OBSERVATIONS on the ACT OF PARLIAMENT commonly called the BOSTON PORT–BILL; with THOUGHTS on CIVIL SOCIETY and STANDING ARMIES.
BY JOSIAH QUINCY, Jun’r.
BRITONS arise! - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
And show you have the Virtue to be mov’d.
POPE.
NULLA FIDES, pietasq; viris, qui CASTRA sequuntur,
VENALSQUE MANUS: ibi fas, ubi maxima merces.
LUCAN.
Our necks are under PERSECUTION.
LAM. V. 5
What MAN can do against them, not afraid,
Though to THE DEATH; against such CRUELTIES
With inward consolation recompene’d:
And oft supported so, as shall amaze
Their PROUDEST PERSECUTORS.
MILTON.
They that be slain by THE SWORD are better than they that be slain with hunger.
LAM. IV. 9.
To the FREEHOLDERS and YEOMANRY of my Country.
The virtue, strength and fortitude of a state generally reside in the FREEHOLDERS of the Nation. In you, Gentlemen, as the LANDED INTEREST of the Country, do I place my confidence, under GOD, at this Day.
To you, Gentlemen, therefore, I dedicate THIS temporary WORK,
I am, Your Friend and Countryman,
JOSIAH QUINCY, jun.
Boston, May 14, 1774.
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PREFACE.
THE Statute of the 14th George 3d, received in the last Ships from London (entitled “An Act, to discontinue, in such Manner, and for such Time as are therein mentioned, the landing and discharging, the lading or shipping of Goods, Wares, Merchandize, at the Town, and within the Harbour of Boston, in the Province of Massachusetts-Bay, in North-America,”)
The Inaccuracies of a sudden Production from one of infirm health, perplexed with various avocations, will receive a mild censure: more material faults, FRIENDS may be prone to forgive; but from Enemies—public or private—we are never to expect indulgence or favor.
JOSIAH QUINCY, Junr.
Boston, May 14, 1774.
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OBSERVATIONS &c.
IN times of public calamity, it is the duty of a good citizen to consider. If his opportunities or advantages, for knowledge and reflection, are greater than those of mankind in general, his whole duty will remain undischarged, while he confines his thoughts to the compass of his own mind. But if danger is added to the calamity of the times, he who shall communicate his sentiments on public affairs with decency and frankness, merits attention and indulgence, if he may not aspire to approbation and praise.
Whoever attends to the tenor and design of the late act of the British Parliament for the BLOCKADE OF this HARBOUR, and duly considers the extensive confusion and distress this measure must inevitably produce; whoever shall reflect upon the justice, policy and humanity of legislators, who could deliberately give their sanction to such a procedure—must be satisfied, that the man, who shall OPENLY dare to expose their conduct, hazards fatal consequences.—Legislators, who could condemn a whole town unheard, nay uncited to answer; who could involve thousands in ruin and misery, without suggestion of any crime by them committed; and who could so construct their law, as that enormous pains and pe- [3; unpaginated] nalties would inevitably ensue, NOTWITHSTANDING THE MOST PERFECT OBEDIENCE TO IT’S INJUNCTIONS; I say, that legislators, thus formed as MEN, thus principled as STATESMEN, would undoubtedly imagine the attainder and death of a private individual, for his public animadversions,
He who shall go about to treat of important and perilous concerns,
The act now under consideration opens with a recital, that “dangerous commotions and insurrections have been fomented and raised in Boston—by divers ill-affected persons, to the subversion of his Majesty’s Government, and to the utter destruction of the public peace, and good order of the said town; in which commotions and insurrections certain valuable cargoes of Teas, being the property of the East-India Company, and on board certain vessels lying within the bay or harbour of Boston, were seized and destroyed: and in the present condition of said town and harbour, the commerce of his Majesty’s subjects cannot be safely carried on there, nor the customs payable to his Majesty be duly collected.”
Two questions naturally arise out of this preamble: The first, whether the facts set forth are true; and Secondly, whether upon a supposition of their truth, they are a sufficient foundation for the subsequent parts of the statute, or will warrant the disabilities, forfeitures, pains and penalties, enacted and inflicted on the subject?—Both inquiries seem intimately to concern the honour and justice of the British le– [5] gislature. And however unimportant the judgment of Americans may now appear to that august body—yet surely the judgment of Europe and future ages is not unworthy their high consideration. Removed from the eye of royalty, the piety of a Sovereign may cease to pity miseries it doth not behold; remote from the cries of public justice and the efforts of popular despair, Lords and Commons may remain unaffected, for a season, with American convulsions; yet justice and humanity must soon excite those operations in America and Europe, which hereafter will move even the senate of Britain. True knowledge and real virtue perhaps was never more diffused than on this northern continent; refined humanity (‘tis boasted) was never more predominant than in Europe at this day:—Can it be supposed, that this virtue will be discordant and inactive; that this knowledge will omit to unfold public wrongs, or that such humanity will cease to interpose?
That commotions were in Boston; that East-India tea was destroyed, are facts not controverted.
And it is an observation of the illustrious Lord Clarendon, that it is the nature of man, rather to commit two errors, than retract one. When elevated characters commit a second error, it carries the air of an intended discovery, how little they feel for the first, how much they despise the people, how much they are above shame, fear and amendment. But to heighten cruelty by wantonness, to render it more pungent by insult, are such exorbitances, as seldom disgrace the records of mankind. But whenever such instances occur, they strikingly verify that eternal truth recorded in the House of Lords—“it is much easier to restrain liberty from running into licentiousness than POWER from swelling into tyranny and oppression.”
But to return. Are popular commotions peculiar to Boston? Hath not every maritime town in England been repeatedly affected by them? Are they not incident to every commercial and popular city?—whence, then, is it, that BOSTON is devoted to such unexampled treatment? But it may be said, Boston, as a town, hath aided, abeted, and participated in these tumults. Where is the evidence of it? I presume the King, Lords and Commons of Great-Britain had none; for they do not suggest it: I presume they did not believe it, because they have not intimated it. And had they [8] been furnished with such evidence, had they believed the fact, surely it is an imputation unworthy of their dignity, to say, that they would not have given that matter in the preamble of the statute, as the ground of their extraordinary proceedure. But the records of Boston, and known facts prove that the inhabitants discountenanced and disavowed all riot and disorder.
Previous to further observations, it may be necessary to say, that the town of Boston had as a town cautiously and wisely conducted, not only without tumult, but with studied regard to established law. This the rolls of the town verify, and a hundred witnesses can confirm.
At the last town-meeting relative to the East-India tea and it’s consignees, it was largely debated, whether it should be an instruction to the committee, who were appointed to wait on those Gentlemen, to insist on their preremptory answer;—whether they would send back the Tea: and after long debate on the question, it passed by a very large majority in the negative. And the greatest enemy of the country cannot point out any one step of the Town of Boston, in the progress of this matter, that was tumultuous, disorderly and against law. This also is an additional reason, why we must conclude that the mere temporary events which [9]took place in Boston, without any illegal proceedure of the town, in the matter of the tea, is in the judgment of the British senate an adequate foundation for the last act received from that powerful body.
The first enacting clause of the statute now in view, annihilates all commercial transactions within two certain points of the harbour of Boston, upon pain of the FORFEITURE of “goods, wares and merchandize, and of boat, lighter, ship, vessel, or other bottom;—and of the guns, ammunition, tackle, furniture and stores, in or belonging to the same:” “and of any barge, hoy, lighter, wherry, or boat into which any goods &c. are laden,” &c.
The next paragraph, “in case any wharfinger,” &c. or any of their servants shall take up or land, or knowingly suffer to be taken up or landed, or shall ship off, or suffer to be water-born, at or from any of their said wharves, &c. goods &c.” enacts a FORFEITURE and LOSS of such “goods &c. and TREBLE the value thereof, to be computed at the highest price of such sort of goods, &c. together with the vessels and boats, and all the horses, cattle, and carriages, whatsoever made use of in the shipping, unshipping, landing, removing, carriage, or conveyance of any of the aforesaid goods,” &c.
The next clause provides, “that if any ship &c. shall be moored or lie at anchor, or be seen hovering within said bay, &c. or within one league from the said bay, &c. it shall and may be lawful for any Admiral, or commissioned officer of his Majesty’s fleet or ships of war, or for ANY OFFI- [10] CER OF HIS MAJESTY’S CUSTOMS, to compel such ship or vessel to depart to SOME OTHER port or harbour, or to SUCH STATION AS THE SAID OFFICER SHALL APPOINT and to use SUCH FORCE for that purpose as shall be found necessary: And if such ship or vessel shall not depart accordingly, WITHIN SIX HOURS after notice for that purpose given by such person as aforesaid, such ship or vessel, together with all the goods laden on board thereon, and all the guns, ammunition, tackle and furniture shall be forfeited and lost, WHETHER BULK SHALL HAVE BEEN BROKEN OR NOT.”
Let us here pause for a moment;—let us give time for one single reflection; let us give space for one pulse of the veins—one emotion of the heart. And who can think, but those exalted characters and that generous prince, stiled THE FATHER OF all HIS PEOPLE—who united to this terrible act had many reflections, many feelings of humanity, while they were solemnly consigning thousands—if not millions—to ruin, misery and desperation?
The persons in whom this authority is vested, are not confined to the ports or harbours on this continent: the vessel and cargo may be ordered to what harbour, port or station of the whole world, the officer pleases—if he appoint a continental station, ‘tis grace and favour;—and what may be the price of that purchase, who can tell! what scope for malice and ill-will; for pride and haughtiness; for avarice and power to wanton and insult, till the one is satiated and the other wearied!
Who are the persons to whom such unbounded, such enormous power is entrusted? Power is [11] known to be intoxicating in it’s nature, and in proportion to it’s extent, is ever prone to wantoness: power and authority, says Plutarch, awaken every passion, and discover every latent vice:
Declining an entrance upon matters heretofore discussed by abler heads, I have omitted all observation on the right and policy of the claims and laws of Great-Britain over the colonies; upon the same principle, I waive entering that copious field which is presented, by that part of the present act, which provides for the recovery of all forfeitures and penalties in the courts of admiralty—whose extended [12] jurisdiction hath been matter of very great grievance, heart-burnings and complaint; whose judges hold their commissions by the tenure of will and pleasure; and whose large salaries are a most powerful incentive to the desire of—well-pleasing ALL on whom they depend.
Another passage in this statute makes utterly void ALL CONTRACTS, “for consigning, shipping, or carrying any goods, &c. to or from the harbour of Boston, which HAVE BEEN made or entered into, or which shall be made or entered into, so long as the act continues in force, relating to any ship which shall arrive at said town or harbour after the first day of June”.
Jurisprudents and the sages of the law for centuries have taught, that retrospective or post facto statutes, were not only militant with the principles of sound morals, but those also of political wisdom. But the Parliament, who by the bold figure of common lawyers, are stiled omnipotent, here enforces a different doctrine. The english colonist, replete with loyalty to his sovereign; the descendant from Britain, animated by love for a mother-country, represses the excursions of his understanding and passions: but the subject or native of another state will feel no such restraint. He had contracted to send his merchandize to this port, expects his returns in the commodities of the country—in compliance with his obligations, his treasures are moving with hazard upon the ocean, with hopes warm for gain. The ship (in which peradventure he hath risqued his life as well as fortune) after many a toil and jeopardy, reaches the destined port. But how are his hopes baffled—how will he [13] rage and exclaim? vast hath been his expences to prepare for his adventure, and equally great his expectations from the Boston merchant. What guilt hath he contracted, what crime hath he committed, that he also should be involved in the calamitous consequences of this unexampled statute? Bouyed up for a moment, perhaps, with a vain expectation, that he may have a remedy on his contract against the merchant here;—how will this supposed foreigner sink with a ten-fold despondency, how will he rise again with adequate indignation, when he discovers all remedy gone;—his contract declared by the law, “utterly void, to ALL INTENTS AND PURPOSES WHATSOEVER?”—Here again, love of a parent-country, love for a parent-king checks the current of reason, and restrains the career of passion.
Having taken this view, before we proceed further, it is natural once more to ask, whence arose this extraordinary stride of legislation; what is it, that the town of Boston hath done? what new and unheard of crime have the inhabitants committed to justify enacting of such disabilities, forfeitures, pains, and penalties? punishments that descend indiscriminately on all ought to have the sanction of unerring wisdom, and almighty power, or it will be questioned, if not opposed:—The present vengeance falls indiscriminately on the acknowledged innocent, as well as the supposed guilty. Surely the evil is of a very malignant and terrible nature that can require such an extraordinary remedy. Admit for a moment, that the inhabitants of Boston were charged as high criminals; the highest criminals are not punishable, till arraigned before disinterested [14] judges, heard in defence, and found guilty of the charge. But so far from all this, a whole people are accused, prosecuted by they know not whom; tried they know not when; proved guilty they know now how; and sentenced in a mode, which for number of calamities, extent and duration of severity, exceeds the annals of past ages, and we presume, in pity to mankind, will not mark any future Era in the story of the world.
What will be the real consequences of this astonishing measure, and what those intended and expected by the planners of it are very different considerations. A MACHIAVEL may plan, and his schemes prove abortive; an [Duke of] ALVA may be sent to execute, and his army be defeated. The circle of the arts and sciences, like the ball of empire, hath held a western course. From Chaldea and Egypt to Greece and Rome, soon after in Italy, and thence to the western provinces of Europe. Chaldea and Egypt had their Magi, their law-givers and heroes, when Greece and Rome swarmed with petty feudatories and barbarians; Greece and Rome flourished in literature, when Gaul, Germany, and Britain were uncivilized, rude and ignorant.
The expectations of those who were the fautors
Satisfaction could not be made to the East-India company, if all Boston had the WILL and POWER
But these are all preparatories to the obtaining any ease or relief from the pressure of this penal law. The prerequisites to the restoration of public felicity are here not only improbable, but when considered altogether and in the present crisis of public affairs are they not impracticable? But yet worse, being accomplished, it could in no way prevent the misery and calamities of this British edict. The space given for the subject to stay this torrent of evils is so short, that it is impossible for him, exerting his utmost energies, to prevent being overwhelmed. (But what mortals are unable to prevent—HEAVEN may stay or divert.)
An avenue seems to be opened by the benignity of our British fathers; but when attempted, affords no way of escape. My veneration for Britain is so great, that I will not suppose the great council of the nation intended to flatter with a false hope, that cruel disappointment might heighten the poignancy of suffering—the anguish of despair. But sure the fathers of a people will consider, what are like to be the sentiments and conduct of men driven to distraction by a multitude of inevitable evils, and consigned to despair from the terms of their deliverance?
Wonder was excited on the first view of the present law; our astonishment hath been increasing in the progress of our survey.
The civilian and statesman, the moralist and sage had heretofore delivered those maxims of truth and [19] those rules of government, which wise legislators have ever observed, and the bulk of mankind yet honour and revere.—To know the laws of the land already in force, previous to the publication of a new code, or in the technical phraseology of a common lawyer “to know how the law stood before we make a new statute”, hath been considered as an indispensable accomplishment of a good legislator. But that illustrious Parliament, whose power is distinguished, with the appellation of “omnipotent”, seem not to have exercised this important knowledge—tho’ we do not hence rashly infer, that they are destitute of information, because all who are vested with omnipotence of power are ever inspired with proportionate wisdom.
It must again be noticed, that no relief is to be had, “untill full satisfaction hath been made BY or ON behalf of the inhabitants of said town of Boston”. Now to suppose that any in England or Europe would make satisfaction “on behalf” of said Inhabitants was unnatural, if not absurd; but what is more to the point, it was certainly unparliamentary. The remaining alternative is that satisfaction must be made by Boston.
Every person knows, that towns in this Province cannot raise or appropriate any monies, but by the express provisions and direct authority of law: it is a matter of equal notoriety that all town assessments of money are expresly confined, by the 4 Wm. & Mar. c. 13. to the “maintenance and support of the ministry, schools, the poor, and defraying of other necessary TOWN CHARGES”. A law which received the royal approbation, almost a century agone.
Will any now say, that the monies appointed to be paid to the East-India house come within the words of “necessary town charges”? When did the town contract the debt, or how are they subject to the payment of it? Had the Parliament seen fit to enact, that monies requisite to satisfy the India merchants, should be so considered; two questions (not of quick decision) might then have arisen; the one touching the validity and obligatory force of the statute; the other, whether it would then come within the intent and design of the Province law. For past doubt, our Provincial legislators had no such charge (as the one here supposed) in view, when they made the law of Wm. & Mary; and in this way therefore the matter could not be brought within it’s provision. Parliament must then make a new act to enable and impower Boston to pay the India company, before the town can comply with the terms of relief of their trade. In the mean while, what is to be the situation of Boston and the inhabitants of the globe with whom they have such extensive connections?—But, it is very apparent, that the Parliament have not as yet enacted the payment of this satisfaction as a town charge. They have only placed it in the option of the town to make that payment, or submit to the consequences. That payment, we affirm, they cannot pay, without breach of the law of the land.—New and unheard of therefore is the state of this people. They must sustain the severest afflictions, they must stand the issue of distracting remedies—or—violate one of the most known and practiced laws of the land!—Let us search the history of the world;—let us inspect the records of a Spanish inquisition; [21] let us enter the recesses of an Ottoman court;—nay, let us traverse the regions of romance and fable—where shall we find a parallel?
“When the Hungarians were called REBELS first, they were called so for no other reason than this, (says the elegant Ld. Bolingbroke) that they would not be SLAVES”.
To complain of the enormities of power, to expostulate with over-grown oppressors, hath in all ages been denominated sedition and faction; and to turn upon tyrants, treason and rebellion. But tyrants are rebels against the first laws of Heaven and Society:—to oppose their ravages is an instinct of nature—the inspiration of GOD in the heart of man. In the noble resistance which mankind make to exorbitant ambition and power, they always feel that divine afflatus, which, paramount every thing human, causes them to consider the LORD OF HOSTS as their leader, and his angels as fellow-soldiers: —trumpets are to them joyful sounds, and the ensigns of war, the banners of GOD; —their wounds are bound up in the oil of a good cause, and their blood flows into the veins of a Saviour; sudden death is to them present martyrdom, and funeral obsequies resurrections to eternal honour and glory:—their widows and babes, being received into the arms of a compassionate GOD, and their names enrolled among [22] DAVID’S WORTHIESS—greatest losses are to them greatest gains; for they leave the troubles of their warfare to lie down on beds of eternal rest and felicity.
There are other parts of the act now before us, which merit notice: particularly that, relative to the prosecution of suits in the ordinary courts of law, “for any thing done in pursuance of the act”; by which the defendant is enabled “to plead the general issue, and give the act, and the general matter, in evidence”: whereupon it follows, that if it shall appear so to have been done, the jury SHALL find for the defendant”; who, by an after clause, is to “recover treble costs”. From this passage some have been lead to conclude, that the appearance of this matter was to be to the Judge; and that if it had that appearance to him, and he should direct the jury accordingly; however it might appear to the jury, they must follow the directions of the Judge, and acquit the defendant. But this is a construction, which as the words do not necessarily carry that meaning, I will not permit myself to suppose the design of the law. However the late donations of large salaries by the crown, to the justices of our superior Courts, who are nominated by the Governor, and hold their commission, durante bene placito,
Another passage makes provision for “assigning and appointing such and so many open places, quays and wharfs, within the said harbour, creeks, havens and islands, for the landing, discharging, lading and shipping of goods, as his Majesty, his heirs or successors, shall judge necessary and ex- [23] pedient”; and also for “appointing such and so many officers of the customs therein, as his Majesty shall think fit; after which it shall be lawful for any person or persons to lade or put off from, or to discharge and land upon, such wharfs, quays, and places, so appointed within the said harbour, AND NONE OTHER, any goods, wares and mechandize whatsoever”.
If any should now say—we are a commercial people—commercial plans can only save us. If any think that ideas of the merchant are at this day to give spring to our nerves and vigour to our actions; if any say, that empire in this age of the world, is only founded in commerce:—let him show me the people emancipated from oppression by commercial principles and measures: let him point me, that unexplored land, where trade and slavery flourish together. Till then, I must hold a different creed; and believe—that tho’ commercial views may not be altogether unprofitable; that tho’ commercial plans may do much, they never can do ALL. With regard then, to how much the merchant, the artificer, the citizen and the husbandsman may do, let us no longer differ. But let every one apply his strength and abilities to that [24] mighty burden, which unless removed, must crush US ALL. AMERICANS have one COMMON INTEREST to unite them; that interest must cement them. Natural allies, they have published to the world professions of reciprocal esteem and confidence, aid and assistance; they have pledged their faith of mutual friendship and alliance. Not only common danger, bondage, and disgrace; but national truth and honour conspire to make THE COLONISTS resolve—TO STAND OR FALL TOGETHER.
Americans never were destitute of discernment; they have never been grossly deficient in virtue; a small share of sagacity is now needful to discover, the insidious art of our enemies; the smallest spark of virtue will on this occasion kindle into flame.
Will the little temporary advantage held forth for delusion, seduce them from their duty? Will they not evidence at this time, how much they despise the commercial bribe of a British ministry; and testify to the world that they do not vail to the most glorious of the antients, in love of freedom and sterness of virtue? But as to THE INHABITANTS OF THIS PROVINCE, how great are the number, how weighty the considerations to actuate their conduct? Not a town in this colony, but have breathed the warmest declarations of attachment to their rights, union in their defence, and perseverance to the end. Should any ONE maritime town (for more than ONE I will not believe there can be) allured by the expectations of gain, refuse to lend their aid;—entertaining the base idea of build- [25] ing themselves upon the ruins of this metropolis—and in the chain of future events, on the destruction of ALL AMERICA,—what shall we say?—hours of bitter reflection will come, when their own feelings shall excite consideration; when remembrance of the past, and expectation of the future shall fill up the measure of their sorrow and anguish.—But I turn from the idea, which blasts my country with infamy—my species with disgrace.
The intelligent reader must have noticed, that through the whole of the act of Parliament, there is no suggestion that the East-India company had made any demand for damage done to their property:—if the company supposed they had received injury, it doth not appear whom they considered guilty, and much less, that they had alledged any charge against the town of Boston.
But if the East-India company were now made easy, and Boston reduced to perfect silence and humiliation:—how many “OTHERS” are they, who would suggest, that they “SUFFERED by the riots and insurrections abovementioned” and demand “reasonable satisfaction” therefor.—The singular texture, uncer- [26] tainty, looseness and ambiguity of this phrase in the statute seems so calculated for dispute, such an eternal bar to a full compliance with the requisitions of the act, and of course to render permanent it’s evils, that I cannot speak upon the subject without trespassing upon those bounds of respect and decency, within the circle of which I have endeavoured to move.
Here waiving further particular consideration of that subject which gave origin to this performance; I shall proceed to an equally interesting subject—that of STANDING ARMIES and CIVIL SOCIETY.
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The faculty of intelligence may be considered as the first gift of GOD: it’s due exercise is the happiness and honour of man; it’s abuse his calamity and disgrace. The most trifling duty is not properly discharged without the exertion of this noble faculty; yet how often does it lie dormant, while the highest concernments are in issue? Believe me (my countrymen) the labor of examining for ourselves, or great imposition, must be submitted to; there is no other alternative: and unless we weigh and consider what we examine, little benefit will result from research. We are at this extraordinary crisis called to view the most melancholy events of our day: the scene is unpleasant to the eye, but it’s contemplation will be useful; if our thoughts terminate with judgment, resolution and spirit.
If at this period of public affairs, we do not think, deliberate, and determine like men—men of [27] minds to conceive, hearts to feel, and virtue to act—what are we to do?—to gaze upon our bondage? while our enemies throw about fire-brands, arrows and death, and play their tricks of desperation with the gambols of sport and wantonness.
The proper object of society and civil institutions is the advancement of “the greatest happiness of the greatest number”.
But alas—as if born to delude and be deluded—to believe whatever is taught, and bear all that is imposed—successive impositions, wrongs and insults awaken neither the sense of injury or spirit of revenge. Fascinations and enchantments, chains and fetters bind in adamant the understanding and passions of the human race. Ages follow ages, pointing the way to study wisdom—but the charm continues.
Sanctified by authority and armed with power, error and usurpation bid defiance to truth and right, while the bulk of mankind sit gazing at the monster of their own creation:—a monster,
“The greatest happiness of the greatest number” being the object and bond of society, the establishment of truth and justice, ought to be the basis of civil policy and jurisprudence. But this capital establishment can never be attained in a state where there exists a power superior to the civil magistrate and sufficient to controul the authority of the laws. Whenever, therefore, the profession of arms becomes a distinct order in the state, and a standing army part of the constitution, we are not scrupulous to affirm, that the end of the social compact is defeated, and the nation called to act upon the grand question consequent upon such an event.
The people who compose the society (for whose security the labour of it’s institution was perform- [29] ed, and of the toils it’s preservation daily sustained) THE PEOPLE, I say, are the only competent judges of their own welfare, and, therefore, are the only suitable authority to determine touching the great end of their subjection and their sacrifices. This position leads us to two others, not impertinent on this occasion, because of much importance to Americans:—
That the legislative body of the common-wealth ought to deliberate, determine and make their decrees in places where the legislators may easily know from their own observation the wants and exigencies, the sentiments and will, the good and happiness of the people; and the people as easily know the deliberations, motives, designs and conduct of their legislators, before their statutes and ordinances actually go forth and take effect:—
That every member of the legislature ought himself to be so far subject in his person and property to the laws of the state, as to immediately and effectually feel every mischief and inconvenience resulting from all and every act of legislation.
The science of man and society, being the most extended in it’s nature, and the most important in it’s consequences of any in the circle of erudition, ought to be an object of universal attention and study. Was it made so, the rights of mankind would not remain buried for ages, under systems of civil and priestly hierarchy, nor social felicity overwhelmed by lawless domination.
Under appearances the most venerable and institutions the most revered; under the sanctity of religion; the dignity of government, and the smiles of [30] beneficence, do the subtle and ambitious make their first incroachments upon their species. Watch and oppose ought therefore to be the motto of mankind.
The experience of all ages shews that mankind are inattentive to the calamities of others,
Regular government is necessary to the preservation of private property and personal security. Without these, men will descend into barbarism, or at best become adepts in humiliation and servility: but they will never make a progress in literature or the useful arts. Surely a proficiency in arts and sciences is of some value to mankind, and deserves some consideration.—What regular government can America enjoy with a legislative a thousand leagues distant, unacquainted with her exigencies, militant in interest, and unfeeling of her calamities? What protection of property—when ministers under this authority shall overrun the land with mercenary legions? What personal safety when a British administration—(such as it now is, and corrupt as it may be)—pour armies into the capital and senate-house—point their artillery against the tribunal of justice, and plant weapons of death at the posts of our doors?
Thus exposed to the power, and insulted by the arms of Britain—STANDING ARMIES become an object of serious attention. And as the history of mankind affords no instance of successful and confirmed tyranny, without the aid of military forces, we shall not wonder to find them the desiderata of princes, and the grand object of modern poli- [32] cy.—What, tho’ they subdue every generous passion and extinguish every spark of virtue—all this must be done, before empires will submit to be exhausted by tribute and plundered with impunity.
Amidst all the devices of man to the prejudice of his species, the institution of which we treat hath proved the most extensively fatal to religion, morals and social happiness. Founded in the most malevolent dispositions of the human breast, disguised by the policy of state, supported by the lusts of ambition, THE SWORD hath spread havock and misery throughout the world. By the aid of mercenary troops, the sinews of war, the property of the subject, the life of the common-wealth have been committed to the hands of hirelings, whose interest and very existence, depend on an abuse of their power. In the lower class of life, STANDING ARMIES have introduced brutal debauchery and real cowardice; in the higher orders of state, venal haughtiness and extravagant dissipation. In short whatever are the concommitants of despotism; whatever the appendages of oppression, this ARMED MONSTER hath spawned or nurtured, protected or established;—monuments and scourges of the folly and turpitude of man.
Review the armament of modern princes:—what sentiments actuate the military body? what characters compose it? Is there a private centinel of all the innumerable troops that make so brilliant a figure, who would not for want of property have been driven from a Roman cohort, when soldiers were the defenders of liberty?
Booty and blind submission is the science of the camp. When lust, rapacity, or resentment incite whole battallions proceed to outrage. Do their leaders command—obedience must follow. “Private soldiers (said Tiberius Gracchus from the Roman rostrum) fight and die to advance the wealth and luxury of the great.”
What will they not fight for—whom will they not fight against?—Are these men, who take up arms with a view to defend their country and its laws? Do the ideas or feelings of the citizen actuate a British private on entering the camp?
The soldiers of Great Britain are by the mutiny act deprived of those legal rights which belong to the meanest of their fellow-subjects, and even to the vilest malefactor.
A very small knowledge of the human breast, and a little
“The dominion of all great empires degrades and debases the human species”.
In the same age we have just mentioned, the Low-Countries, then subject to the crown of Spain, being persecuted by the court and church of that kingdom rose up to resist their oppressors. Upon which, in the year 1567, the Duke of Alva was sent, and entered the country with a well-appointed army, ten thousand strong; in order to quell and punish the insurgents. Terrified with these martial operations, the towns [37] suffered the open breach of their charters, and the people submitted to the most humiliating infraction of their liberties; while Alva, being invested with the government, erected the court of twelve, called the council of blood, and caused great numbers to be condemned and executed on account of the insurrections. Universal complaints insued on this disuse of the ordinary courts of law and the introduction of the army: but complaints were in vain, and all murmurs despised. The people became enraged; but without a leader, they were over-awed. “The army (says Sir William Temple) was fierce and brave, and desirous of nothing so much as a rebellion of the country.” All was seizure and process, confiscation and imprisonment, blood and horror, insolence and dejection, punishments executed and meditated revenge. But though the multitude threatened vengeance, the threats of a broken and unarmed people excited contempt and not fear. Alva redoubled his impositions and ravages, his edicts were published for raising monies without the consent of the state, and his soldiers were called to levy the exactions by force.—But the event shewed, that the timidity and tameness of mankind, like every thing human, will have a period. The patience of the miserable sufferers came to an end; and those commotions began which deluged great part of Europe with blood, and finally freed THE UNITED PROVINCES from the yoke of Spain and the inquisition.—What conflicts too sharp—what horrors too dreadful to endure for such a happy deliverance—such a glorious issue? Thus “the first period of the low-country troubles (says the same ingenious writer) proved to King Philip (of Spain) a dear experience, how little the boldest armies and best conduct are able to withstand the torrent of a stubborn and enraged people, which ever bears all [38] down before it, till it be divided into different channels by arts, or by chance; or till the springs, which are the humours that fed it, come to be spent, or dry up of themselves.
During several centuries, history informs us, that no monarch in Europe was either so bold, or so powerful as to venture on any steps toward the introduction of regular troops. At last, Charles the 7th of France, seizing a favourable opportunity in 1445, executed that which his predecessors durst not attempt, and established the first standing army known in Europe. Lewis the 11th, son, and successor of Charles, finding himself at the head of his father’s forces, was naturally excited to extend the limits of his ancestors, in the levies of money and men. Charles had not been able to raise upon his subjects two millions, but the army he left his successor enabled him to levy near five. The father established an army of about seventeen hundred, which “he kept in good order and placed for the defence of the realm”; but this army, though thus disciplined and stationed, enabled the son to maintain “in continual pay a terrible band of men of arms, which gave the realm (says the Historian Philip de Commines) a cruel wound of which it bled many years.”
Charles and Lewis having set the example, all the neighbouring crowned heads soon followed, and mercenary troops were introduced into all the considerable kingdoms of the continent. They gradually became the only military force that was employed or trusted. It has long been (says the learned Dr. Robertson) the chief object of policy to encrease and support them, and the great aim of Princes or ministers to discredit and to annihilate all other means of national activity or defence.”
No free government was ever founded or ever preserved it’s liberty without uniting the characters of citizen and soldier in those destined for defence of the state. The sword should never be in the hands of any, but those who have an interest in the safety of the community, who fight for their religion and their offspring
A spirited nation thus embodied in a well disciplined militia will soon become warlike, and such a people more fitted for action than debate, always hasten to a conclusion on the subject of grievances and public wrongs, and bring their deliberations to the shortest issue. With them “it is the work of but one day, to examine and resolve the nice question, concerning the behaviour of subjects towards a ruler who abuses his power”.
Artful dissemblings and plausible pretences are always adopted in order to introduce regular troops. Dyonysius became the tyrant of Syracuse, the most opulent of all the Grecian cities, by feigning a solicitude for the people and a fear of his own person. He humbly prayed only a guard for his protection: they easily granted, what he readily took—the power of plundering by military force and entailing his sovereignty by a devise of his sword. Agathocles, a successor to the Dyonysian family and to the command of the army, continued the military tyranny, and butchered the enslaved people by centuries.
Cardinal Ximenes, who made the first innovation of this kind in Spain, disguised the measure under the pious and popular appearance of resisting the progress of the Infidels. The Nobles saw his views and excited opposition in the chief towns of the [43] kingdom. But by dexterously using terror and intreaty, force and forbearance, the refractory cities were brought to compliance. The nobles thus, driven to desperate resolutions by the Cardinal’s military movements, at a personal interview were warm and intemperate. When the Arch-prelate insensibly led them towards a balcony from which they had a view of a large body of troops under arms, and a formidable train of artillery, “Behold, says he, pointing to these and raising his voice, the powers which I have received from his Catholick majesty.” “With these I govern Castile and with these I will govern it”. Nobles and people discovered it was now too late for resistance:—to regret past folly and dread future calamities was the remaining fate of the wretched Castilians. After the Romans quitted the island of Britain, the first appearance of a standing army was under Richard the second. The suppression of his enemies in Ireland calling him out of England, his subjects, seized the opportunity and dethroned him.
Henry the 7th, a character odious for rapacity and fraud, was the first King of England who obtained a permanent military band in that kingdom. It was only a band of fifty archers:—with the harmless appellation of Yeomen of the guards. This apparently trivial institution was a precedent for the greatest political evil that ever infested the inhabitants of Britain. The ostensible pretext was the dignity of government—“the grandeur of majesty”:—
Fleets which appeared formidable, and armies which threatened destruction have either vapoured away with empty parade, or executed their mischievous designs with rashness and folly. To compensate the insult and repair the injury, Providence hath caused these armaments to scatter much wealth and diffuse abroad a martial passion:—a passion, which hath proved so contagious, that our MILITIA are advanced a century, at least, in discipline and improvements. Where are the people who can compose a militia of better men, more expert in the use of arms, and the conduct of the field, than we can now call forth into action? A militia who a few years ago, knew near as much of the science of Algebra, as of the art military. [47] Thus hostile invasions have roused among us the GENIUS of War.—that Genius, which under GOD, will conduct us with safety and honour—with triumph and glory.
Surely we may say of our adversaries;—in the net, which they hid, is their own foot taken, and they are snared in the wickedness of their own hands.—Our enemies the last ten years, have been employed to weave a spiders web and hatch the eggs of a Cocatrice:—consuming their own bowels by what they have weaved; and destroyed by what they have brought forth.—Thus Goliath is killed with his own sword, Haman hanged upon his own gallows.
Charles the 2d. told his Parliament, their “jealousy, that the forces he had rais’d were designed to controul law and property, was weak and frivolous.”
Patriots harrangued in vain—the Commons voted the Keeping up the army illegal and a grievance—but while they thus did, they openly betrayed a dread of that army. “I would not give an [49] alarm to those who have arms in their hands” said one member; “I cannot but observe that the House of Commons is now in fear of the army”, said another.
The exigencies of the times called for something more than votes and paper-resolutions. What was the consequence of this national cowardice and inactivity? “England saw herself engaged in the expence of 600,000 Pounds sterling, to pay an army and fleet, which certainly (says Rapin) had not been prepared TO make war with France OR FOR THE SECURITY OF ENGLAND”
The British Court, never destitute of plausibilities to deceive, or inventions to enthrall the nation, appropriated monies, raised by Parliament for the purpose of disbanding the army, to their countenance,
The army of the present king of great Britain is larger than that with which Alexander sub- [51] dued the East, or Caesar conquered Gaul. “If the army, we now keep up (said Sr. John Phillips 30 Years ago, in the House of Commons) should once be as much attached to the Crown as Julius Caesar’s army was to him, I should be glad to know where we could find a force superior to that army.”
The supreme power is ever possessed by those who have arms in their hands and are disciplined to the use of them. When the Archives conscious of a good title disputed with Lysander about boundaries, the Lacedemonian shewed his sword, and vauntingly cried out, “he that is master of this can best plead about boundaries.”
Regular soldiers, embodied for the purpose of originating oppression or extending dominion, ever compass the controul of the Magistrate. The same force which preserves a despotism immutable, may change the despot every day. Power is soon felt by those who possess it, and they who can command will never servilely obey. The leaders of the army, having become masters of the person of their Sovereign, degrade or exalt him at will.
A further review of the progress of armies in our parent-state will be a usefull, tho’ not a pleasant employ. No particular reason or occasion was so much as suggested in the bill which passed the Parliament in 1717, for keeping on foot a standing army of 30,000 men in time of peace: (a number since amazingly encreased.) An act justly recorded in the Lord’s Journal to be a precedent for keeping the same army at all times, and which the protest of that day foretold “MUST INEVITABLY subvert the antient constitution of the realm, and subject the subjects to arbitrary power.”
The powers given by the mutiny act which is now constantly passed every year was repeatedly in former times “opposed and condemned by Parliament as repugnant to MAGNA-CHARTA, and inconsistent with the fundamental rights and liberties of the people.”
We have
Spirits, like Britons, naturally fierce and independent are not easily awed or suddenly vanquished by the sword. Hence an augmentation of forces hath been pushed, when there was no design of bringing them into action against Englishmen in an open field. New forces have oftener than once been raised in England more for civil than military service; and as elections for a new parliament have approached, this door has been opened to introduce a large body of commissioned Pensioners.
The FORMALITIES of a free and the ends of a despotic state have often subsisted together. Thus deceived was the Republick of Rome:—Officers and Magistrates retained their old names:—the FORMS of the antient government being kept up, the fundamental laws of the Common-wealth were violated with impunity, and it’s once free constitution utterly annihilated.
It is curious to observe the various acts of imposition, which are alternately practiced by the [57] great and subtle of this world on their subordinate and simple-minded brethren. Are a people free, new oppressions are introduced or shrouded under old names;—are they in present bondage, and begin to grow turbulent; new appellations must be adopted to disguise old burthens. A notable instance of this latter kind we find in the Parliament of Great Britain, (in 36 Edw: 3.ch:2) upwards of four hundred years ago. The royal prerogative, called purveyance, having been in vain regulated by many preceeding statutes, still continued so intolerably greivous, that fresh murmurs and complaints called for a more adequate or better adapted provision. The British legislature, for this valuable purpose, therefore passed this very remarkable law; which by way of remedy, enacted as follows, viz.—“That the hateful NAME of purveyor, shall be changed into that of Acator.” Thus the nation were to be made to believe, that the oppression ceased, because, the name was altered.—For the honour of government, as well as mankind, it is devoutly to be wished,
The magic of sounds and appellations hath not ceased, and they work as much deception and abuse as ever. What valuable purpose does a wholly subordinate legislative serve, (except to amuse with the shadow, while the substance is departed) if [58] a remote state may legislate for and bind us “in all cases”? To what end doth an American house of Representatives go through the forms of granting away monies, if another power, full as familiar with our pockets, may annihilate all they do; and afterwards, with a modern dexterity, take possession of our purses without ceremony, and dispose of the contents with modesty;—without controul, and without account?
It is curious and instructive to attend the course of debate in the British Commons for keeping up the army. At first even the highest courtiers would argue—that a standing army, in time of peace, was never attempted;
“Whoever (says the justly celebrated Dr. Blackstone) will attentively consider the English history may observe, that the stagnant abuse of any power, by the crown or it’s ministers, has always been productive of a struggle, which either dis- [60] covers the exercise of that power to be contrary to law, or (if legal) restrains it for the future.”
The ingenious commentator seems here to have particular reference to periods prior to the revolution. But will the learned judge say, that, since that era there have been no flagrant abuses of power by the crown or its ministers? Have not repeated struggles arose in consequence of such abuses, which did not terminate in the happy issue so characteristic of Englishmen? Let any one peruse the journals of parliament, especially those of the house of peers: let him carefully review the British and American annals, of the present century, and answer truly to those questions.—The natural enquiry will be—whence then is it—that such abuses have become so numerous and flagrant, and the struggles of Britons so unsuccessful? Will not the question receive an ample solution in the words of the same great lawyer?—“There is a newly acquired branch of (royal) power; and that not the influence only, but THE FORCE OF A DISCIPLINED ARMY, paid indeed ultimately by the people, but immediately by the crown; raised by the crown, officered by the crown, commanded by the crown.”
We are told, by the same learned author, that “whenever the unconstitutional oppresssions, even of the SOVEREIGN POWER, advance with gigantic strides and threaten desolation to a state, mankind will not be reasoned out of the feelings of humanity, nor will sacrifice their liberty by a scrupulous adherence to those political maxims, [61] which were established to preserve it.”
The policy and refinements of men cloathed with authority often deceive those who are subject to it’s controul; and thus a people are often induced to waive their rights, and relinquish the barriers of their safety. The fraud, however, must at last be discovered, and the nation will resume their antient liberties, if there be no force sufficient to screen the usurper and defend his domination. The sword alone is sufficient to subdue that spirit which compells rulers to their duty, and tyrants to their senses. Hence, then, though a numerous standing army may not be absolutely requisite to depress a kingdom into servitude, they are indispensably necessary to confirm an usurpation.
A large army and revenue are not easily and at once forced upon a free people. By slow degrees and plausible pretences, as we have seen in England, the end is accomplished. But when once a numerous body of revenue and military men, entirely dependant on the crown,
The present army of a prince is always composed of men of honour, and integrity, as the reigning monarch is ever the best of kings. In such an army, it is said, you may trust your liberties with safety: in such a king you may put your confidence without reserve:—the good man has not a wish beyond the happiness of his subjects! Yet let it be remembered, that under the best of kings, we ought to seize the fleeting opportunity, and provide against the worst. But admitting that from this rare character—a wise and good monarch—a nation have nothing to fear;—yet they have every thing to dread from those who would cloath him with authority, and invest him with powers incompatible with all political freedom and social security.
An invasion and conquest by mere strangers and foreigners are neither so formidable or disgraceful as the establishment of a standing army under co- [63] lour of the municipal law of the land. Thus Roman armies were more terrible to the Roman colonies, than an “enemy’s army.”
Yet in full peace without any just apprehensions of insurrections at home or invasions from abroad, it was the mischievous policy of the English ministry, in 1717, to procure an allowance of near double the forces to what had ever before been established by the sanction of parliament in times of public tranquillity. Well might many of the nobility of Britain
More than half a century since, the discerning members of the house of Lords discovered the tendency of these extraordinary armaments to be no other, than to overthrow the civil power of the kingdom, and to turn it into a military government.
But as if one standing army was not enough to ruin a nation of Englishmen, a new kind of forces was raised against the Common-wealth. The officers employed in the customs, excise, in other branches of the revenue, and other parts of the public service compose in effect A SECOND STANDING ARMY in England, and in some respects are more dangerous, than that body of men properly so called. The influence which this order have in the elections of members to serve in parliament, hath been too often felt in Great Britain to be denied. And we have good authority to say, “that examples are not hard to find, where the military forces have withdrawn to create an appearance of a free election, and the standing CIVIL forces of this kind have been sent to take that freedom away.”
As Lewis, the 11th of France, was the first monarch in Europe, who reduced corruption to a system, so the era of it’s establishment in England may be fixed at the reign of Charles the second. Britain, then for the first time, saw CORRUPTION, like a destroying angel, walking at noonday.—Charles pensioned his Parliament, and by it extinguished not only the spirit of freedom, but the sentiments of honour and the feelings of shame. Since the age of Charles, the science of bribery and corruption hath made amazing progress. Patriots of the last century told their countrymen what it threatned—the Worthies of this day ought rather to tell what hath been effected.
Nearly fifty years ago, there were more than two hundred persons holding offices or employments under the crown in the house of commons.
Here let us pause (my fellow citizens) and consider:—hath the execrable plan thus systematically and for a long time pursued, at last, taken effect? Are all the constitutional powers of Great Britain so lowered in the estimation of the people, that their representatives are detested, and their nobility despised? Is their King possessed of power sufficient to make fear, a substitute for love? Has he an army at his absolute command, with which no force in his empire is able to cope?—judge ye, my countrymen, of these questions, upon which I may not decide:
The reigns of past and present great monarchs when compared, often present a striking similitude. The Emperor Charles the fifth, having exalted the royal prerogative (or the influence of the crown) on the ruins of the privileges of the Castilians, allowed the name of the Cortes (or the Par- [68] liament to remain; and the formality
Attend Americans! Reflect on the situation of your mother country, and consider the late Conduct of your Brethren in Britain towards this Continent. “The Castilians (once high spirited and brave in the cause of freedom) accustomed to subjection themselves, ASSISTED (says the same illustrious historian) IN IMPOSING THE YOKE on their more happy and independent neighbours.”
As force fixes the chains of vassalage, so cowardice restrains an inslaved people from bursting in sunder their bands. But the case perhaps is not desperate till the yoke has been so [69] long borne, that the understanding and the spirits of the people are sunk into ignorance and barbarism, supineness and perfect inactivity. Such, I yet trust, is not the deplorable state of the land of my nativity.
Providence from the beginning hath exercised this country with singular trials. In the earliest periods of our history, New-England is seen surrounded with adversaries, and alternately vexed with foes foreign and domestick. Fierce as her enemies were from abroad and savage as the Natives of America were within,—her worst enemies will be found those of her own household.—
Our fathers “left their native country with the strongest assurance that they and their posterity should enjoy the priviledges of free natural born English subjects.”
So early as 1633, (not fourteen years after the first arrival at Plymouth) “the new settlers were in perils from their own countrymen.”
This was considered as a master-stroke of policy, and the public conspirators of the day display’d the plumage of triumph with that spirit and ostentation
“False friends and open enemies” now became the terror of the country,
Amid all these severe trials,
Although “this is certain, that as the Colony was at first settled, so it was preserved from ruin without any charge to the mother country”;
“Randolph, who, the people of New England said, went up and down seeking to devour them,”
Libels and conspiracies of this nature called for the interposition of authority: express laws were enacted for the prevention of like treasonable practices for the future and death being deemed the proper punishment for an enemy to his country, traitors to the constitution were to suffer that penalty. Thus a “conspiracy to invade the commonwealth, or any treacherous attempt to alter and subvert fundamentally the frame of polity and government was made a capital offence.”
Thus my countrymen, from the days of Gardiner and Moreton,
So great has been the credulity of the British Court, from the beginning, or such hath been the activity of false brethren, that no tale inimical to the Northern Colonies, however false or absurd, but what hath found credit with administration, and operated to the prejudice of the Country. Thus it was told, and believed in England, that we were not in earnest in the expedition against Canada at the beginning of this century, and that the country did every thing in its power to defeat the success of it, and that the misfortune of that attempt ought to be wholly attributed to the northern colonies. While nothing could be more obvious, than that New-England had exhausted her youngest blood and all her treasures in the undertaking; and that every motive of self-preservation, happiness and safety must have operated to excite these provinces to the most spirited and persevering measures against Canada.
The people who are attacked by bad men have a testimony of their merit, as the constitution which is invaded by powerful men, hath an evidence of it’s value. The path of our duty needs no minute delineation:—it lies level to the eye. Let us apply then, like men sensible of it’s importance and determined on it’s fulfillment. The inroads upon our public liberty call for reparation: The wrongs we have sustained call for—justice. That reparation and that justice may yet be obtained by union, spirit and firmness. But to divide and conquer was the maxim of the Devil
What insidious arts, and what detestable practices have been used to deceive, disunite and enslave the good people of this Continent? The mystical appellations of loyalty and allegiance, the venerable names of government and good order, and the sacred ones of piety and public virtue have been alternately prostituted to that abominable purpose. All the windings and guises, subterfuges and doublings, of which the human soul is susceptible, have been displayed on the occasion. But secrets which were thought impenetrable are no longer hid; characters deeply disguised are openly revealed: the discovery of gross impostors hath generally preceeded, but a short time, their utter extirpation.
Be not again, my country-men, “EASILY captivated with the appearances ONLY of wisdom and piety—professions of a regard to liberty and of a strong attachment to the publick interest.”
To give no more authority to any order of state and to place no greater public confidence in any man, than is necessary for the general wellfare, may be considered by the people as an important point of policy. But though craft and hypocrisy are prevalent, yet piety and virtue have a real existence: duplicity and political imposture abound, yet benevolence and public spirit are not altogether in sheep’s-cloathing, so superlative knaves and parricides will assume the vesture of the man of virtue and patriotism.
These things are permitted BY PROVIDENCE, no doubt, for wise and good reasons. Man was created a rational, and was designed for an active being. His faculties of intelligence and force were given him for use. When the wolf, therefore, is found devouring the flock, no hierarchy forbids a seisure of the victim for sacrifice; so also, when [80] dignified impostors are caught destroying those, whom their arts deceived and their stations destined them to protect,—the sabre of justice flashes righteousness at the stroke of execution.
Yet be not amused, my Countrymen!—the extirpation of bondage, and the reestablishment of freedom are not of easy acquisition. The worst passions of the human heart, and the most subtle projects of the human mind are leagued against you; and principalities and power have acceded to the combination. Trials and conflicts you must, therefore, endure;—hazards and jeopardies—of life and fortune—will attend the struggle. Such is the fate of all noble exertions for public liberty and social happiness.—Enter not the lists without thought and consideration, lest you arm with timidity and combat with irresolution. Having engaged in the conflict, let nothing discourage your vigour, or repel your perseverance:—Remember, that
Inspired with public virtue, touched with the wrongs and indignant at the insults offered his Country, the high-spirited Cassius exhibits an heroic example:—“Resolved as we are”, (replied the hero to his friend) “resolved as we are, let us march against the enemy, for tho’ we should not conquer, we have nothing to fear.
SPIRITS and GENII, like these, rose in Rome—and have since adorned Britain: such also will one day make glorious this more Western world. AMERICA hath in store her BRUTI and CASSII—her Hampdens and Sydneys—Patriots and Heroes, who will form a BAND OF BROTHERS:
F I N I S
The Author has felt exquisitely while writing upon the subjects of his consideration; and the multitude and perplexity of his private business have denied him sufficient time to revise this publication. Under these circumstances, (and being also several years on this side the meridian of the age of man) there will be found, no doubt, many indiscretions and faults for those of riper years and cooler judgment to correct and censure.—The great Lord Chan. Bacon hath told us of wise legislators who have made their law upon the spur of the occasion:—a good citizen, deeply pricked by the spur of the times, is very apt to start with an over-hasty speed.—The only excuse of the writer is;—that as he at first assumed his pen from the impulses of his Conscience, so he now publishes his sentiments from a sense of duty to GOD and his Country.