mr. William Adams sends me from Barbados that he has ordered you a bill of fifty pounds.” Id., p. 137. Sewall used these bills for purchases in London.

699 C.O. 5:848; New York exports to England, June 8, 1698, to September 25, 1700, C.O. 390:17, p. 327; C.O. 5:1222.

700 Report of Board of Trade, entered January 19, 1710, C.O. 324:9, pp. 423, 425.

701 Randolph to Board of Trade, August 25, 1698, C.O. 323:2, no. 129.

702 C.O. 5:1222.

703 Report on colonial trade with Curaçao, etc. (1707), sent to Board of Trade by Hunter, January 19, 1710, C.O. 5:1122, p. 153.

704 Report of Mr. Holt on trade of Curaçao, received December 15, 1709, C.O. 388:12, no. 63 (xvi).

705 Quarry to Board of Trade, May 30, 1704, C.O. 323:5, no. 51; Cornbury to Board of Trade, July 1, 1708, C.O. 5:1049, no. 96; address of the Governor, Council, and Assembly of New York to the Queen, February 22, 1709, C.O. 5:1049, no. 99 (i).

706 Cranston to Board of Trade, December 5, 1708, C.O. 5:1264, no. 92 (ii).

707 Violet Barbour, “Privateers and Pirates of the West Indies,” American Historical Review, xvi. 542, 555–557.

708 H. L. Osgood, The American Colonies in the Eighteenth Century, i 527.

709 Report came that after the sack of Vera Cruz in 1683, which yielded 960,000 pieces of eight, one of the principal ringleaders headed for Boston with his share of the spoil. (Cal. St. Pap., A. & W. L, 1681–1685, p. 458.) An observer wrote about this time of the arrival of a French privateer. “The Bostoners no sooner heard of her off the coast than they dispatched a messenger and pilot to convoy her into port in defiance of the King’s proclamation. The pirates are likely to leave the greatest part of their plate behind them, having bought up most of the choice goods in Boston.” (Id., p. 678.) At Jamaica, Governor Lynch picked up the rumor that pirates had enriched Boston to the extent of £80,000. (Id. p. 598.) Governor Cranfield of New Hampshire reported (id., pp. 680–681): “Most of the English plate-ships that have come into Boston during the last two years [1682–1684], though they pretended to have recovered their goods from wrecks, have robbed the Spaniards of the greater part of it. . . . It is well that their government is almost at an end, or Boston would have been the receptacle for the pirates in these western parts.” It was found that one of the most notorious of the pirate ships was “fitted and protected by the godly New England independents.” (Id., p. 760.) When an English agent seized the ship, he encountered threats against his person and delays at law. One protector of the pirates “received clandestinely great quantities of their gold, silver, jewels, and cacao.” (Id., pp. 684–685.) In Randolph’s judgment the operating of the Massachusetts mint and the incentive given pirates to bring their silver to Boston were simply two aspects of one iniquity. (Id., 1689–1692, p. 47.) Massachusetts also saw much of the adventurers to the Red Sea. One of the most celebrated — Captain Tew — ended his first voyage in the province. The owners of another vessel, that of Captain Wake, lived in Boston. (Id., 1696–1697, pp. 259–260.) When the pirate Bradish was captured in that town, he had £3,000 or so of money in his possession. (Id., 1699, pp. 132–133, 191.) The inventory of Kidd’s effects disclosed 1,111 ounces of gold and 2,353 ounces of silver. (Id., p. 375.) Bellomont referred to gold and jewels taken from a fourth pirate, Gillam, whose ship had come from Madagascar, where it was reputed to have taken plunder worth £2,000,000 sterling. (Id., p. 553.) A party of pirates returning to Boston in 1704 brought in about £10,000, of which £4,684 in gold and silver was seized by the provincial officials.

710 Randolph wrote in 1696 that Rhode Island had “now become a free port for pirates from all places.” (Randolph to Board of Trade, August 17, 1696, C.O. 323:2, no. 6 (i).) Tew had come from the Red Sea in 1694 with £100,000 in silver and gold: his share of this booty, £12,000, had enriched the people. (Cal. St. Pap., A. & W. I., 1696–1697, p. 214.) A bit later, Randolph found conditions unchanged. Eight pirates, lately from Madagascar, had arrived with great stores of money and East India goods. At the approach of an English warship, six of them fled to Boston. Two were captured and about £1,400 in silver and gold taken. (Id., 1697–1698, p. 256.) Another informant wrote at the time that pirates had been on the coasts of New York and Rhode Island, bringing in £200,000 in gold and East India merchandise. (Id., p. 216.) Numerous reports asserted that pirate ships were readily fitted out in Rhode Island. (Brenton to Board of Trade, March 30, 1703, CO. 5:863, no. 14a; Cal. St. Pap., A. & W. I., 1699, pp. 487, 553.) We hear of Captain Hore taking his prizes to the colony, and of a Captain Want leaving his money there. (Id., 1697–1698, p. 456; 1696–1697, p. 260.) Bellomont told of other pirates who were visiting the Rhode Islanders. The men went ashore during the day and spent their gold “very liberally.” The ship Adventure, reported to have had a large sum of money, was sunk by its pirate crew, whereupon the men landed with the spoil and dispersed along the southern New England shore. The governor of Rhode Island managed to get between £2,500 and £3,000 of this money. (Id., 1699, pp. 133, 256.) For a long time one of the standing complaints of English officials against Rhode Island was that the colonists, from the governors down, encouraged and protected pirates, and thereby the colony was improperly enriched. Id., 1697–1698, p. 582; 1699, p. 544.

711 For a time New York was the leading resort of pirates. Governor Fletcher openly patronized them. He issued commissions to many of the most active, and allowed them to come safely into New York with their spoil. His critics said that he received $100 a man in return for the protection and immunity granted. Two members of the Council, William Nichols and Nicholas Bayard, exposed themselves to charges of taking money for acting as intermediaries between Fletcher and the pirates. (Cal. St. Pap., A. & W.I, 1697–1698, pp. 224, 228, 467, 562, 586–587.) Many were the evidences of coin brought in by the outlaws. The ill-fated Tew (so the rumor ran) visited Rhode Island and New York with £100,000. He became a favorite with Fletcher, received a commission from him, and fitted out his ship at New York for another voyage to the Red Sea. (Id., 1696–1697, p. 260; 1697–1698, pp. 326, 456, 587.) A pirate ship, the Jacob, with 65 men on board who had shared $1,800 each, sought Governor Fletcher’s protection. The reports affirmed that Nichols received 1,000 pieces of eight for his influence with the governor, and that Fletcher got 100 pieces of eight from each pirate. After the arrival of the ship, Arabian gold pieces became “pretty common” in the province. (Id., pp. 480, 562, 584–585; 1699, p. 23.) A party of pirates from New York, after taking four ships, “returned thither to share the plunder with the governor’s connivance.” (Id., 1697–1698, p. 365.) A correspondent from Bombay found that the outlaws “carry their unjust gains to New York, where they are permitted egress and regress without control, spending such coin there, in the usual lavish manner of such persons, as might convince the Government that they came not well by it.” (Id., p. 114.) In 1698, pirates who had been to New York were thought to have had £200,000 in gold and East India goods. (Id., p. 216.) At this time one of the councillors, Thomas Willett, dispatched a barrel of money and plate from New York to Long Island for safe-keeping when threatened by Bellomont’s searches. (Id., pp. 493–494.) Next came news that a pirate ship at Cape May was being unloaded of its rich cargo of East India goods and money by sloops from New York. And soon afterward Bellomont wrote: “A great ship has been seen off this coast any time this week; ’tis supposed to be one Maise a pirate, who has brought a vast deal of wealth from the Red Sea.” (Id., 1699, pp. 266, 335.) Likewise, New York’s trade to Madagascar became very profitable. In 1698, when four vessels were ready to leave on the African voyage, Bellomont tried to induce the New York Council to require a bond of £2,000 for each ship as a safeguard against its trading with pirates. But the Council resolutely opposed this, and the ships left without restraint. (Id., 1697–1698, p. 282.) For a time the Madagascar trade engrossed the interest of many New York merchants. In 1700, three vessels were expected back, and others were fitting out for the voyage. Great estates had been made by selling wine, rum, and ammunition to the pirates; the margin of profit seemed incredible. One vessel, owned by Messrs. DeLancey and Hackshaw, returned in 1699 with about 60 passengers who had paid 12,000 pieces of eight and 3,000 lion dollars for their passage. This ship also brought treasure that Bellomont believed worth £50,000. The colony was flushed with gold, and the shipowners had been able to defy the government. Three other ships were on the way: when they arrived the province would abound with ready money. (Id., 1697–1698, pp. 270, 403; 1700, p. 106; 1704–1705, pp. 140–141; 1699, pp. 281, 335, 360–361, 402–403.) Piracy reached to the very heart of local politics. The Council under Fletcher shared his attitude; when the pirate ship Jacob arrived, the councillors advised that the men be permitted to come ashore, since the province was “exhausted in men as well as money” and therefore “nothing could be worse than to drive these men to other ports.” For his exertions against pirates Bellomont brought upon himself the charge of having kept £100,000 out of the province in less than a year. He met much opposition from his first Council, and aroused the wrath of the New York merchants. Among the councillors who profited by the contact with pirates were Bayard, Philips, Willett, DeLancey, Minvielle, Nichols, Smith, and French. The five first named were removed from office early in Bellomont’s campaign against illegal trade. Id., 1697–1698, pp. 211, 480, 487, 512; Nottingham to Board of Trade, July 29, 1702, C.O. 5:1047, nos. 62 and 63 (i-iii).

712 Board of Trade to the King, September 25, 1717, C.O. 137:46, no. 27.

713 C.O. 5:848.

714 C.O. 389:17, p. 327; C.O. 5:1222.

715 Banister to Board of Trade, received July 15, 1715, C.O. 5:866, no. 53.

716 C.O. 390:5, no. 47.

717 Id., no. 51.

718 Id., no. 47.

719 Id., no. 51.

720 In 1686–1688, Sewall made four remittances to England, amounting in all to 1,000½ ounces of silver, Mexico, pillar, and Seville, and 7 ounces of gold dust. 6 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, i. 30, 79, 85–86, 92. In October, 1693, he sent to John Ive 23 Spanish pistoles, 1 small piece of Arabian gold, 10 broad pieces of gold, and £3 in English silver crowns. (Id., i. 137.) Another shipment, in June, 1700, consisted of 4 Arabian gold pieces, 1 double pistole, 2 single pistoles, 1 louis d’or, 5 guineas, and one broad piece of Charles I. Id., i. 237.

721 C.O. 5:866, no. 53.

722 New York merchants to Cornbury, ca. February, 1705, C.O. 5: 1048, no, 105 (i); Nanfan to Board of Trade, June 9, 1701, C.O. 5:1045, no. 20; Quarry to Board of Trade, May 30, 1704, C.O. 323:5, no. 51; address of the Governor, Council, and Assembly of New York to the Queen, October, 1708, C.O. 5:1049, no. 99 (i); New York merchants to Board of Trade, ca. 1718, C.O. 1051, no. 67.

723 Martin was Inspector-General of the Customs. See his discourse on the balance of England’s trade, C.O. 390:12, pp. 32–33.

724 John Higginson, writing at Salem to his brother Nathaniel in August, 1700, said: “here is much shipping, freight very low, and it is a query whether you had better not ship upon freight, than either hire or own vessels. The factor here may always have freight when he can provide it.” 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soe, vii. 218.

725 Bellomont to Board of Trade, October 24, 1699, C.O. 5:860, no. 73; Quarry to Board of Trade, January 10, 1708, C.O. 323:6, no. 62. J. Higginson wrote in August, 1700: “Barbados, Jamaica, Virginia, and other places in the West Indies are very proper to be made use of in making returns for England, of their commodities, the more advantageous than direct from hence [Salem]. For instance, molasses has been this year at 12d a gallon, besides the charge of cask, etc., in Barbados; and much molasses which has been shipped of hence for England, cost here 2s a gallon, besides other charges of commission, cooperage, etc. The freight from Barbados [to England] being much the same as from hence, I judge it more advantageous to have returns of that kind from Barbados, than from New England; sugar and cotton are much the same.” 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, vii., 219.

726 C.O. 390:12, pp. 33–34.

727 Bellomont to Board of Trade, November 28, 1700, C.O. 5:1045. no. 18.

728 V. S. Clark, History of Manufacturing in the United States, i 95.

729 Bellomont to Board of Trade, April 23, 1700, C.O. 5:931, no. 2.

730 Dudley to Board of Trade, April 8, 1712, C.O. 5:865, no. 92.

731 C.O. 5:866, no. 53.

732 Clark, i. 95.

733 This subject is treated more fully in my article, “British Payments in the American Colonies,” English Historical Review, xlviii. 229–249.

734 J. Higginson wrote in August, 1700, of trade at Salem: “Our principal commodities are dry merchandise, cod-fish fit for the markets of Spain, Portugal, the Straits, also refuse dry fish, mackerel, lumber, horses and provision for the West Indies; the effects whereof mostly return for England. . . . Considering that money is of late grown so exceeding scarce amongst us, . . . the making of returns for England by the way of Barbados, Leeward Islands, Bilbao, Oporto, Cadiz, and Isle of Wight would be more easy and safe than direct for England; and it’s probable, more advantageous; because, money being so scarce, and returns direct, difficult to be got, debts must be contracted to procure money, which will be hardly got in; whereas, a man may sell more goods, and better get in his debts more speedily and certainly, for barter of goods for those markets, than direct.” 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, vii, 218, 220.

735 Estimate of expense of British warships engaged in defense of the colonies, C.O. 390:5, no. 46.

736 Banister’s “Essay on the Trade of New England,” 1715, C.O. 5:866, no. 67; report on French and Spanish trade in North America, sent to the Board of Trade by R. Harris, December 27, 1714, C.O. 388:17, no. 86 (ii); Board of Trade to the King, September 25, 1717, C.O. 137:46, no. 27.

737 Banister’s Essay, C.O. 5:866, no. 67; address of the Governor, Council, and Assembly of Massachusetts to the Queen, August 28, 1713, C.O. 5:751, no. 85 (i).

738 Memorial of October 13, 1713, C.O. 5:866, no. 7.

739 Board of Trade to the Queen, January 15, 1714, C.O. 5:913, pp. 464–7; heads of additional instructions for Mr. Methuen, proposed by Board of Trade, January 17, 1715, C.O. 389:25, pp. 73–74; treaty of 1715, Brit. State Papers, i. 628.

740 Craggs to colonial governors, December 24, 1718, C.O. 324:33, pp. 202–204.

741 Board of Trade to the Queen, February 9, 1714, C.O. 5513, pp. 469–471.

742 Board of Trade to the King, December 19, 1718, C.O. 195:6, pp. 416–464.

743 His diploma bearing that date, the oldest known Harvard diploma, is printed in Sibley, Harvard Graduates, ii, 420 (where there is a short sketch of Alcock’s life), and is reproduced in the Harvard Alumni Bulletin, xxxv. 807.

744 Sibley i. 125.

745 Ambroise Paré (the greatest surgeon of the sixteenth century): The Workes of that famous chirurgion A. Parey translated out of Latine and compared with the French by T. Johnson. London, 1634, and later editions.

746 Sir Jonas Moore: Arithmetick. London, 1650, and later editions.

747 Johannes Jonston (Polish physician and traveller): Idea Universæ Medicinæ Practicæ libris VIII. Amsterdam, 1644, and later editions.

748 William Clowes, surgeon of Queen Elizabeth; the title would suggest that this was the first edition (London, 1588) of his principal work, A Prooved Practise for all Young Chirurgians.

749 Either the elder (1538–1605) or the younger (1580–1657) Jean Riolan; if the former, either his Universæ Medicinæ Compendium (Paris, 1598), or his Chirurgia (Leipsig, 1601; English translation, 1657); if the latter (the more eminent), probably his Encheiridium Anatomicum et Pathologium (Paris, 1648, and many later editions).

750 Hendrick Gutberleth: Pathologia, hoc est doctrina de humanis affectibus, physice et ethice tractata. Herborn, 1615.

751 Probably Leonhard Fuchs: Methodus seu Ratio Compendiara preveniendi ad veram medicinam. Paris, 1541, and later editions. Gutberleth is now remembered for his magnificent botanical drawings, but in his time he was a very popular medical writer.

752 Joannes Guinterius, Andernacus (Johann Winther), a famous sixteenth-century editor of Galen; probably his De Medicina Veteri et Nova (Basel, 1571), an attempted reconciliation of the schools of Galen and Paracelsus.

753 Jacques Houllier; his Omnia Opera Practica were published in folio in Paris in 1612, but since the price in the inventory does not indicate this to be a folio, it was probably his popular De Materia Chirurgica (1544, and later editions), or his De Morborum Internorum Curatione (Venice, 1562, and later editions).

754 Cornelius Schrevelius (Schrevel): Lexicon Manuale Græco-Latinum et Latino-Græcum. Leyden, 1654, and many later editions. This book was still being used by Harvard students in the early years of the nineteenth century.

755 Thomas Shelton’s translation, published by Ed. Blount in 1612 and 1620.

756 The traditional “three books of Mesue,” which formed “the common textbook of pharmacology and therapeutics in the Middle Ages”; they were probably Latin compilations of the tenth and eleventh centuries, given, for the sake of prestige, the name of Joannes Mesue Damascenus, the Arab Yuhanna ibn Masawayh (c 777–857). There were several sixteenth-century editions.

757 Jean Fernel (of Amiens, professor of medicine at Paris): Universa Medicina. Frankfort, 1574, and many later editions.

758 Jacob Wecker, physician of Basel and Colmar; probably his Practica Medicinæ Generalis (Basel, 1585).

759 Jan van Heurne, physician and professor of medicine at Leyden, author of Notes and Commentaries on various Hippocratic works; probably either his Praxis Medicina; Nova Ratio (Leyden, 1590), or his Institutiones Medicinæ (Leyden, 1592).

760 Thomas Wilson (1563–1622), Puritan preacher of Canterbury; perhaps his Christian Dictionarie (London, 1612), “one of the earliest attempts made at a concordance of the Bible in English.”

761 Possibly Charles Etienne de la Rivière, physician and printer of Paris (d 1569), but more likely Lazare Rivière (1589–1655), professor at Montpellier, whose complete works in folio went through twelve editions between 1663 and 1738. The work listed here was probably the latter’s Praxis Medica (Paris, 1640, and later editions), or his Institutiones Medicæ (1655, and later editions). Lazare Rivière is said to have plagiarized extensively from Sennert.

762 Daniel Sennert (1572–1637), the most authoritative medical writer of his time. Alcock’s library doubtless included the following: Hypomnemata Physica (Frankfort, 1636); De Chymicorum cum Aristotelicis et Galenicis Consensu ac Dissensu Liber (Wittenberg, 1619); Institutionum Medicinæ: libri V (Wittenberg, 1628); Liber IV Practicæ; Medicinæ: de Mulierum et Infantium Morbis (Wittenberg, 1632); Epitome Institutionum Medicinæ et Libr. de Febribus (Wittenberg, 1634).

763 J. B. van Helmont, the “chemist” extraordinary of the seventeenth century. His Ortus Medicinæ (Amsterdam, 1644) was translated into English in 1662 as Oriatrike or Physick Refined.

764 Probably Johann Schroeder, whose Pharmacopœia Medico-chymica (Ulm, 1641) was translated into English in 1669.

765 Since there was no collected edition of Harvey’s works until the eighteenth century, this was probably the immortal Exereitatio Anatomica de Motu Cordis et Sanguinis in Animalibus (Frankfort, 1628, and many later editions).

766 Probably a mistake for Bartholinus, for whom see note 5, below.

767 Doubtless Chapman’s translation, which bore this plural form of the title.

768 There was a whole family of distinguished Danish physicians by this name, beginning with Caspar Bartholinus the elder (1585–1629), who Latinized his name of Jasper Bertelsen. This book was probably one of the numerous works of Thomas Bartholinus (1616–1680), son of Caspar, and “the most famous of the family”: perhaps his Historiarum Anatomicarum et Medicarum Rariorum Centuria (Amsterdam, 1654), or his De Pulmonum Substantia et Motu Diatribe (Copenhagen, 1663).

769 Justus Lipsius, of Louvain, “un des savants les plus prodigieux du seizième siècle”; from the wording of the title in the inventory, this is perhaps his Epistolæ Selectæ ad Belgas (1605). All his other collections of letters, and there are many such, have the form epislolarum.

770 Giulio Guastavigno (professor of medicine at Pisa): Libri Locorum de Medicina Selectorum. London, 1616, and later editions.

771 Probably the elder Martin Ruland (1532–1602), who published a general treatise, Medicina Practica Recens et Nova, at Strasburg in 1567. The younger Martin Ruland (1569–1611), a physician of Regensburg and Prague, also wrote medical works.

772 The seven books of Paulus Ægineta, a Byzantine Greek (625–690). There were various Latin and Greek editions in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries; from the price quoted here, this may well have been a small octavo edited by Guinterius (see note 5, p. 352, above) in 1589.

773 Perhaps William Firth: A Saint’s Monument, or the Tomb of the Righteous. London, 1662. This is based on a sermon preached at the funeral of the wife of Lord Willoughby of Parham, well known in the early history of the British West Indies.

774 Paul Marquart Slegel (Schlegel), of Hamburg, author of numerous dissertations on particular diseases, of which a collection may have been made.

775 Peter Uffenbach, physician of Frankfort-on-Main, translator, editor, and author of various medical, and especially pharmacological, works; this is perhaps his collection, Dispensatorium Galenochymicum (Hanau, 1631), or his own De Venenis et Mortiferis Medicinis.

776 Franciscus Titelman (Capuchin friar, d 1537): Compendium Dialecticæ ad Libros Logicorum Arist. (Paris, 1542), or De Consideratione Dialectica (1534).

777 Duncan Liddel, a Scottish M.D., professor at the University of Helmstadt in Brunswick. This is probably his Ars Medica (Hamburg, 1608), dedicated to James I.

778 Noah Biggs, who described himself as Helmontii Psittacus, and who published at London in 1651 a book with this extraordinary title: Matæotechnia Medicinæ Praxeωs: the vanity of the craft of physick; or a new dispensatory, wherein is dissected the errors, ignorance, impostures, and supinities of the schools, in their main pillars of purging, bloodletting, etc. With an humble motion for the reformation of the Universities, and the whole landscap of physick, and discovering the terra incognita of chymistrie to the parliament of England.

779 Philip Barrough (Barrow; licensed as a chirurgeon by Cambridge University in 1559): Method of Physicke, containing the causes, signs and cures of inward diseases in man’s body from head to foot. London, 1590. The seventh edition appeared as late as 1652.

780 Jobst or Jodocus was the first name of Willichius Resellianus (1501–1552), whose Commentarius Anatomicus appeared in 1544.

781 See note 1, p. 353, above; this was Fernel’s posthumous De Luis Venereæ Curatione (Antwerp, 1579).

782 Jacob Boehme, the famous German mystic. J. Ellistone produced a translation of this work (London, 1651) under the following title: Signatura Rerum, or the Signature of all Things, shewing the sign and signification of the severall forms and shapes in the creation, and what the beginning, ruin, and cure of everything is.

783 Thomas Home (Master of Eton): Manuductio in Ædem Palladis. London, 1641, and later editions.

784 See note 6, p. 354, above; either his Flores Totius Philosophiæ (Magdeburg, 1599), published by Lipsius during his lifetime, or the posthumous Justi Lipsii Flores ex eius operibus decerpti (Antwerp, 1616).

785 Since no Porselius or Perselius is to be discovered, the query arises, particularly since Don Quixote is on Alcock’s list, whether this may not have been Cervantes’ Travels of Persiles and Sigismunda, of which an English translation was published in 1619.

786 Probably John Flavel, the ejected Presbyterian (1630–1691), four of whose many works had appeared by the time Alcock went to England; perhaps either Husbandry Spiritualized (London, 1669), or Navigation Spiritualized (London, 1682). Otherwise, the Tractatus de Demonstratione Methodicus et Polemicus (Oxford, 1619) of an earlier and most precocious John Flavel (1596–1617).

787 The Bavarian Jesuit, Jeremias Drechsel (Drexel), writer of devotional and Scholastic manuals. The hcl has his Orbis Phaëthon (Cologne, 1631) with signatures of Edward Pelham and Joseph Sewall (A.B. 1707), and his Aurifodina Artium et Scientiarum Omnium (Antwerp, 1638).

788 Jeremiah Chaplin, Life of Henry Dunster, p. 307.

789 Id., p. 305.

790 The substance of this paper provided the basis of a communication to this Society at its meeting in April, 1930. For important contributions to its present expanded form acknowledgments are due to Mr. Samuel Eliot Morison. I gave him a rough draft, with a list of the books then identified, for use in writing his Tercentennial History of Harvard College. He personally verified the list, added many new titles thereto, made more extensive transcripts of the title-pages, and furnished various editorial comments.

A discussion of the seventeenth-century curriculum as a whole, which might be expected in an introduction to this list of books, is rendered unnecessary by the exhaustive treatment of that subject in Mr. Morison’s Harvard College in the Seventeenth Century. His chapters on studies and exercises at Harvard in that century not only give the first detailed account ever written, but they also far surpass corresponding chapters in any of the numerous histories of European universities.

Readers of the following pages will note: (1) that I am more inclined than Mr. Morison to believe that the curriculum was planned primarily (though not exclusively) for the education of the future ministers of the colony; and (2) that i suggest that the plan was derived, directly or indirectly, from St. Augustine’s De Doctrina Christiana. This view he will doubtless characterize as far-fetched, but I propose it as at least a possibility.

791 Now printed as Volumes xv and xvi of our Publications.

792 Reprinted in Old South Leaflets, No. 51. The material on the college is dated 1642, and that date is used here in references to this source. Quotations given here are from the original edition. I have rearranged in tabular form, with some explanatory words, the section on the programme of studies (see p. 362). The course for the A.B. degree in 1642 was three years in length and continued so until 1654, when it was extended to four years. (Our Publications, xxxi. 280–282.) The four-year scheme is embodied in the College Laws of 1655, together with considerably increased entrance requirements in Greek, and a more extended examination for the A.B. degree than in 1642.

793 Printed in 1 Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc, xiv. 207–215; reprinted, from another and earlier copy, in our Publications, xxxi. 327–343. Quotations given here are from the latter version.

794 Printed (with some errors) in L. F. Snow, The College Curriculum in the United States (1907), pp. 34–35; and in Colyer Meriwether, Our Colonial Curriculum (1907), pp. 55–56; reproduced in illustration facing p. 365.

795 In 1723, the Overseers were, for various reasons, moved to a critical survey of the instruction then being given at the college. On August 9, 1723, they appointed a committee to bring in a list of questions or “articles of visitation” on which the inquiry was to proceed. Eight questions were formulated by the committee, and these were approved by the Overseers on September 30. The first was: “Wt are the Stated Exercises Enjoyned the Students, and how attended by them.” To this the Tutors (Flynt, Prince, and Welsteed) replied that the stated exercises were “generally the same which they formerly have been.” Thereupon the Overseers voted (October 9): “That the Tutors of the College draw up a particular account of the present Stated Exercises Enjoyned the Students, and lay it before the Overseers at a future meeting.” This vote contains the exact title of College Paper No. 31 in Volume I, which is in the handwriting of Tutor Flynt. Evidently this paper is a preliminary draft of the official reply which was finally signed by Flynt, Prince, and Welsteed, and handed to the Overseers, probably shortly after October 9. This document has not been found, but fortunately it was copied (with the signatures) by President Wadsworth in his diary on March 15, 1725/6, with the comment, “Twas given in some few years before to ye overseers.” “Some few years before” could not have been earlier than 1723, since Nathan Prince, who signed as one of the Tutors, was not appointed until that year. This, as just noted, was the year of the Overseers’ inquiry. These facts fix the date. For the text of Wadsworth’s copy, see our Publications, xxxi. 455–456.

796 Our Publications, xv. 189 (the College Laws of 1642–1646).

797 This requirement was modified in 1655 to require ability “to read extempore the Pentateuch, and the New Testament into Latin out of the Originall Tongues” (Our Publications, xxxi. 334.) It appears in the College Laws as late as 1734. The student’s ability to read the Bible in Latin on his entrance to college was of course assured by his long and varied preparatory course in that language. For the details of this training, see below, and our Publications, xxvii. 21–29.

798 Nonnus (c 400 A.D.), a Greek poet, wrote, besides many poems on classical subjects, a paraphrase of St. John’s Gospel in Greek hexameters. A copy is in the Harvard College Library.

799 James Duport (1606–1679), appointed regius professor of Greek at Cambridge in 1639, paraphrased in Greek verse the Psalms, the Book of Job, the Book of Proverbs, and other books of the Old Testament. He also wrote poems in Greek on many other subjects, hcl has a copy of his version of the Psalms; bpl (Prince), his versions of Job, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and the Song of Songs. In view of the suspicion of pagan authors then existing among Puritans — reflected in the provision of the Laws of 1655 that “in the teaching of all Arts such Authors bee read as doe best agree with the Scripture truths” — we may assume that “practice in poësy” was based on versified selections from the Bible rather than on other subjects treated by Nonnus and Duport. These writers are not mentioned again in the sources for our period, and no copy of their works which I have found contains a Harvard signature of the seventeenth century.

800 “Trestius,” as New Englands First Fruits has it, is a misprint for “Trostius.” Martin Trost (1588–1636), professor in various German universities — finally at Wittenberg — published in 1622 an edition of the Syriac New Testament, and a year later a Syriac Lexicon. Copies of each have been found, but none have been identified as belonging to a Harvard student. The study of Syriac is not mentioned after the programme of 1642.

801 William Dugard (1606–1662; headmaster of the Merchant Taylors School, London), Rhetorices Elementa, published shortly before 1660; Thomas Farnaby (1575–1641), Index Rhetoricus, 4th ed., London, 1646. Farnaby maintained a private school in London and elsewhere.

802 The New Logic was compiled (c 1687) by William Brattle (Tutor 16857–1697) from Anthony Legrand, Institutio Philosophiae secundum principia D. Renat: Descartes (London, 1680); and A. Arnauld and P. Nicole, Logica, Sive Ars Cogitandi (London, 1674 — The Port Royal Logic). Copies of both the Institutio and the Ars Cogitandi are in hcl and bpl (Prince). The remaining titles in this Account are to be found in the list by authors, below.

803 The list of 1726 gives official standing to most of the books mentioned in 1723; but it adds no new titles. It differs from that of 1723 in the following particulars:

1. Study of Latin and Greek grammar, not mentioned in 1723, is prescribed in 1726. Evidently the first year of the college course had descended nearly to a review of preparatory school studies; it was much below the standard of 1642.
2. Isocrates and Homer, mentioned in 1723, are dropped from the official list of 1726; the study of Greek is limited to grammar, the New Testament, and the Catechism.
3. Hebrew, which is listed for both freshmen and sophomores in 1723, does not appear at all in 1726. This is a curious oversight, since Judah Monis was appointed instructor in Hebrew in 1722, and his MS. Hebrew grammar and the Hebrew Psalter were both in use at that time.
4. Arithmetic, not mentioned in 1723, is listed for the senior class in 1726, thus continuing the practice of 1642.
5. There are several minor differences in phrasing, some statements being more exact in the earlier, some in the later list.

804 This assumption turned out later to be nearly correct, in spite of the fact that the actual date is 1723. Dugard’s Rhetorices Elementa and Farnaby’s Index Rhetoricus must be excepted since none of the copies thus far examined contain seventeenth-century student signatures. The importation of these books about 1680 is recorded, however, in the Boston booksellers’ lists, and probably they were in use at Harvard as early as that date.

805 New Englands First Fruits, p. 12.

806 This organization is suggested by St. Augustine, On Christian Doctrine (Book I, ch. 1, 1), which furnishes a striking parallel to the Harvard programme of 1642: “There are two things on which all interpretation of Scripture depends: The mode of ascertaining the proper meaning, and the mode of making known the meaning when it is ascertained.”

The clear-cut medieval division of liberal learning into the seven liberal arts and the three philosophies was either unknown to, or had been abandoned by, many of the writers of this period. The seven liberal arts of medieval tradition included the trivium – grammar, rhetoric, and logic; and the quadrivium – arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and music. The three philosophies were natural (physics), rational (metaphysics or theology), and moral (ethics), By the seventeenth century the advancement of learning had resulted in the development of new subjects, and more comprehensive classifications of the field as a whole were necessary. The older subjects were retained, but often in new relations. These new classifications appear in several of the volumes in our list. Thus, Alsted (see p. 383, below, Cursus Philosophici Encyclopaedia, 1620) classifies the whole body of liberal learning as “philosophy,” which in turn is treated under four “praecognita” and twenty-three “disciplines.” These last include “Septem Artes Philosophiae Poeticae” – lexica, grarnmatica, rhetorica, logica, oratoria, poetica, and mnemonica, “quas memoriae causa dividimus in Trivium, et Quadrivium.” Alated places the four mathematical branches of the medieval quadrivium with seven other subjects under the head of “Undecim Scientiae Philosophicae Theoreticae.”

William Ames (Technometria, 1646, see p. 385, below) mentions six arts. Three of these are general – logic, grammar, and rhetoric; three are special – mathematics (geometry and arithmetic), physics (cosmography, astronomy, geography, optics, and music), and theology. Philosophy, according to Ames, has seven parts, and some of these are included under the six arts: oratory (including poetry), cosmography, optics, music, architecture, economics, and politics.

Christopher Scheibler (Philosophia Compendiosa, 1623), after rejecting several current definitions of philosophy, concludes: “Est igitur Philosophia scientiarum & artium liberalium comprehensio. . . . Philosophia dividitur in artes liberals seu Logicas, & scientias.

“Artes logicae sunt. . . . Logica. . . . seu Dialectica, Rhetorica, Grammatica, & ut quibusdam placet, Poetica,

“Scientia. . . est speculativa vel practica. . . . [Scientiae speculativae] sunt Metaphysica, Physica & Mathesis. Ad Mathesin autem pertinent, turn scientiae purae, ut sunt Geometria & Arithmetical turn impurae, ut sunt Astronomia, Geographia, Musica & Optica. . . . [Scientiae practicae]sunttres:Ethica, Politica & Oeconomica.”

The notebook of William Partrigg (Partridge), H.C. 1689, gives a different view: all ordinary acquired knowledge is either philology (grammar—Latin, Greek, Hebrew—rhetoric, and poetry) or philosophy (logic and “all Arts and Sciences”). The arts and sciences include practical philosophy (ethics, politics, and economics), speculative philosophy (metaphysics the science of being, and metaphysics the science of quantity, i.e., geometry, arithmetic, astronomy, geography, optics, and music), and physics.

All this is a long way from the medieval conception of the seven arts and the three philosophies, and it suggests caution in accepting any theory of the organization of the early Harvard curriculum. With due reservation, therefore, I suggest that the theory underlying the programme of 1642 was directly or indirectly derived from St. Augustine’s On Christian Doctrine. Without arguing the case at length, I call attention to certain remarkable similarities. The programme as a whole seems clearly to justify the traditional view that it was organized primarily, though not exclusively, for the training of ministers. One phase of this training was mastery of the Bible. Mastery of the Bible, according to St. Augustine, includes (1) ability to interpret the meaning, and (2) ability to make known the meaning when it is ascertained.

Ability to interpret, he says, involves much auxiliary learning; e.g., the knowledge of the original languages in which the Scriptures are written, history, chronology, natural science (“the situation of places, and the nature of animals, trees, herbs, stones, and other bodies”), the mechanical arts, medicine, agriculture, navigation, and astronomy (but not astrology). Logic, according to St. Augustine, “is of very great service in searching into and unravelling all sorts of questions that come up in Scripture”; while the science of number, with its unchanging laws, may lead us to “the unchangeable truth above it.” In short, “whatever has been rightly said by the heathen we may appropriate to our uses.” All this is to be employed in the most careful interpretation of the Scriptures (On Christian Doctrine, Book iii). It is not difficult to find a large part of the programme of 1642 in this outline—the study of the Biblical languages, natural science (physics and “the nature of plants”), history, logic, and mathematics and astronomy. The required private reading of the Bible twice daily; the translations from the Greek and Hebrew texts; the “Theoretical! observations of the Language and Logic and of the Practicall and spirituall truths” which the student was expected to make; and the chief examination for the A.B. degree — a test of the candidate’s ability to “read the Originalls of the Old and New Testament into the Latine tongue and to resolve them Logically” — all indicate the use of these auxiliary studies for the definite purpose of interpretation.

Similarly, ability to expound the Bible involves a knowledge of rhetoric, a study of styles of speech, and an ability to defend one’s interpretation in debate. “It is the duty, then, of the interpreter and teacher of Holy Scripture, the defender of the true faith and the opponent of error, both to teach what is right, and refute what is wrong. . . . The work that I am speaking of ought to be undertaken by one who can argue and speak with wisdom, if not with eloquence, and with profit to his hearers.” St. Augustine, On Christian Doctrine, Book IV, chaps. iv and v,

Under this heading the programme of 1642 presents rhetoric, exercises in “style,” declamations, disputations, repetition of sermons, and “commonplaces.”

807 In reading this summary we must recall that throughout the seventeenth century – and much later – the freshman entered college trained to read, speak, and write Latin with ease, and with an elementary knowledge of Greek. No other subjects were required. The standard entrance requirement in Latin was (1) the translation of Cicero, Virgil, “or such like classical author” at sight, (2) the writing of Latin prose and verse, and (3) oral composition in prose and in verse. Both writing and speaking were to be “suo ut aiunt Marte,” i.e., by the student’s own unaided efforts. This probably means that he was not to use the phrase-books, collections of proverbs, and other helps so plentifully provided for “unballasted wits” in those days.

Thus trained, the freshman could listen understandingly to the lectures, read the text-books, take notes, write declamations, conduct disputations, and converse with his fellow-students in Latin. Latin was the language of practically all the books used in college except those in Greek, Hebrew, “Chaldee,” and Syriac; and by the Laws of 1655 students were not to use English in the college, unless “called thereunto in the public exercise of oratory or the like.”

The entrance requirement in Greek was, in 1642, merely ability to “decline perfectly the paradigmes of Nounes and verbes in y^e Greeke tongue” (our Publications, xv. 24–25). Further training in Greek was carried on throughout the three years of the college course, culminating in declamations in Greek and (in 1655) in translations from the Bible (Old Testament) “out of Hebrew into Greek,” and of the New Testament “out of English into greeke.” In 1655, the entrance requirements were increased. The candidate for admission must be “Competently grounded in the Greeke Language; so as to be able to Construe & Grammatically to resolve ordinary Greeke, as the Greeke Testament, Isocrates, & the minor poets [Hesiod, Tyrtaeus, Bion, Moschus, Theognis, Pythagoras, Solon, and others] or such like. . . .” We may doubt whether this high standard was maintained in succeeding years. In 1723 and 1726, a large part of the freshman year was spent in reviewing the Greek “Classick Authors Learnt at School.” For details of the college preparatory course see Nathaniel Williams’s account of the Boston Latin School in 1712, with Professor Murdock’s notes thereon, in our Publications, xxvn. 21–29. This article throws a flood of light on the Harvard entrance requirements at this time, since the Boston Latin School was in effect a preparatory school for Harvard. In brief, its course of seven years was almost wholly devoted to the study of Latin and Greek, with abundant practice in composition in prose and in verse in both languages.

808 Compare with this the requirements for graduation, and the account of the first Commencement in New Englands First Fruits: “Every Schollar, that on proofe is found able to read the Originalls of the Old and New Testament into the Latine tongue, and to resolve them Logically . . . is fit to be dignified with his first Degree” (p. 16). “The Governour . . . and others . . . were present, and did heare their Exercises; [among which was] Hebrew Analasis, Grammatic all, Logicall, & Rhetoricall of the Psalms. . . .”

809 The exact scope of this subject is not known. Did the students of the 1640’s memorize and recite answers to a series of questions? If so, what catechism? In what language? Did they use the Westminster Catechism after its approval in the Cambridge Platform of 1648? Whose was the “Greek Catechysm” so insistently inquired after by the Overseers in 1723 – Calvin’s? Nowell’s? Harmar’s Greek version of the Westminster Catechism? Was the exercise perhaps an exposit ion on a word or a phrase of some catechism, after the manner of Samuel Willard’s two hundred and fifty sermons on the Westminster Catechism? These questions have yet to be answered.

810 Diary of Samuel Sewall (5 Coli. Mass. Hist, Soc., v. 4): “July 1, 1674. Sir Thacher Common placed, Justification was his head. He had a solid good piece: stood above an hour, and yet brake of[f] before he came to any use [i.e., application].”

811 Professor William James objected strongly to the extraction from these stacks of the books on philosophy and psychology, and their orderly arrangement on separate shelves: “When I hunt there for a book on philosophy I find dozens of other interesting ones on all sorts of subjects, and I shall never see them if our books are classified.” My belief is that many odd associations of ideas in James’s writings may be traced to his hunting in “the Dump,” where Hegel, Hottentots, and Arctic explorations might be shelved side by side.

812 See p. 418, below.

813 Cf. Foster Watson, English Grammar Schools to 1660 (1908), pp. 435–437. See also id., p. 467, on which are listed no less than 118 writers of books of this type.

814 Professor Morison examined also the collection of George A. Plimpton, Esq., the library of the Union Theological Seminary, and the John Winthrop collection in the Society Library in New York, but without result. The Winthrop collection contains several copies of books in this list, with undated signatures of Wait Winthrop (Class of 1662) and John Winthrop (A.B. 1700).

815 Many others, among the several thousand volumes examined, might have been added to the “possibles,” and a much larger number could have been placed in a fourth group as “suspects.” These last contain no Harvard signatures; but all of them were almost certainly imported before 1700, and they are either duplicates of those in the accepted group, or treat the same subjects. Unfortunately I have kept no record of these, but their number certainly exceeds that of the accepted list. Even if these are included, however, the number of survivors thus far known is but a small fraction of the total number which must have been owned by the 465 A.B.’s and the approximately 100 non-graduates of the seventeenth century. A modest estimate of ten to twenty books a student yields a total of 6,000 to 12,000 volumes for this period. Some of these will doubtless appear on further search, but in view of the treatment usually accorded to old text-books we must conclude that the great majority have returned to the dust with the ministers whom they made “literate” for the churches.

816 Supporting evidence later appeared from many sources, including Watson, English Grammar Schools to 1660; Colyer Meriwether, Our Colonial Curriculum; Professor E. T. Campagnac’s scholarly editions of John Brinsley’s Ludus Literarius (1627), and Charles Hoole’s New Discovery of the Old Art of Teaching Schoole (1660); the indispensable catalogue of John Harvard’s Library, by our associate Alfred C. Potter (our Publications, xxi. 190–230); the study of Dissenting Academies in England in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries by Irene Parker (1914); and especially the much more detailed account of these academies by H. McLachlan (English Education under the Test Acts, 1931). There is a suggestive resemblance between some of these academies and Harvard in their programmes of study; and often the text-books used are identical. Charles Morton (1627–1698), B.A. Oxford, 1649, who came to Harvard about 1687 and became vice-president of the college, was the founder and head of an academy at Stoke Newington, 1675–1686.

817 Ninety-seven men have each autographed but one of the surviving volumes; the remaining eighty-one, two or more volumes each. Particular note must be taken of seven men, each represented in six or more of these books: John Barnard, ten; Joseph Browne, ten; Joseph Cooke, ten; John Leverett, eight; Cotton Mather, no less than twenty-six; Increase Mather, six; Nathaniel Mather, fourteen.

The total number of autographs (including duplicates) recorded in the list below is nearly four hundred. But this takes account of only one example of each signature in each book; the actual number is far greater, since many men wrote their names three or four times in a single volume. Cotton Mather favored posterity with no less than twelve autographs in one small book, which also contains several other Mather signatures. Probably 1,000 signatures of our 177 seventeenth-century students can be found in the volumes here listed.

This extraordinary collection of early Massachusetts autographs deserves a study in itself. The inscriptions include much besides the signatures. Like students of other places and times, Harvard students of the seventeenth century often used the fly-leaves and margins of their books for entries of various kinds. Many of these are here reproduced. Warnings against stealing the book, or requests to return it to the owner if it is found or borrowed, appear in varied forms: “Steal this Booke if you dare,” writes Charles Chauncy in his copy of Florus. John Poole puts it more mildly; “Hic libel’ meus est, si quisquis forte requirit Nomen subscriptum perlege quaeso meum.” John Eliot expresses the idea in a slightly different way:

“Si quaerit lector quis possidet istum

Nomen subscriptum perlegat ille meum.”

A more emphatic form which appeared several times in books not included in this list runs thus;

“Hic libel’ est meus

Testis est Deus

Si quis furatur

Per collum pendatur.”

Other inscriptions vary from grave to gay: Joseph Browne identified nearly all of his books by “Lege, Intellege, Vive, J.B.”; John Barnard notes in his copy of Brochmand’s Theologiae Systema: “Lege, Lege, deliberate Lege; praemium munificium ea persolvet.” Nathaniel Clap, having been given a copy of the Hebrew Old Testament by Increase Mather, characterizes that gentleman as “Benevolentissimus, Reverendissimus et Doctissimus.” Someone (perhaps Elisha Cooke) writes in a copy of the Greek New Testament that “Samuel Aspinwall is a knave”; and in an Isocrates owned by the Reverend Samuel Mitchell (A.B. 1681; Fellow and Tutor) some irreverent youth records his opinion that “Samuel Mitchell is a long-legged Catt.” “Every man at his best estate is altogether vanity,” is inscribed in Bartholin’s Enchiridion Physicum, owned by Nathaniel Saltonstall. Joseph Cooke, however, connects Keckermann’s very dry Logic with more cheerful thoughts:

“Call for a Tankard

My Cloths at pollards

Get some Pisado: Clarett

buy a grater. Some Lime-juice.”

818 The reasons cannot be given here for each case; one example must suffice. A copy of Isocrates contains only the undated signature of Joseph Webb (A.B., 1684). But the volume is accepted as a “probable” and Webb ‘s name is included in the index because (1) Isocrates, presumably read in preparation for college, was also presumably reviewed in the freshman year; (2) this presumption is supported by the College Laws of 1655, by the Particular Account of 1723–1726, and by four other copies of Isocrates, each owned by two or more Harvard men of that period; (3) Webb’s signature (again undated) appears in two other books, each of which is definitely dated by one of his contemporaries in college. We may infer that he wrote these signatures during his college years.

819 According to the Quinquennial Catalogue there were no graduates in 1644, 1648, 1672, 1682, 1688.

820 The seven classes not represented in the index of signatures below are those of 1643, 1645, 1646, 1652, 1654, 1658, and 1673. These number only twenty-eight men, all told.

821 AAS. American Antiquarian Society.

BA. Boston Athenaeum.

BPL. Boston Public Library.

HCL. Harvard College Library.

MHS. Massachusetts Historical Society.

Yale. Yale University Library.

822 This bookplate has been removed from the volume, and is now in the aas collection of bookplates.

823 The title-page in several of these Hebrew Bibles reads “Pentateuch,” but they contain the whole Old Testament. There were separate title-pages for the other parts or books.

824 BFBS, no. 5084; Zedner, p. 96. These abbreviations refer to the British and Foreign Bible Society’s Historical Catalogue of Printed Bibles, and to the Catalogue of Hebrew Books in the Library of the British Museum (1867), compiled by J. Zedner.

825 BFBS, no. 5099; Zedner, p. 97.

826 BFBS, no. 5118; Zedner p. 99.

827 BFBS, no. 5117.

828 BFBS, no. 5124.

829 BFBS, no. 5127; Zedner, p. 100.

830 BFBS, no. 4653.

831 BFBS, no. 4692 B, which calls it the “first edition of the LXX printed in England.”

832 BFBS, no. 6192.

833 BFBS, no. 524.

834 One can only guess at the text used in this subject. It is not improbable that it was a rather elementary catechism in Latin, such as Alexander Nowell’s Christianae Pietatis Prima Institutio. His three Latin catechisms—the smaller (1572), the middle and the larger (both 1570) — were the most widely used school manuals for religious instruction in England in the seventeenth century. The one named above is the middle catechism; it was translated into English by Thomas Norton in 1572, and into Greek by William Whitaker in 1573. The Greek version was frequently used as a reader, introductory to or parallel with the Greek New Testament, and it may be the Greek Catechism referred to in the list of 1723. In its Latin form it would have been suitable for the Saturday morning exercise named in the Order of Studies of 1642. One might expect that it would be supplanted by the Westminster Catechism upon the publication of that document in 1647 and its adoption in the Cambridge Platform of 1648. However, no copy of either catechism identified with Harvard in the seventeenth century has been found.

If “divinity catechetical” was of a more advanced type. Buchan’s Institutiones Theologiae (1625) may have been used as a text. It is in the catechetical form. Two copies have been identified, and four others, not autographed, are in HCL.

835 Latin does not appear as a separate subject at Harvard until 1723, and then only as a review of Virgil and Cicero in the freshman year.

836 Lily’s Latin Grammar was the text prescribed by English law for use in grammar (i.e., preparatory) schools of that time.

837 See also Bibles in Latin in the list by authors.

838 There is no evidence that these classics were used as texts in any college classes, although several are dated during the owner’s college residence. The practice of reviewing Cicero in the freshman year may have been begun as early as 1654 when the four-year course for the A.B. was introduced. Hence certain books from the last years of the preparatory school may also have been used in college.

839 The books by Camden are also known as the Westminster Greek Grammar.

840 See also Bibles in Greek in the list by authors.

841 President Dunster, in a letter to Ravis (1648), speaks of using Ravis’s Orthographiae Hebraeae Delineatio, and “yo^r Hebrew sheet Grammar, w^th yo^r Conjugutionall, Hebrew Table.” Ravis’s “Hebrew sheet Grammar” may have been included in his Generall Grammar. Dunster refers also to notes on Udall, sent to him by Ravis. J. Chaplin, Life of Henry Dunster, pp. 271–275.

842 Udall’s Key of the Holy Tongue may well have been the Hebrew grammar earliest in use at Harvard, but Schiekard’s Horologium seems to have been the favorite from about 1660 to 1722. No less than five copies arc in the dated list, and several others are in the libraries examined.

843 No student’s copy of this version has been found. It is one of the four texts suggested, but not explicitly named, in the Order of Studies of 1642.

844 Geography as a study first appears in the list of 1723; but it may well have been introduced before 1701. The elaborate work of Heylyn could scarcely have been used as a text; however. The texts of Patrick Gordon and Morden, of which several unautographed and undated copies are in HCL, were more probably the ones chosen.

845 No seventeenth-century student’s dated copy of any arithmetic has been found. Arithmetic must, however, have had a place in the programme since it is mentioned explicitly in all editions of the College Laws throughout this period in connection with the requirements for the A.M. degree.

846 Phrase-books and models were constantly used in exercises in prose and verse, and in the composition of declamations and disputations.

847 A very full treatment of the technique of disputation is given in Keckermann, Opera Omnia, I. chap. vii. There is an English version of this in Colyer Meriwether, Our Colonial Curriculum, chap. vii.

848 Heereboord’s Meletemata was probably used in this connection, since it is devoted mainly to specimens of disputation in metaphysics. logic, ethics, and physics.

849 Peter Hobart.

850 Stiles’s letter and Hutchinson’s reply are printed in the New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxvi. 162–164.

851 Pp. 174 and 176.

852 History of Massachusetts-Bay, iii. 174–176.

853 xvii. 175–176

854 Sydney George Fisher asserted in 1898 that “One number of the Gazette contained Franklin’s famous ‘Speech of Polly Baker’” (True Benjamin Franklin, p. 139); but in 1905 the late Albert H. Smyth, a better authority, wrote: “The mystery surrounding the authorship and first publication of the ‘Speech’ remains an impenetrable mystery. The style is altogether Franklinian, and the story seems unquestionably to have been written by him, but I have searched The Pennsylvania Gazette in vain for it. It is not there.” (Writings of Benjamin Franklin, x. 464 note.) Jefferson reached Paris on August 6, 1784, and Franklin left Passy on July 12, 1785. In a letter dated January 12, 1819, Jefferson related the following story of the Abbe Raynal which, he asserted, “The Doctor told me at Paris:”

“The Doctor & Silas Deane were in conversation one day at Passy on the numerous errors in the Abbe’s Histoire des deux Indes, when he happened to step in. After the usual salutations, Silas Deane said to him ‘The Doctor and myself Abbe, were just speaking of the errors of fact into which you have been led in your history.’ ‘Oh no, Sir,’ said the Abbe, ‘that is impossible. I took the greatest care not to insert a single fact, for which I had not the most unquestionable authority.’ ‘Why,’ says Deane, ‘there is the story of Polly Baker, and the eloquent apology you have put into her mouth, when brought before a court of Massachusetts to suffer punishment under a law, which you cite, for having had a bastard. I know there never was such a law in Massachusetts.’ ‘Be assured,’ said the Abbe, ‘you are mistaken, and that that is a true story. I do not immediately recollect indeed the particular information on which I quote it, but I am certain that I had for it unquestionable authority.’ Doctor Franklin who had been for some time shaking with unrestrained laughter at the Abbe’s confidence in his authority for that tale, said, ‘I will tell you, Abbe, the origin of that story. When I was a printer and editor of a newspaper, we were sometimes slack of news, and to amuse our customers, I used to fill up our vacant columns with anecdotes, and fables, and fancies of my own, and this of Polly Baker is a story of my making, on one of those occasions.’ The Abbe without the least disconcert, exclaimed with a laugh, ‘Oh, very well, Doctor, I had rather relate your stories than other men’s truths.’” Writings of Thomas Jefferson, ed. P. L. Ford, x.121 note.

855 Gentleman’s Magazine, XVII. 194.

856 This is the earliest reference to the custom of bundling, though not mentioned by that name, that I remember to have seen. Under the name of tarrying the Reverend Andrew Burnaby, who travelled in this country in 1759 and 1760, described the custom in his Travels (1775), pp, 83–84.

857 Gentleman’s Magazine, xvii. 211.

858 Fitz John Winthrop (1639–1707), Governor of Connecticut. “L. Americanus” was astray in his genealogy. Paul Dudley married Lucy, daughter of John (1648–1708) and Elizabeth (Norton) Wainwright, of Ipswich, and had several children, all of whom died in infancy. Paul Dudley’s sister Ann married John Winthrop (1681–1747; H. C. 1700), F.R.S., who was a son of Fitz John Winthrop’s brother Wait Winthrop (1642–1717).

859 Gentleman’s Magazine, xvii. 295.

860 Gentleman’s Magazine, xviii. 332.

861 The records, preserved in Mass. Archives, LVIII, have been reproduced by Mr. F. Apthorp Foster in the Publications of this Society, XIV. 2–43. My paper is merely a footnote to Mr. Foster’s.

862 Listed by Stephen Hall. See our Publications, xiv. 30.

863 The Delphin editions: a set of Latin classics for the use of the dauphin (“ad usum delphini”), son of Louis XIV.

864 I have been unable to locate an edition which could have been used at the time of the fire.

865 A fourth Book was published at Deventer in 1678.

866 For Monis, see above, p. 457.

867 This was the latest work by Wigglesworth, and one likely to have been read by students of 1763–64. The Massachusetts Gazette and Boston News-Letter, July 28, 1763, announces that it was “This Day Publish’d.”

868 An attempt at a partial solution of Mr. Davis’s “Bibliographical Puzzle” (our Publications, xni. 2–15).

869 William Lee, Daniel Defoe: His Life and Recently Discovered Writings (1869), I. 155.

870 “The Author of this Paper now at Edinburgh” (Review, VI, London No. 70).

871 The letter is reprinted in Earl Stanhope’s History of England (1872 ed.), ii. 292–293.

872 A complete list of the variants is attempted below:

News from the Moon	Review, Vol. VII, No. 14 (Tuesday, May 2, 1710, Edinburgh)	Review, Vol. vii, No. 15 (Saturday, April 29, 1710, London)
P. 1, l.7: for	by	by
P. 2, l. 5: their court	one of their courts	one of their courts
P. 2, ll. 20–21: with several	with the several	with the several
P. 2, l 27: &	and	and
P. 3, ll. 2–3: the Drunkard	a Drunkard	a Drunkard
P. 3, l. 9: Streets	Street	Street
P. 3, ll. 16–17: There are Strict Laws, any Taylor making [sic]	[same]	[same]
P. 3, l 18: &	and	and
P. 3, l. 19: Transgress	transgress	trangress
P. 4, l. 20: panting	Painting	Painting
P. 4, ll. 23–24: One said. that’s at me	One said, d . . . m the Dog, that’s at me	[same as Edin.]
P. 4, l. 28: That’s such	That such	That such
P. 5, l. 1: L—	L—d	L—d
P. 5, ll. 4–5: it was far	far was it	far was it
P. 5, l. 5: the poor Author	the poor Author	tht poor Author
P. 5, l. 12: had bespoke	bespoke	bespoke
P. 5, l. 16: ones Eye-sight	one Eye-sight	one Eye-sight
P. 5, ll. 29–30: along the Streets	about Streets	about Streets
P. 5, l. 30: such Cases	such Gases	such Cases
P. 6, ll. 7–8: Prince Nobility	prime Nobility	prime Nobility
P. 6, l. 9: D—’s	Dog’s	Dog’s
P. 6, l. 11: begins	began	began
P. 6, l. 14: your Neighbour	my Neighbour	my Neighbour
P. 6, ll. 20–21: Lordship, and if	Lordship, you Dog, and if	Lordship, you Dog and if
P. 6, l. 27: in order to sent	in order to send	in order to send
P. 7, l. 1: That — has	That Dog has	That Dog has
P. 7, l. 7: was made for	was for	was for
P. 7, l. 27: &	and	and
P. 7, l. 29: &	and	and
P. 8 [omitted]	C. Did you make it for a Representer, or Character-Coat? T. Yes Sir.	[same as Edin.]
P. 8, l. 31: Their Guilt	Their own Guilt	Their own Guilt
P. 8, l. 35: to the 114 Gentlemen	to 114 Gentlemen	to 114 Gentlemen
P. 8, l. 39: Every one	Every Man	Every Man

873 The conjecture is presumably that of J. Hammond Trumbull.

874 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, lvii. 340.

875 Our Publications, xni. 14.

876 See the reproduction opposite p. 461.

877 The first of these works is in my own possession; the others are in the Harvard College Library.

878 Title-page reproduced in facsimile, showing the ornaments, in Andrew McF. Davis, Colonial Currency Reprints, ii. 415.

879 Facsimile reproduction, showing ornaments, in id., i. 367.

880 Mr. Davis’s conjecture, id., ii. 18.

881 Facsimile reproduction of title-page, showing ornaments, in id., ii. 3.

882 Davis (Colonial Currency Reprints, n. 41–42) conjecturally ascribes the authorship to the Reverend Edward Wigglesworth. Facsimile of title-page, showing ornaments, in id., ii. 19.

883 First page, showing ornaments, reproduced in facsimile in id., ii. 97.

884 First page, showing ornaments, reproduced in facsimile in id., ii. 245.

885 See the illustration opposite, where the lines in the original by which the signature has been crossed out are not reproduced.

886 Andrew Craigie, by the way, advertises his own wares in the Boston NewsLetter of May 27, 1756.

887 For his autograph, see Winsor’s Memorial History of Boston, II. 271.

888 Boston News-Letter, February 5, 1756 (p. 3, column 2).

889 John Franklin’s ownership, if this really is his autograph, may — since the autograph appears not on a fly-leaf but on the page which contains the half-title of Vol. VI and the beginning of its preface—date from 1709 or 1710. The Preface ends with the words “Edinburgh. Printed in the Year MDCCIX.” The final number (153) of Vol. VI is dated March 18, 1710, which means not 1710/11, but 1709/10.

890 Dictionary of American Biography; New England Historical and Genealogical Register (XI. 19), gives 1733.

891 Our Publications, xiii. 3.

892 American Bibliography, i. 302.

893 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, lvii. 340.

894 Our Publications, xiii. 3, note I.

895 Id., pp. 12–13.

896 It is reprinted in full in Colonial Currency Reprints, n. 266–270; the number of the Review from which it is taken is reprinted in our Publications, xni. 6–10. I have used a photostat of News from the Moon kindly furnished me by the New York Public Library, the fortunate possessor of the only known copy.

897 April 29 (No. 15) in the London issue; May 2 in the Edinburgh issue.

898 The impeachment of Sacheverell in 1710 was one of the worst blunders on the part of the Whigs and one of the causes of their loss of power in that year. Sacheverell’s famous sermon of November 5, 1709, had taken the extreme High Tory attitude toward the Dissenters, as Defoe had pretended to do in his Shortest Way. But although Sacheverell had been offensive enough in setting forth “the Heinous Malignity, Enormous Guilt, and Folly of this Prodigious Sin of False Brotherhood,” and in his remarks on “such wilely Volpones” had quite clearly aimed at a great Whig minister, to allow him to become a martyr was bad judgment, as the Whigs discovered too late. For accounts of the episode, see Lecky’s England in the Eighteenth Century (American ed.), i. 55ff.; C. J. Abbey and J. H. Overton, The English Church in the Eighteenth Century, ii. 379–381.

899 That is, pretending, as he had done in The Shortest Way with the Dissenters (1702), to be one of the extreme Tories, whose ecclesiastical policies he detested.

900 Nos. 9–12, 14.

901 No. 12.

902 “The Whiggs and all the Party may by this time see the ill Consequences of the Doctrine advanced by them of the Original of Government’s being from the People, and their chief Writers, such as Hoadly, the Review, Kennett &c. ought to be punish’d with the utmost Rigour for maintaining such arguments as give the People a Power of taking up arms, when they shall think fit. If these Gentlemen could have been found out they had without all doubt felt the Effects of their Doctrine. The Mob would have either torn them in Pieces, or made them undergo very great Disgraces.” Hearne’s Collections, Oxford Historical Society, ii. 355.

See also Hearne’s diary for April 10, 1710 (ii. 371), in regard to an alleged slander against Dr. Sacheverell which “the scandalous, abominable, Author of the Paper call’d y^e Review has most maliciously asserted and publish’d in Print.”

The force of the two passages cited above is increased when we remember Hearne’s very low opinion of Sacheverell as a person. His diary for October 11, 1710 (III. 65), shows that he regarded Sacheverell as a “conceited and ignorant and impudent” man, “who, whatever good he may accidentally produce, is certainly a Rascal & Knave himself.”

903 Sacheverell’s famous sermon (The Perils of False Brethren, both in Church and State, delivered November 5, 1709, and published in the same year) was inscribed to the Lord Mayor, who was said, though he denied the fact, to have urged its publication.

904 Review, No. 13 (London issue), April 25, 1710.

905 Id.

906 “Their last . . . Shift has been to tamper with the Publishers and Dispensers of it [the Review]. . . . We have now . . . put it into Hands, that will not be bias’d, terrify’d, or any way prevail’d upon to keep it back; and from henceforward, this Paper will be publish’d by Mr. Baker, as is printed at the Bottom in the usual Place.” (Id.)

907 My colleague Mr. Theodore F. M. Newton, who is engaged upon what bids fair to be the definitive study of Defoe’s Review, has given me valuable help here. He it was who pointed out the significance of the “114” men, a nice little mystery which I could not have solved for myself.

908 According to the work of the same title for 1708, the civil government in that year was composed of the same number of men (pp. 686–688); the same source for 1711 gives the number as only ninety-seven (pp. 360–362). Chamberlayne’s Angliae Notitia: or, the Present State of England for 1707 gives a total of 113 (pp. 644–648).

909 There is a possibility that the allusion to the “114” may have been instantly recognizable, especially with the help of the expression “Common Council,” to Defoe’s readers. Among numbers that were familiar enough to be political rallying cries one recalls the “Forty-Five” that Wilkes made famous. Then there is the toast to “The Massachusetts Ninety-two,” which was drunk (as the thirty-third toast) at a dinner in Philadelphia, in 1769, to commemorate Paoli’s birthday. (Our Publications, xxvi. 191.) And probably other instances could be collected.

910 The Boston Public Library has an almost complete set of the Review, except Vol. in. There are a few selections in George A. Aitken, Later Stuart Tracts, pp. 221–280. A complete facsimile reprint of the work is proposed by the Facsimile Text Society.

911 Our Publications, xiv. 213ff. Those who find the explanation of the “character” too meagre as given here are referred to that earlier article, and especially to pages 232–236. For still further details see: for bibliography, Gwendolen Murphy, A Bibliography of English Character-Books, 1608–1700 (1925); for texts, Henry Morley, Character Writings of the Seventeenth Century (1891); Gwendolen Murphy, A Cabinet of Characters (1925; with a good introductory essay); David Nichol Smith, Characters from the Histories and Memoirs of the Seventeenth Century (1920; with a good introductory essay on the Clarendon type of character); for the classical roots of the character, G. S. Gordon, “Theophrastus and his English Imitators,” in English Literature and the Classics (1912).

912 The catalogue of the British Museum records a “fourth edition, corrected,” in 1679. A “5th edition, corrected” (1699), was entered for publication (Arber, Term Catalogues, iii. 128, 162). The Harvard College Library has the edition of 1665.

913 Reprinted in full in our Publications, xiv. 233.

914 Introduction (p. xli) to A Life of Gilbert Burnet, Bishop of Salisbury, by T. E. S. Clarke and H. C. Foxcroft (1907).

915 Italics mine.

916 The varied manifestations of the character in this period are not well represented in any volume of selections. See, however, Gwendolen Murphy’s Cabinet of Characters, especially pp. 237–334; and the Harleian Miscellany and Somers Tracts, passim (see index). Halifax’s Character of a Trimmer and his other works have been admirably edited by Miss H. C. Foxcroft in two volumes (London, 1898).

917 The device did not originate with Addison. Edward Ward’s London Spy (1698–1700) makes less skilful use of the same method.

918 The technique of John Dunton in his Letters from New England is at times essentially like Addison’s in the Tatler, No. 158. Observe how Dunton (see our Publications, xiv. 237) takes Thomas Fuller’s abstract character of “The Good Merchant” (1642) and changes it to “Mr. Heath”; and how he takes Fuller’s remark that justice to the buyer is a fundamental necessity in all trading, the neglect of which is “worse than open felony” because it is to “rob a man of his purse and never bid him stand,” and makes it read: “and I have heard him say [italics mine] that such a Cozenage is worse than open Felony; because they rob a man of’s Purse, and never bid him stand.”

919 Italics mine.

920 Gwendolen Murphy, Bibliography of Engli sh Character-Books, p. 73.

921 These are, respectively, Nos. 39, 52, and 53 in Enigmaticall Characters (1658).

922 In A Brief History of the Times . . . in a Preface to the Third Volume of Observators (1687). It is fair to say, however, that L’Estrange goes right on in the words quoted on p. 484 of this article.

923 Cf. also Spectator, Nos. 46, 567, and 568.

924 Lives, G. B. Hill, ed., ii. 95

925 A Brief History of the Times.

926 Thomas G. Wright, Literary Culture in Early New England, pp. 184–185.

927 Diary, ii. 227 (7 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vii).

928 Id., p. 74.

929 Cotton Mather frequently used the word “character” (in one or more of the meanings pertinent to this investigation) in his Diary: see, for example, ii. 73 (May 16, 1711), where he resolves as he may have occasion to give “the Character” of a certain man who has injured him, still to treat him with goodness. See also id., p. 561 (October 20, 1718), where he proposes to preach a funeral sermon on the Reverend Thomas Bernard, of Andover, “and add his Character in the close of it.” And, especially, see id., p. 562 (October 20, 1718), where, reviewing his own publications to see “how many Persons of Worth, a gracious God has employ’d . . . [his] poor Pen, publickly to exhibit unto the World, with an Advantageous History, or Character of them,” he finds “no less than One hundred and fourteen men (whereof more than Four-score stand in the Church-History,) and above twenty Women; besides many more, who have more transiently and occasionally had an honourable Mention made of them.”

930 Reprinted: Boston, 1692; London, 1694; Boston, 1741 (fifth edition). See J. L. Sibley’s bibliography (No. 29) in Harvard Graduates, iii. 53.

931 The Ladies Calling by the Author of the Whole Duty of Man (1673). For further information about this book, which John Dunton also made use of, see our Publications, xiv. 240, note 4.

932 His Government of New England Churches appeared in 1717.

933 A History of the Congregational Churches in the United States (1907 ed.), p. 211.

934 Letter to Robert Wodrow, September 17, 1715, Diary, ii. 327.

935 Id., 659. For many other entries see index, s.v. Small-pox.

936 Herbert L. Osgood, The American Colonies in the Eighteenth Century, in. 174–175.

937 See Worthington C. Ford, “Franklin’s New England Courant,” Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, lvii. 336–353.

938 Manuductio (1726), pp. 44–46, as quoted by Kenneth B. Murdock, Selections from Cotton Mather, pp. xxxvi–xxxvii.

939 Clyde A. Duniway, The Development of Freedom of the Press in Massachusetts, pp. 90–94.

940 Id., p. 95.

941 I d., pp. 102–103.

942 Id., p. 92.

943 It is possible that the words, “Letters, Postscripts, News, Dialogues” were chosen with intention and refer more or less definitely to certain publications. That would, of course, make the advertisement more objectionable. Duniway (pp. 90–91) has some interesting remarks on that sort of propaganda in what purport to be advertisements.

944 For the whole passage see Davis, Colonial Currency Reprints, ii. 118.

945 Davis Colonial Currency Reprints, p. 133.

946 Id., pp. 130–132.

947 “A very abusive Creature,” wrote Cotton Mather (Diary, ii. 397) on February 2, 1717, “in whom the three parts of the Satanic Image, Pride, Malice, and Falsehood, are very conspicuous, must be pittied and pray’d for. [Ι. Κολμαν].” The brackets are Mather’s.

948 Davis, Colonial Currency Reprints, i 407.

949 The whole passage (id., 411–412) is extremely important: it helps to define the conservative type and by implication suggests the commercially unsubstantial and slightly disloyal nature, as the writer saw it, of the liberals.

950 Cotton Mather (Diary, ii. 607) calls him “one who has been and would still have been the greatest Hinderer of good, and Misleader and Enchanter of the People, that there was in the whole House of Representatives” (March 16, 1721).

951 Davis, Colonial Currency Reprints, ii. 16.

952 Id., pp. 97–107.

953 For example, the “Common Council” of London was just near enough to the Governor’s Council in Massachusetts, and the “114” men who composed the City government of London were just near enough to the 119 men who constituted the House of Representatives in Massachusetts in 1721–1722, to be hardly actionable but decidedly spicy.

954 In reading the proof of this memoir I welcome the opportunity to add another word. The Pulitzer Prize for the best book on American history produced in 1932 was awarded, posthumously, to Frederick Jackson Turner for The Significance of Sections in American History — a collection of essays of the same nature as those which made up The Frontier in American History. The award may be regarded as a recognition not only of this particular volume, but also of the distinguished total contribution of its author to American history.